{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1950\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Series\u0026page=279","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1950\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Series\u0026page=278","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1950\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Series\u0026page=280","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1950\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Series\u0026page=292"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":279,"next_page":280,"prev_page":278,"total_pages":292,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":2780,"total_count":2913,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c12","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XII: College Expansion","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c12#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis series documents the expansion of the campus with correspondence, reports, and technical plans.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c12#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c12","ref_ssm":["vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c12"],"id":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c12","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_root_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","parent_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","parent_ssim":["vino_repositories_3_resources_247"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vino_repositories_3_resources_247"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"text":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection","Series XII: College Expansion","This series documents the expansion of the campus with correspondence, reports, and technical plans."],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XII: College Expansion","title_ssm":["Series XII: College Expansion"],"title_tesim":["Series XII: College Expansion"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["circa 1930-1971"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1930/1971"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XII: College Expansion"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"collection_ssim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":4,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":776,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Open to researchers without restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"date_range_isim":[1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis series documents the expansion of the campus with correspondence, reports, and technical plans.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This series documents the expansion of the campus with correspondence, reports, and technical plans."],"_nest_path_":"/components#11","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:50:31.898Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_root_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ODU/repositories_3_resources_247.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archivesguides.lib.odu.edu/repositories/3/resources/247","title_filing_ssi":"Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College","title_ssm":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"title_tesim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1930-1979, undated","1940-1960"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1940-1960"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1930-1979, undated"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["RG 33","/repositories/3/resources/247"],"text":["RG 33","/repositories/3/resources/247","Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection","Old Dominion University--History","World War, 1939-1945--War work","Open to researchers without restrictions.","The collection is organized into thirteen series: Series I: War Training Files; Series II: Administrative Files; Series III: H.H. Sisson Director of Administration Correspondence; Series IV: Evening College; Series V: Director of Admissions and Registration; Series VI: Academic Files; Series VII: Technical Institute; Series VIII: Student Activity Files; Series IX: Faculty Advisory Committee; Series X: Music Concert Series; Series XI: College Newsletters and Publications; Series XII: College Expansion; and Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries.","In 1930, the College of William and Mary developed a two-year campus in Norfolk, located in the former Larchmont grade school on Hampton Boulevard. Initially known as the Norfolk Division of the College William and Mary, the college's name changed as its course offerings expanded and contracted. In 1931, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was added to the school's title as it began offering engineering classes. In an effort to increase enrollment during World War II, the school began teaching industrial and academic war training courses for the Navy. After the war, these courses were expanded into the Technical Institute, a new division of the college. The Technical Institute, at times part of the Evening College, was created to provide non-credit trade and industrial education for white men and a few courses for white women. In 1958, as the college became increasingly focused on academic instruction, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was dropped from the school's name. Moving towards independence, the school became the \"Norfolk College of William and Mary\" in 1961. Finally, in 1962 it broke formal ties with the College of William and Mary and became accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) as a separate college with a new name, Old Dominion College. Two years later the college admitted its first African-American student. In 1969, the college expanded its graduate offerings and became Old Dominion University.","Note written by Mel Frizzell","The bulk of the collection contains records pertaining to the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks.","Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.","These papers documents the college's early years as a two-year branch campus, the industrial training courses during World War II, the creation of the Evening College and Technical Institute,  and its transition to an accredited university. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks.","ODU University Archives","College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University","English"],"unitid_tesim":["RG 33","/repositories/3/resources/247"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"collection_ssim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"repository_ssm":["Old Dominion University"],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"creator_ssm":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"creator_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"creators_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Unknown","Some of the material was gathered by the faculty Committee on Archives and Records in the 1950s and 1960s. Other portions were collated by Dr. Robert C. McClelland and librarian Benjamin Franklin Clymer."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Old Dominion University--History","World War, 1939-1945--War work"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Old Dominion University--History","World War, 1939-1945--War work"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["15.00 Linear Feet","41 Hollinger document cases boxes"],"extent_tesim":["15.00 Linear Feet","41 Hollinger document cases boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOpen to researchers without restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Open to researchers without restrictions."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is organized into thirteen series: Series I: War Training Files; Series II: Administrative Files; Series III: H.H. Sisson Director of Administration Correspondence; Series IV: Evening College; Series V: Director of Admissions and Registration; Series VI: Academic Files; Series VII: Technical Institute; Series VIII: Student Activity Files; Series IX: Faculty Advisory Committee; Series X: Music Concert Series; Series XI: College Newsletters and Publications; Series XII: College Expansion; and Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement Note"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is organized into thirteen series: Series I: War Training Files; Series II: Administrative Files; Series III: H.H. Sisson Director of Administration Correspondence; Series IV: Evening College; Series V: Director of Admissions and Registration; Series VI: Academic Files; Series VII: Technical Institute; Series VIII: Student Activity Files; Series IX: Faculty Advisory Committee; Series X: Music Concert Series; Series XI: College Newsletters and Publications; Series XII: College Expansion; and Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIn 1930, the College of William and Mary developed a two-year campus in Norfolk, located in the former Larchmont grade school on Hampton Boulevard. Initially known as the Norfolk Division of the College William and Mary, the college's name changed as its course offerings expanded and contracted. In 1931, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was added to the school's title as it began offering engineering classes. In an effort to increase enrollment during World War II, the school began teaching industrial and academic war training courses for the Navy. After the war, these courses were expanded into the Technical Institute, a new division of the college. The Technical Institute, at times part of the Evening College, was created to provide non-credit trade and industrial education for white men and a few courses for white women. In 1958, as the college became increasingly focused on academic instruction, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was dropped from the school's name. Moving towards independence, the school became the \"Norfolk College of William and Mary\" in 1961. Finally, in 1962 it broke formal ties with the College of William and Mary and became accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) as a separate college with a new name, Old Dominion College. Two years later the college admitted its first African-American student. In 1969, the college expanded its graduate offerings and became Old Dominion University.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eNote written by Mel Frizzell\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical or Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["In 1930, the College of William and Mary developed a two-year campus in Norfolk, located in the former Larchmont grade school on Hampton Boulevard. Initially known as the Norfolk Division of the College William and Mary, the college's name changed as its course offerings expanded and contracted. In 1931, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was added to the school's title as it began offering engineering classes. In an effort to increase enrollment during World War II, the school began teaching industrial and academic war training courses for the Navy. After the war, these courses were expanded into the Technical Institute, a new division of the college. The Technical Institute, at times part of the Evening College, was created to provide non-credit trade and industrial education for white men and a few courses for white women. In 1958, as the college became increasingly focused on academic instruction, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was dropped from the school's name. Moving towards independence, the school became the \"Norfolk College of William and Mary\" in 1961. Finally, in 1962 it broke formal ties with the College of William and Mary and became accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) as a separate college with a new name, Old Dominion College. Two years later the college admitted its first African-American student. In 1969, the college expanded its graduate offerings and became Old Dominion University.","Note written by Mel Frizzell"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe bulk of the collection contains records pertaining to the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The bulk of the collection contains records pertaining to the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_be86129ad53256d643831a653ccdb24d\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThese papers documents the college's early years as a two-year branch campus, the industrial training courses during World War II, the creation of the Evening College and Technical Institute,  and its transition to an accredited university. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["These papers documents the college's early years as a two-year branch campus, the industrial training courses during World War II, the creation of the Evening College and Technical Institute,  and its transition to an accredited university. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks."],"names_coll_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College"],"names_ssim":["ODU University Archives","College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"corpname_ssim":["ODU University Archives","College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":816,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:50:31.898Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c12"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c12","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c12#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c12#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c12","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c12"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c12","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"text":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions","articles","biographies (documents)","booklets","clippings (information artifacts)","Daybooks","deeds","editorials","journals (periodicals)","letters (correspondence)","magazines (periodicals)","menus","minutes (administrative records)","newspapers","notes","obituaries","photographs","programs (documents)","reports","sound recordings","speeches","telegrams","box 137-138","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Materials in this series have been separated and arranged according to their genre (e.g. correspondence, photographs, and reprints)."],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions","title_ssm":["Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions"],"title_tesim":["Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1901-circa 1966"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1900/1966"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"extent_ssm":["2 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["2 boxes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":91,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":9465,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"date_range_isim":[1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966],"access_subjects_ssim":["articles","biographies (documents)","booklets","clippings (information artifacts)","Daybooks","deeds","editorials","journals (periodicals)","letters (correspondence)","magazines (periodicals)","menus","minutes (administrative records)","newspapers","notes","obituaries","photographs","programs (documents)","reports","sound recordings","speeches","telegrams"],"access_subjects_ssm":["articles","biographies (documents)","booklets","clippings (information artifacts)","Daybooks","deeds","editorials","journals (periodicals)","letters (correspondence)","magazines (periodicals)","menus","minutes (administrative records)","newspapers","notes","obituaries","photographs","programs (documents)","reports","sound recordings","speeches","telegrams"],"containers_ssim":["box 137-138"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMaterials in this series have been separated and arranged according to their genre (e.g. correspondence, photographs, and reprints).\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Materials in this series have been separated and arranged according to their genre (e.g. correspondence, photographs, and reprints)."],"_nest_path_":"/components#11","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_1710.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202324","title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998","bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"text":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710","Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever","There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions","The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.","Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.","Processed by: Historical Collections Staff","Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.","Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"unitid_tesim":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Materials from the following series were donated to the University of Virginia's Alderman Library in the fall of 1966 and the summer of 1970 by Philip Showalter Hench's widow, Mary Kahler Hench, with the approval of his estate:","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were donated to the HAM/TMC by Philip Showalter Hench as a small part of a larger collection of materials."," Materials from Series XIII. Reed family additions were donated by various individuals to Alderman Library between 1947 and 1972. Box 139, Folder 1 contains a list that describes each of these donations in detail."," Materials from Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, in 1988 and 1989."," Materials from Series XV. Laura Wood were most likely donated to Alderman Library between 1972 and 1982."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library as a part of the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eI. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eII. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIII. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eV. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eX. Photographic negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXVI. Edward Hook additions\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization of the Collection"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Information for the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission","Biographical Information for Walter Reed","Biographical Information for Jesse W. Lazear","Biographical Information for Henry Rose Carter","Biographical Information for Jefferson Randolph Kean","Biographical Information for Philip Showalter Hench"],"bioghist_tesim":["The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries I. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries V. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries X. Negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMaterials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e"],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by: Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePhilip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing History"],"processinfo_tesim":["Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003elegal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecertificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eobituaries;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ejournal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eresearch notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003econdolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWalter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emedical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003erecords relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFinally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ematerials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edrafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emeeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHavana and its environs;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003esites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand military installations in the United States.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother correspondence;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper and magazine clippings;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical and autobiographical accounts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003etranscripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003einformed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ediplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emanuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephysicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003efamily members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCamp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe U.S.S.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMaine\u003c/emph\u003eand the Spanish-American War;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eaerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003estill scenes from the movies,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003eand\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJezebel\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edocuments and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench and his family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe correspondence of experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003epress clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eoral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's research notes.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea journal article by George Sternberg;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand exhibition materials.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Copyright Status"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_98fe81a152b4be0b7388b1814ffaf4bd\"\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission."],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":10452,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ewas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003etheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eicteroides\u003c/emph\u003eproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ein tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e(later called\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e, and later still\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti\u003c/emph\u003e) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHow could a building become infected?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWhen does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOver what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex pungens\u003c/emph\u003efailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003e, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e, published immediately in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e. [16]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eBacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical News\u003c/title\u003e(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association\u003c/title\u003eIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[9] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[10] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[11]\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas reclassified shortly after the experiments as\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia\u003c/emph\u003eand later became\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti.\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[13] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[14] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[15] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[16] Please see note [7].\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eExperimental Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note)\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWalter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eArmy Register\u003c/title\u003e, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAnopheles\u003c/emph\u003emosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,\u003c/title\u003e \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal\u003c/title\u003e, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e[5]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eHenry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSouthern Medical Journal\u003c/title\u003e32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Carter, Henry Rose.\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003eBaltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Military Surgeon\u003c/title\u003e, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c12"}},{"id":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c13","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c13#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis series contains various correspondence, notes, reports, speeches, and other material documenting the history of the Norfolk Division.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c13","ref_ssm":["vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c13"],"id":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c13","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_root_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","parent_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","parent_ssim":["vino_repositories_3_resources_247"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vino_repositories_3_resources_247"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"text":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection","Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries","This series contains various correspondence, notes, reports, speeches, and other material documenting the history of the Norfolk Division."],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries","title_ssm":["Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries"],"title_tesim":["Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1943-1959, undated"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1943/1959"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"collection_ssim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":1,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":803,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Open to researchers without restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"date_range_isim":[1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis series contains various correspondence, notes, reports, speeches, and other material documenting the history of the Norfolk Division.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This series contains various correspondence, notes, reports, speeches, and other material documenting the history of the Norfolk Division."],"_nest_path_":"/components#12","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:50:31.898Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_root_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_3_resources_247","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ODU/repositories_3_resources_247.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archivesguides.lib.odu.edu/repositories/3/resources/247","title_filing_ssi":"Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College","title_ssm":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"title_tesim":["Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1930-1979, undated","1940-1960"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1940-1960"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1930-1979, undated"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["RG 33","/repositories/3/resources/247"],"text":["RG 33","/repositories/3/resources/247","Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection","Old Dominion University--History","World War, 1939-1945--War work","Open to researchers without restrictions.","The collection is organized into thirteen series: Series I: War Training Files; Series II: Administrative Files; Series III: H.H. Sisson Director of Administration Correspondence; Series IV: Evening College; Series V: Director of Admissions and Registration; Series VI: Academic Files; Series VII: Technical Institute; Series VIII: Student Activity Files; Series IX: Faculty Advisory Committee; Series X: Music Concert Series; Series XI: College Newsletters and Publications; Series XII: College Expansion; and Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries.","In 1930, the College of William and Mary developed a two-year campus in Norfolk, located in the former Larchmont grade school on Hampton Boulevard. Initially known as the Norfolk Division of the College William and Mary, the college's name changed as its course offerings expanded and contracted. In 1931, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was added to the school's title as it began offering engineering classes. In an effort to increase enrollment during World War II, the school began teaching industrial and academic war training courses for the Navy. After the war, these courses were expanded into the Technical Institute, a new division of the college. The Technical Institute, at times part of the Evening College, was created to provide non-credit trade and industrial education for white men and a few courses for white women. In 1958, as the college became increasingly focused on academic instruction, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was dropped from the school's name. Moving towards independence, the school became the \"Norfolk College of William and Mary\" in 1961. Finally, in 1962 it broke formal ties with the College of William and Mary and became accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) as a separate college with a new name, Old Dominion College. Two years later the college admitted its first African-American student. In 1969, the college expanded its graduate offerings and became Old Dominion University.","Note written by Mel Frizzell","The bulk of the collection contains records pertaining to the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks.","Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.","These papers documents the college's early years as a two-year branch campus, the industrial training courses during World War II, the creation of the Evening College and Technical Institute,  and its transition to an accredited university. 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Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"creators_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Unknown","Some of the material was gathered by the faculty Committee on Archives and Records in the 1950s and 1960s. Other portions were collated by Dr. Robert C. McClelland and librarian Benjamin Franklin Clymer."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Old Dominion University--History","World War, 1939-1945--War work"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Old Dominion University--History","World War, 1939-1945--War work"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["15.00 Linear Feet","41 Hollinger document cases boxes"],"extent_tesim":["15.00 Linear Feet","41 Hollinger document cases boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOpen to researchers without restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Open to researchers without restrictions."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is organized into thirteen series: Series I: War Training Files; Series II: Administrative Files; Series III: H.H. Sisson Director of Administration Correspondence; Series IV: Evening College; Series V: Director of Admissions and Registration; Series VI: Academic Files; Series VII: Technical Institute; Series VIII: Student Activity Files; Series IX: Faculty Advisory Committee; Series X: Music Concert Series; Series XI: College Newsletters and Publications; Series XII: College Expansion; and Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement Note"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is organized into thirteen series: Series I: War Training Files; Series II: Administrative Files; Series III: H.H. Sisson Director of Administration Correspondence; Series IV: Evening College; Series V: Director of Admissions and Registration; Series VI: Academic Files; Series VII: Technical Institute; Series VIII: Student Activity Files; Series IX: Faculty Advisory Committee; Series X: Music Concert Series; Series XI: College Newsletters and Publications; Series XII: College Expansion; and Series XIII: General Correspondence, Notes, Reports, Speeches, Studies, and Summaries."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIn 1930, the College of William and Mary developed a two-year campus in Norfolk, located in the former Larchmont grade school on Hampton Boulevard. Initially known as the Norfolk Division of the College William and Mary, the college's name changed as its course offerings expanded and contracted. In 1931, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was added to the school's title as it began offering engineering classes. In an effort to increase enrollment during World War II, the school began teaching industrial and academic war training courses for the Navy. After the war, these courses were expanded into the Technical Institute, a new division of the college. The Technical Institute, at times part of the Evening College, was created to provide non-credit trade and industrial education for white men and a few courses for white women. In 1958, as the college became increasingly focused on academic instruction, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was dropped from the school's name. Moving towards independence, the school became the \"Norfolk College of William and Mary\" in 1961. Finally, in 1962 it broke formal ties with the College of William and Mary and became accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) as a separate college with a new name, Old Dominion College. Two years later the college admitted its first African-American student. In 1969, the college expanded its graduate offerings and became Old Dominion University.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eNote written by Mel Frizzell\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical or Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["In 1930, the College of William and Mary developed a two-year campus in Norfolk, located in the former Larchmont grade school on Hampton Boulevard. Initially known as the Norfolk Division of the College William and Mary, the college's name changed as its course offerings expanded and contracted. In 1931, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was added to the school's title as it began offering engineering classes. In an effort to increase enrollment during World War II, the school began teaching industrial and academic war training courses for the Navy. After the war, these courses were expanded into the Technical Institute, a new division of the college. The Technical Institute, at times part of the Evening College, was created to provide non-credit trade and industrial education for white men and a few courses for white women. In 1958, as the college became increasingly focused on academic instruction, \"Virginia Polytechnic Institute\" was dropped from the school's name. Moving towards independence, the school became the \"Norfolk College of William and Mary\" in 1961. Finally, in 1962 it broke formal ties with the College of William and Mary and became accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) as a separate college with a new name, Old Dominion College. Two years later the college admitted its first African-American student. In 1969, the college expanded its graduate offerings and became Old Dominion University.","Note written by Mel Frizzell"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College Collection, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe bulk of the collection contains records pertaining to the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The bulk of the collection contains records pertaining to the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary and Old Dominion College. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_be86129ad53256d643831a653ccdb24d\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThese papers documents the college's early years as a two-year branch campus, the industrial training courses during World War II, the creation of the Evening College and Technical Institute,  and its transition to an accredited university. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["These papers documents the college's early years as a two-year branch campus, the industrial training courses during World War II, the creation of the Evening College and Technical Institute,  and its transition to an accredited university. Included in the records are correspondence, newspapers, reports, college histories, building plans, bulletins, course descriptions and syllabi, newspaper clippings, and scrapbooks."],"names_coll_ssim":["College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College"],"names_ssim":["ODU University Archives","College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"corpname_ssim":["ODU University Archives","College of William and Mary. Norfolk Division","Old Dominion College","Old Dominion University"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":816,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:50:31.898Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_3_resources_247_c13"}},{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40_c13","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_40_c13#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis series contains memorials and testimonials regarding those greatly involved with the Florence Crittenton Home including Clara E. Marshall, Odessa L. Frazier, and Dr. Robert South Barrett.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_40_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40_c13","ref_ssm":["vino_repositories_5_resources_40_c13"],"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40_c13","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","parent_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","parent_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_40"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_40"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"text":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records","Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials","This series contains memorials and testimonials regarding those greatly involved with the Florence Crittenton Home including Clara E. Marshall, Odessa L. Frazier, and Dr. Robert South Barrett."],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials","title_ssm":["Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials"],"title_tesim":["Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1923-1968"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1923/1968"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"collection_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":1,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":1044,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to researchers with two exceptions. Boxes 5-12a are permanently closed to the researcher because they contain sensitive employee and personnel records. Secondly, delivery room registers are closed to all patrons except those mentioned in the records because they are health records. Please note that the last names of all mothers and children born at Florence Crittenton Home have been redacted from the records."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"date_range_isim":[1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis series contains memorials and testimonials regarding those greatly involved with the Florence Crittenton Home including Clara E. Marshall, Odessa L. Frazier, and Dr. Robert South Barrett.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This series contains memorials and testimonials regarding those greatly involved with the Florence Crittenton Home including Clara E. Marshall, Odessa L. Frazier, and Dr. Robert South Barrett."],"_nest_path_":"/components#12","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:40:26.566Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_40","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ODU/repositories_5_resources_40.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archivesguides.lib.odu.edu/repositories/5/resources/40","title_filing_ssi":"Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk","title_ssm":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"title_tesim":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1891-1978, undated","Date acquired: 01/13/1977"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1891-1978, undated"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["Date acquired: 01/13/1977"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MG 13","/repositories/5/resources/40"],"text":["MG 13","/repositories/5/resources/40","Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records","Florence Crittenton Homes Association--History","National Florence Crittenton Mission","Teenage pregnancy","Unmarried mothers--United States--History","Maternity homes--United States--History","Unmarried mothers--Services for--United States--History","Collection is open to researchers with two exceptions. Boxes 5-12a are permanently closed to the researcher because they contain sensitive employee and personnel records. Secondly, delivery room registers are closed to all patrons except those mentioned in the records because they are health records. Please note that the last names of all mothers and children born at Florence Crittenton Home have been redacted from the records.","The collection is divided into eighteen series: Series I: History, General; Series II: History, Financial; Series III: History, Payroll; Series IV: Admissions and Procedures; Series V: Studies and Reports; Series VI: State Licensing Procedure; Series VII: Office Procedures; Series VIII: Records of the President; Series IX: Records of the Treasurer; Series X: Records of the Board; Series XI: Committees and Supporting Agencies; Series XII: Grants and Consultant Services; Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials; Series XIV: Closing of the Home; Series XV: Correspondence; Series XVI: Miscellaneous; Series XVII: Scrapbooks and Photographs; and Series XVIII: Memorabilia.","The Florence Crittenton Association of America (FCAA) began in New York City in 1883. Mr. Charles Nelson Crittenton was a wealthy wholesale druggist whose four-year-old daughter, Florence, died in 1882. Six months later, on April 19, 1883, he opened the Florence Night Mission at 29 Bleeker Street as a memorial to her. Intended initially to help the prostitutes of that city escape from that lifestyle, its scope was gradually enlarged to include other women needing help. The name was changed to The Florence Crittenton Mission, and Congress gave its approval when, by a special act in 1893, it passed its articles of incorporation.","The Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk was certainly among the earliest ones found in this country. In 1891, Mrs. R. H. Jones, the president of the Virginia Women's Christian Temperance Union befriended one unwed mother in Norfolk. This action, in turn, was followed by the establishment of a little two-room house in the Huntersville area, which was later closed when a five-room area was located in the Brambleton area of the city. These two homes were both known as \"The White Anchorage.\"","At the 1893 National W.C.T.U. Conference in Denver, the Norfolk Chapter gave a report of its work and Mr. Crittenton was so impressed that he contributed one thousand dollars to aid their effort. As a result, the name of the Home was changed to Florence Crittenton and it was incorporated as such in Virginia in 1894.","Largely because of Mr. Crittenton's strenuous efforts in support of this new service, many Crittenton Homes were soon opened throughout the country. At first, these homes were also designed as \"Rescue Homes\" but the scope of services, particularly after World War I, gradually shifted to caring for unwed mothers and their children. The only exception to this was the Barrett Home in New York City, which was a residential treatment center for adolescent girls.","The highwater mark of the National Crittenton Program came during the 1960's when there were more than seventy maternity homes, the Barrett Home, and a non-residential service for unwed mothers in Lowell, Massachusetts. Though changing social patterns, customs, and laws led to a gradual decline in the total number of homes during the 1970's, thirty-five homes, including one in Lynchburg, Virginia, remained in operation as late as 1978.","For various reasons, the National Crittenton organization found it necessary to operate as two separate but cooperative agencies. The first, known as The National Florence Crittenton Mission, is primarily concerned with all financial matters affecting the individual homes and the national organization. The Mission coordinates the various levels of its work through \"The Central Extension Committee\" which derives its members from the Mission's ranks and from each of the participating homes. This committee had as its initial task  the  establishment of the Florence Crittenton Association of America, an agency with the tasks of consultation, setting of standards, doing research for the member agencies, and developing relationships with similar organizations.","In this structure, the member homes operated as cooperative but autonomous entities who, apart from certain qualification standards and financial matters, generally charted their own direction.","While the National Association is staffed by professional social workers and is responsible for coordinating the activities of the various homes, the Mission administers an endowment left by Mr. Crittenton and expanded by Dr. Robert South Barrett, long time president of the Mission. This Mission also pays the largest share of the Association's expenses and keeps in reserve an amount to help the individual homes in building and alteration projects. Any requests for such funds, which were received by the Association, were passed directly to the Mission, whose president is a member of the Association's Executive Board.","Mr. Crittenton died in 1911 and was succeeded as President of the Mission by Dr. Kate Waller Barrett; upon her death in 1925, her son, Dr. Robert South Barrett became president; and he, in turn, was succeeded by his son, Rear Admiral (Ret) John P. Barrett.","In a brief ceremony on June 1, 1977, Mrs. John A. Byrd, President of the Florence Crittenton Board, turned over the deed to the Crittenton property to Old Dominion University. A resolution from that Board was read by Board member Mrs. Irving Salsbury, and a plaque recognizing the gift was unveiled by Mrs. James A. Howard; Mrs. Byrd; Dr. Charles O. Burgess, Vice President for Academic Affairs at ODU; and Mercer Davis, President of the ODU Educational Foundation.","In expressing the University's appreciation for the Crittenton Board's generosity, Dr. Burgess said \"Like the Crittenton Home, Old Dominion University is committed to serving the needs of the area - of this region. ODU's School of Continuing Studies will be located here, allowing continued growth in its programs that are already serving more than 20,000 persons each year in noncredit and off-campus credit programs.\"","The subsequent 80-year history of the Norfolk Home was a rich and varied effort to meet the needs of unwed mothers and their children. The following is a brief chronology of the home:","1891: Founding of \"The White Anchorage\"","1893: The National Convention of W.C.T.U where Mr. Crittenton donated $1,000.00 to the Norfolk effort. Name changed to the \"Florence Crittenton Home\"","1894: Charter obtained in April","1897: Mr. Crittenton visited Norfolk Home","1899: Obstetrical ward added","1909: Clara E. Marshall began working at the Norfolk Home","1911: Day Nursery for working class children established","1920: Norfolk Home moved to 52nd Street (\"Beth—Haven\") and Norfolk Day Nursery began to operate independently","1923: Became member agency of Norfolk Community Fund","May 31, 1940: Clara E. Marshall died","August 1941: Velma Mauk employed as new Superintendent (Here after designated Executive Director)","1945-59: Home consisted of two older houses connected by arcade. There were living facilities for 24 residents and all babies were delivered on the premises.","1950-54: West building condemned; a new and larger house built for residents; staff continued to use remaining old house. The obstetrical ward at the home was closed and new arrangements made with Norfolk General Hospital.","1954: Velma Mauk retired; Genrose Gehri employed as new Executive Director","1955-59: Staff increased and professionalized;  new dietary program established; new fee schedule introduced","1960-64: Nursery Closed; accredited school established in June 1963; registered nurse employed full-time","February 26, 1964: Mrs. Chesley Lamb employed as Executive Director","March 1, 1964: Miss Genrose Gehri retired as Executive Director","October 10, 1965: Mrs. Chesley Lamb resigned, for personal reasons, as Executive Director; Miss Genrose Gehri returned as Temporary Executive Director.","February 1, 1966: Mrs. Elizabeth Collins, ACSW, employed as Executive Director","August 1, 1970: Mrs. Elizabeth Collins, ACSW, retired as Executive Director; Mr. Joseph Charon employed as Executive Director","March 24, 1971: Name of Home changed to Florence Crittenton Services, Inc.","October 1, 1971: Mr. Joseph Charon resigned, for personal reasons, as Executive Director","October 19, 1971: Mr. Gerald Rosenmeier employed as temporary Executive Director","December 15, 1971: New aspect of program initiated as limited intake of non-pregnant girls begun","March 1, 1972: Mr. Milton Susco employed as Executive Director","July 3, 1973: On the eve of closing, Mr. Milton Susco left as Executive Director","December 31, 1973: Florence Crittenton Services, Inc. ceased operation","January 1, 1974: Property rented to Tidewater Regional Detention Facilities to be used as Group Home for Girls","January 22, 1975: Florence Crittenton Board of Directors placed on inactive status","March 19, 1975: Florence Crittenton Services resigned from FCAA","September 17, 1975: Florence Crittenton Services merged with Tidewater Children's Foundation","November 17, 1976: Florence Crittenton Services rescinded merger with Tidewater Children's Foundation","January 6, 1977: Security of the Norfolk Crittenton Home transferred to ODU Records of the Florence Crittenton Services partially transferred to ODU Archives.","September 2007: Norfolk Crittenton Home which housed the Center for Coastal Physical Oceanography-Old Dominion University, was demolished to make way for waterfront homes.","Note written by Special Collections Staff","The records of the Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk contains the institutional records of the home during their eighty years service to Norfolk. Included in the collection are histories, business and financial records, studies, reports, memorials, testimonials, correspondence, scrapbooks, and newspapers clippings. Delivery room registers of mother and chld are also included but are restricted to only those described in the records (mother or child). The last name of both mother and child are redacted.","Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.","Established in 1894 to respond to the needs of unwed mothers and their children. Contains the institutional records of the home during their eighty years service to Norfolk. Includes histories, business and financial records, studies, reports, memorials, testimonials, correspondence, scrapbooks, and newspapers clippings.","ODU Community Collections","Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MG 13","/repositories/5/resources/40"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"collection_title_tesim":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"collection_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records"],"repository_ssm":["Old Dominion University"],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"creator_ssm":["Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)"],"creator_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)"],"creators_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Board, Louauna S. Byrd, President","Gift. Accession #A77-3"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Homes Association--History","National Florence Crittenton Mission","Teenage pregnancy","Unmarried mothers--United States--History","Maternity homes--United States--History","Unmarried mothers--Services for--United States--History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Florence Crittenton Homes Association--History","National Florence Crittenton Mission","Teenage pregnancy","Unmarried mothers--United States--History","Maternity homes--United States--History","Unmarried mothers--Services for--United States--History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["24.60 Linear Feet","39 Hollinger Documents Cases; Seven Hollinger Oversized Boxes; and several oversized posters boxes"],"extent_tesim":["24.60 Linear Feet","39 Hollinger Documents Cases; Seven Hollinger Oversized Boxes; and several oversized posters boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to researchers with two exceptions. Boxes 5-12a are permanently closed to the researcher because they contain sensitive employee and personnel records. Secondly, delivery room registers are closed to all patrons except those mentioned in the records because they are health records. Please note that the last names of all mothers and children born at Florence Crittenton Home have been redacted from the records.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to researchers with two exceptions. Boxes 5-12a are permanently closed to the researcher because they contain sensitive employee and personnel records. Secondly, delivery room registers are closed to all patrons except those mentioned in the records because they are health records. Please note that the last names of all mothers and children born at Florence Crittenton Home have been redacted from the records."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is divided into eighteen series: Series I: History, General; Series II: History, Financial; Series III: History, Payroll; Series IV: Admissions and Procedures; Series V: Studies and Reports; Series VI: State Licensing Procedure; Series VII: Office Procedures; Series VIII: Records of the President; Series IX: Records of the Treasurer; Series X: Records of the Board; Series XI: Committees and Supporting Agencies; Series XII: Grants and Consultant Services; Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials; Series XIV: Closing of the Home; Series XV: Correspondence; Series XVI: Miscellaneous; Series XVII: Scrapbooks and Photographs; and Series XVIII: Memorabilia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement Note"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is divided into eighteen series: Series I: History, General; Series II: History, Financial; Series III: History, Payroll; Series IV: Admissions and Procedures; Series V: Studies and Reports; Series VI: State Licensing Procedure; Series VII: Office Procedures; Series VIII: Records of the President; Series IX: Records of the Treasurer; Series X: Records of the Board; Series XI: Committees and Supporting Agencies; Series XII: Grants and Consultant Services; Series XIII: Memorials and Testimonials; Series XIV: Closing of the Home; Series XV: Correspondence; Series XVI: Miscellaneous; Series XVII: Scrapbooks and Photographs; and Series XVIII: Memorabilia."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Florence Crittenton Association of America (FCAA) began in New York City in 1883. Mr. Charles Nelson Crittenton was a wealthy wholesale druggist whose four-year-old daughter, Florence, died in 1882. Six months later, on April 19, 1883, he opened the Florence Night Mission at 29 Bleeker Street as a memorial to her. Intended initially to help the prostitutes of that city escape from that lifestyle, its scope was gradually enlarged to include other women needing help. The name was changed to The Florence Crittenton Mission, and Congress gave its approval when, by a special act in 1893, it passed its articles of incorporation.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk was certainly among the earliest ones found in this country. In 1891, Mrs. R. H. Jones, the president of the Virginia Women's Christian Temperance Union befriended one unwed mother in Norfolk. This action, in turn, was followed by the establishment of a little two-room house in the Huntersville area, which was later closed when a five-room area was located in the Brambleton area of the city. These two homes were both known as \"The White Anchorage.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAt the 1893 National W.C.T.U. Conference in Denver, the Norfolk Chapter gave a report of its work and Mr. Crittenton was so impressed that he contributed one thousand dollars to aid their effort. As a result, the name of the Home was changed to Florence Crittenton and it was incorporated as such in Virginia in 1894.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eLargely because of Mr. Crittenton's strenuous efforts in support of this new service, many Crittenton Homes were soon opened throughout the country. At first, these homes were also designed as \"Rescue Homes\" but the scope of services, particularly after World War I, gradually shifted to caring for unwed mothers and their children. The only exception to this was the Barrett Home in New York City, which was a residential treatment center for adolescent girls.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe highwater mark of the National Crittenton Program came during the 1960's when there were more than seventy maternity homes, the Barrett Home, and a non-residential service for unwed mothers in Lowell, Massachusetts. Though changing social patterns, customs, and laws led to a gradual decline in the total number of homes during the 1970's, thirty-five homes, including one in Lynchburg, Virginia, remained in operation as late as 1978.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFor various reasons, the National Crittenton organization found it necessary to operate as two separate but cooperative agencies. The first, known as The National Florence Crittenton Mission, is primarily concerned with all financial matters affecting the individual homes and the national organization. The Mission coordinates the various levels of its work through \"The Central Extension Committee\" which derives its members from the Mission's ranks and from each of the participating homes. This committee had as its initial task \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003ethe \u003c/emph\u003eestablishment of the Florence Crittenton Association of America, an agency with the tasks of consultation, setting of standards, doing research for the member agencies, and developing relationships with similar organizations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn this structure, the member homes operated as cooperative but autonomous entities who, apart from certain qualification standards and financial matters, generally charted their own direction.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWhile the National Association is staffed by professional social workers and is responsible for coordinating the activities of the various homes, the Mission administers an endowment left by Mr. Crittenton and expanded by Dr. Robert South Barrett, long time president of the Mission. This Mission also pays the largest share of the Association's expenses and keeps in reserve an amount to help the individual homes in building and alteration projects. Any requests for such funds, which were received by the Association, were passed directly to the Mission, whose president is a member of the Association's Executive Board.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMr. Crittenton died in 1911 and was succeeded as President of the Mission by Dr. Kate Waller Barrett; upon her death in 1925, her son, Dr. Robert South Barrett became president; and he, in turn, was succeeded by his son, Rear Admiral (Ret) John P. Barrett.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn a brief ceremony on June 1, 1977, Mrs. John A. Byrd, President of the Florence Crittenton Board, turned over the deed to the Crittenton property to Old Dominion University. A resolution from that Board was read by Board member Mrs. Irving Salsbury, and a plaque recognizing the gift was unveiled by Mrs. James A. Howard; Mrs. Byrd; Dr. Charles O. Burgess, Vice President for Academic Affairs at ODU; and Mercer Davis, President of the ODU Educational Foundation.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn expressing the University's appreciation for the Crittenton Board's generosity, Dr. Burgess said \"Like the Crittenton Home, Old Dominion University is committed to serving the needs of the area - of this region. ODU's School of Continuing Studies will be located here, allowing continued growth in its programs that are already serving more than 20,000 persons each year in noncredit and off-campus credit programs.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe subsequent 80-year history of the Norfolk Home was a rich and varied effort to meet the needs of unwed mothers and their children. The following is a brief chronology of the home:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1891: Founding of \"The White Anchorage\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1893: The National Convention of W.C.T.U where Mr. Crittenton donated $1,000.00 to the Norfolk effort. Name changed to the \"Florence Crittenton Home\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1894: Charter obtained in April\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1897: Mr. Crittenton visited Norfolk Home\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1899: Obstetrical ward added\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1909: Clara E. Marshall began working at the Norfolk Home\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1911: Day Nursery for working class children established\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1920: Norfolk Home moved to 52nd Street (\"Beth—Haven\") and Norfolk Day Nursery began to operate independently\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1923: Became member agency of Norfolk Community Fund\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMay 31, 1940: Clara E. Marshall died\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAugust 1941: Velma Mauk employed as new Superintendent (Here after designated Executive Director)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1945-59: Home consisted of two older houses connected by arcade. There were living facilities for 24 residents and all babies were delivered on the premises.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1950-54: West building condemned; a new and larger house built for residents; staff continued to use remaining old house. The obstetrical ward at the home was closed and new arrangements made with Norfolk General Hospital.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1954: Velma Mauk retired; Genrose Gehri employed as new Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1955-59: Staff increased and professionalized;  new dietary program established; new fee schedule introduced\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1960-64: Nursery Closed; accredited school established in June 1963; registered nurse employed full-time\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFebruary 26, 1964: Mrs. Chesley Lamb employed as Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMarch 1, 1964: Miss Genrose Gehri retired as Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eOctober 10, 1965: Mrs. Chesley Lamb resigned, for personal reasons, as Executive Director; Miss Genrose Gehri returned as Temporary Executive Director.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFebruary 1, 1966: Mrs. Elizabeth Collins, ACSW, employed as Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAugust 1, 1970: Mrs. Elizabeth Collins, ACSW, retired as Executive Director; Mr. Joseph Charon employed as Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMarch 24, 1971: Name of Home changed to Florence Crittenton Services, Inc.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eOctober 1, 1971: Mr. Joseph Charon resigned, for personal reasons, as Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eOctober 19, 1971: Mr. Gerald Rosenmeier employed as temporary Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDecember 15, 1971: New aspect of program initiated as limited intake of non-pregnant girls begun\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMarch 1, 1972: Mr. Milton Susco employed as Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJuly 3, 1973: On the eve of closing, Mr. Milton Susco left as Executive Director\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDecember 31, 1973: Florence Crittenton Services, Inc. ceased operation\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJanuary 1, 1974: Property rented to Tidewater Regional Detention Facilities to be used as Group Home for Girls\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJanuary 22, 1975: Florence Crittenton Board of Directors placed on inactive status\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMarch 19, 1975: Florence Crittenton Services resigned from FCAA\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeptember 17, 1975: Florence Crittenton Services merged with Tidewater Children's Foundation\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eNovember 17, 1976: Florence Crittenton Services rescinded merger with Tidewater Children's Foundation\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJanuary 6, 1977: Security of the Norfolk Crittenton Home transferred to ODU Records of the Florence Crittenton Services partially transferred to ODU Archives.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeptember 2007: Norfolk Crittenton Home which housed the Center for Coastal Physical Oceanography-Old Dominion University, was demolished to make way for waterfront homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eNote written by Special Collections Staff\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical or Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Florence Crittenton Association of America (FCAA) began in New York City in 1883. Mr. Charles Nelson Crittenton was a wealthy wholesale druggist whose four-year-old daughter, Florence, died in 1882. Six months later, on April 19, 1883, he opened the Florence Night Mission at 29 Bleeker Street as a memorial to her. Intended initially to help the prostitutes of that city escape from that lifestyle, its scope was gradually enlarged to include other women needing help. The name was changed to The Florence Crittenton Mission, and Congress gave its approval when, by a special act in 1893, it passed its articles of incorporation.","The Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk was certainly among the earliest ones found in this country. In 1891, Mrs. R. H. Jones, the president of the Virginia Women's Christian Temperance Union befriended one unwed mother in Norfolk. This action, in turn, was followed by the establishment of a little two-room house in the Huntersville area, which was later closed when a five-room area was located in the Brambleton area of the city. These two homes were both known as \"The White Anchorage.\"","At the 1893 National W.C.T.U. Conference in Denver, the Norfolk Chapter gave a report of its work and Mr. Crittenton was so impressed that he contributed one thousand dollars to aid their effort. As a result, the name of the Home was changed to Florence Crittenton and it was incorporated as such in Virginia in 1894.","Largely because of Mr. Crittenton's strenuous efforts in support of this new service, many Crittenton Homes were soon opened throughout the country. At first, these homes were also designed as \"Rescue Homes\" but the scope of services, particularly after World War I, gradually shifted to caring for unwed mothers and their children. The only exception to this was the Barrett Home in New York City, which was a residential treatment center for adolescent girls.","The highwater mark of the National Crittenton Program came during the 1960's when there were more than seventy maternity homes, the Barrett Home, and a non-residential service for unwed mothers in Lowell, Massachusetts. Though changing social patterns, customs, and laws led to a gradual decline in the total number of homes during the 1970's, thirty-five homes, including one in Lynchburg, Virginia, remained in operation as late as 1978.","For various reasons, the National Crittenton organization found it necessary to operate as two separate but cooperative agencies. The first, known as The National Florence Crittenton Mission, is primarily concerned with all financial matters affecting the individual homes and the national organization. The Mission coordinates the various levels of its work through \"The Central Extension Committee\" which derives its members from the Mission's ranks and from each of the participating homes. This committee had as its initial task  the  establishment of the Florence Crittenton Association of America, an agency with the tasks of consultation, setting of standards, doing research for the member agencies, and developing relationships with similar organizations.","In this structure, the member homes operated as cooperative but autonomous entities who, apart from certain qualification standards and financial matters, generally charted their own direction.","While the National Association is staffed by professional social workers and is responsible for coordinating the activities of the various homes, the Mission administers an endowment left by Mr. Crittenton and expanded by Dr. Robert South Barrett, long time president of the Mission. This Mission also pays the largest share of the Association's expenses and keeps in reserve an amount to help the individual homes in building and alteration projects. Any requests for such funds, which were received by the Association, were passed directly to the Mission, whose president is a member of the Association's Executive Board.","Mr. Crittenton died in 1911 and was succeeded as President of the Mission by Dr. Kate Waller Barrett; upon her death in 1925, her son, Dr. Robert South Barrett became president; and he, in turn, was succeeded by his son, Rear Admiral (Ret) John P. Barrett.","In a brief ceremony on June 1, 1977, Mrs. John A. Byrd, President of the Florence Crittenton Board, turned over the deed to the Crittenton property to Old Dominion University. A resolution from that Board was read by Board member Mrs. Irving Salsbury, and a plaque recognizing the gift was unveiled by Mrs. James A. Howard; Mrs. Byrd; Dr. Charles O. Burgess, Vice President for Academic Affairs at ODU; and Mercer Davis, President of the ODU Educational Foundation.","In expressing the University's appreciation for the Crittenton Board's generosity, Dr. Burgess said \"Like the Crittenton Home, Old Dominion University is committed to serving the needs of the area - of this region. ODU's School of Continuing Studies will be located here, allowing continued growth in its programs that are already serving more than 20,000 persons each year in noncredit and off-campus credit programs.\"","The subsequent 80-year history of the Norfolk Home was a rich and varied effort to meet the needs of unwed mothers and their children. The following is a brief chronology of the home:","1891: Founding of \"The White Anchorage\"","1893: The National Convention of W.C.T.U where Mr. Crittenton donated $1,000.00 to the Norfolk effort. Name changed to the \"Florence Crittenton Home\"","1894: Charter obtained in April","1897: Mr. Crittenton visited Norfolk Home","1899: Obstetrical ward added","1909: Clara E. Marshall began working at the Norfolk Home","1911: Day Nursery for working class children established","1920: Norfolk Home moved to 52nd Street (\"Beth—Haven\") and Norfolk Day Nursery began to operate independently","1923: Became member agency of Norfolk Community Fund","May 31, 1940: Clara E. Marshall died","August 1941: Velma Mauk employed as new Superintendent (Here after designated Executive Director)","1945-59: Home consisted of two older houses connected by arcade. There were living facilities for 24 residents and all babies were delivered on the premises.","1950-54: West building condemned; a new and larger house built for residents; staff continued to use remaining old house. The obstetrical ward at the home was closed and new arrangements made with Norfolk General Hospital.","1954: Velma Mauk retired; Genrose Gehri employed as new Executive Director","1955-59: Staff increased and professionalized;  new dietary program established; new fee schedule introduced","1960-64: Nursery Closed; accredited school established in June 1963; registered nurse employed full-time","February 26, 1964: Mrs. Chesley Lamb employed as Executive Director","March 1, 1964: Miss Genrose Gehri retired as Executive Director","October 10, 1965: Mrs. Chesley Lamb resigned, for personal reasons, as Executive Director; Miss Genrose Gehri returned as Temporary Executive Director.","February 1, 1966: Mrs. Elizabeth Collins, ACSW, employed as Executive Director","August 1, 1970: Mrs. Elizabeth Collins, ACSW, retired as Executive Director; Mr. Joseph Charon employed as Executive Director","March 24, 1971: Name of Home changed to Florence Crittenton Services, Inc.","October 1, 1971: Mr. Joseph Charon resigned, for personal reasons, as Executive Director","October 19, 1971: Mr. Gerald Rosenmeier employed as temporary Executive Director","December 15, 1971: New aspect of program initiated as limited intake of non-pregnant girls begun","March 1, 1972: Mr. Milton Susco employed as Executive Director","July 3, 1973: On the eve of closing, Mr. Milton Susco left as Executive Director","December 31, 1973: Florence Crittenton Services, Inc. ceased operation","January 1, 1974: Property rented to Tidewater Regional Detention Facilities to be used as Group Home for Girls","January 22, 1975: Florence Crittenton Board of Directors placed on inactive status","March 19, 1975: Florence Crittenton Services resigned from FCAA","September 17, 1975: Florence Crittenton Services merged with Tidewater Children's Foundation","November 17, 1976: Florence Crittenton Services rescinded merger with Tidewater Children's Foundation","January 6, 1977: Security of the Norfolk Crittenton Home transferred to ODU Records of the Florence Crittenton Services partially transferred to ODU Archives.","September 2007: Norfolk Crittenton Home which housed the Center for Coastal Physical Oceanography-Old Dominion University, was demolished to make way for waterfront homes.","Note written by Special Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk Records, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe records of the Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk contains the institutional records of the home during their eighty years service to Norfolk. Included in the collection are histories, business and financial records, studies, reports, memorials, testimonials, correspondence, scrapbooks, and newspapers clippings. Delivery room registers of mother and chld are also included but are restricted to only those described in the records (mother or child). The last name of both mother and child are redacted.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The records of the Florence Crittenton Home of Norfolk contains the institutional records of the home during their eighty years service to Norfolk. Included in the collection are histories, business and financial records, studies, reports, memorials, testimonials, correspondence, scrapbooks, and newspapers clippings. Delivery room registers of mother and chld are also included but are restricted to only those described in the records (mother or child). The last name of both mother and child are redacted."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_30dc8dcfbf035ff5e0704fec98a97613\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eEstablished in 1894 to respond to the needs of unwed mothers and their children. Contains the institutional records of the home during their eighty years service to Norfolk. Includes histories, business and financial records, studies, reports, memorials, testimonials, correspondence, scrapbooks, and newspapers clippings.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Established in 1894 to respond to the needs of unwed mothers and their children. Contains the institutional records of the home during their eighty years service to Norfolk. Includes histories, business and financial records, studies, reports, memorials, testimonials, correspondence, scrapbooks, and newspapers clippings."],"names_coll_ssim":["Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)"],"names_ssim":["ODU Community Collections","Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)"],"corpname_ssim":["ODU Community Collections","Florence Crittenton Home (Norfolk, Va.)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1229,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:40:26.566Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_40_c13"}},{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140_c13","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_140_c13#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis series includes newspaper clippings, miscellaneous documents in both English and German, and miscellaneous photographs.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_140_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140_c13","ref_ssm":["vino_repositories_5_resources_140_c13"],"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140_c13","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","parent_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","parent_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_140"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_140"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"text":["Walter C. Ansel Papers","Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials","This series includes newspaper clippings, miscellaneous documents in both English and German, and miscellaneous photographs."],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials","title_ssm":["Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials"],"title_tesim":["Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1931-1970, undated"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1931/1970"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"collection_ssim":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":1,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":1499,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Open to researchers without restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"date_range_isim":[1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis series includes newspaper clippings, miscellaneous documents in both English and German, and miscellaneous photographs.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This series includes newspaper clippings, miscellaneous documents in both English and German, and miscellaneous photographs."],"_nest_path_":"/components#12","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:47:05.634Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_140","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ODU/repositories_5_resources_140.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archivesguides.lib.odu.edu/repositories/5/resources/140","title_filing_ssi":"Ansel, Walter C.","title_ssm":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"title_tesim":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1917-1974, undated","Date acquired: 04/25/1978"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1917-1974, undated"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["Date acquired: 04/25/1978"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MG 29","/repositories/5/resources/140"],"text":["MG 29","/repositories/5/resources/140","Walter C. Ansel Papers","World War, 1914-1918","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1939-1945--Veterans","World War, 1914-1918--Veterans","Admirals--United States","Open to researchers without restrictions.","Second accession: June 26,1978","The collection is organized into fourteen series: Series I: Correspondence; Series II: Photographs Used in Ansel's Research; Series III: Documents of the German Military during World War II; Series IV: German Military Reports; Series V: English, French, German Publications; Series VI: German Military Reports; Series VII: U.S., Military Publications; Series VIII: American Published Articles; Series IX: German Published Articles; Series X: Notes on Ansel's Books; Series XI: Maps, Sketches, and Drawings; Series XII: Personal Papers; Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials; and Series XIV: Oversized Materials.","Walter C. Ansel was born in Elgin, Illinois on August 25, 1897. He was the son of Albert Frank Ansel, a president of a food-packing firm, and the former Emilie Pauline Binder. Walter Ansel was married to the former Eleanor Dyer on October 23, 1921. They had three children: Abbie Dora (now Mrs. Carval Blair), David Dyer, and Willits Dyer Ansel.","Walter Ansel graduated from Elgin High School in 1915 and then received an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy. He graduated from the Naval Academy with the class of 1918. During World War I he served on the patrol craft U.S.S. Rambler, which engaged in anti-submarine operations off the coast of France. During his subsequent career in the U.S. Navy, Admiral Ansel served in various types of combat vessels and shore establishments. From 1918 to 1924, Ansel was stationed, as a line officer, to the Destroyer Escort Force out of Brest, France. In 1930, he completed the junior course at the Naval War College and the Field Officers Course, in 1931, with the Marine Corps. Before World War II he devoted a good deal of time and effort to the development of the technique and corresponding doctrine and manuals for amphibious landing operations.","At the outbreak of World War II, Rear Admiral Ansel was on duty in the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations, and a month later he assumed command of the oiler U.S.S. Winooski. He commanded that vessel from her commissioning in January until July 1942, and was commanding her in operations in the North Atlantic. Ansel was then ordered to the staff of Commander Advance Group, Amphibious Force, Atlantic Fleet in the United Kingdom. This group became the Naval Port Support Group for the North African invasion. The main objective was Oreon, Algeria. At this time Rear Admiral (then Captain) Ansel was serving as Plans and Operations Officer. During the landings in Algeria (Nov. 1942), he commanded the Advance Party, which entered the small port of Arzeu in the wake of the assault units. His party secured the shipping and prepared the port for unloading operations. For his role in the action Admiral Ansel was awarded the Commendation Ribbon with combat \"V.\" He was then transferred to duty as Assistant Chief of Staff and Operations Officer on the staff of Commander, Amphibious Force, North African Waters. For his services in this capacity during the preparations for and during the invasion of Sicily, he was awarded the Legion of Merit. In October 1943, Ansel was ordered to command the cruiser U.S.S. Philadelphia, in the Mediterranean. Early in 1944, the Philadelphia supported the operations at Anzio and Formia. In this operation Rear Admiral Ansel, with marines from the Philadelphia and the cruiser U.S.S. Augusta, accepted the surrender of the German garrisons in the fortress islands off Marseilles. In recognition for distinguished service, Rear Admiral Ansel was awarded the Gold Star in lieu of the second Legion of Merit and the Croix de Guerre with Silver Star from the French Government.","Returning to the United States in late 1944, Admiral Ansel was assigned to duty in the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations. In 1946, he was again ordered to sea with duties as Chief of Staff, Support Group One, Japan. Following this assignment, he returned for duty in the Office of the Secretary of the Navy and later served with the U.S. Naval Mission in Brazil. In June 1949, Rear Admiral Walter Ansel retired and was placed on the inactive list.","Admiral Ansel would be recalled to active duty for a brief time. From September 1952 until April 1953 he would be on duty in accordance with his work on the U.S. Naval Academy's Forrestal Fellowship.","Ansel was given this privilege because he was awarded the fellowship and to minimize the expense He was the second individual to receive the Forrestal Fellowship and was at the age of fifty-four. This fellowship in Naval History was instituted at the U.S. Naval Academy and is set up for extensive study of Sea Power as it relates to land and air power. It is the task of the fellows to set forth from the great mass of naval and military records the lessons of Sea Power in the last two World Wars and previous conflicts. Admiral Ansel undertook this fellowship to research and write on the German Operation Sea Lion for the invasion of Britain with the view of adding to the general naval historical fund of knowledge in this specific subject. His objective was also the drawing pertinent lessons of Sea and Amphibious Power for the benefit of our own Navy. Ansel's work necessitated research in Germany, France, and England to obtain first hand material from participants, particularly in the hitherto unexplored lower echelons.","The research material and inquiries that Admiral Ansel obtained in Europe was used by him to produce several works relating to the German military operations in World War II. He was able to accomplish much of his research in Germany with cooperation with the U.S. Army Historical Division. In addition to his research material, Admiral Ansel was able to speak and correspond with German officers that served in the German High Command. In this collection of Admiral Ansel's papers resides these communications. The remaining arrangement is a collection of photographs, German Military Documents, and an assortment of material used by Admiral Ansel to write his books, \"Hitler Confronts England\" and \"Hitler and the Middle Sea.\" From 1953 until his death in 1977, Admiral Ansel lived in retirement and working on his farm in Gavea, Maryland. After his second book was completed he then moved to produce a third work titled \"Study of National Strategy and Policy of the United States and their Difference and Confusions.\" This final work would not be completed because Admiral Ansel passed away in 1977.","Note written by John Michael Leeds, Jr.","Finding aid updated by Jan Halecki August 13, 2001.","The papers of Admiral Walter C. Ansel deal primarily with research for and publication of his books, \"Hitler Confronts England\" and \"Hitler and the Middle Sea.\" Included in the collection are correspondence with German and American military officers who were involved in World War II, copies of German Military documents dated, and maps mostly of Europe. The collection includes copies of photographs of Adolph Hitler's high command.","Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.","Collection deals primarily with Admiral Walter C. Ansel's research on German operations during World War II resulting in two books,  Hitler Confronts England  and  Hitler and the Middle Sea . Of note is extensive correspondence with German officers, many of which are in German.","ODU Community Collections","United States. Navy","Ansel, Walter C. (1897-1977)","English German"],"unitid_tesim":["MG 29","/repositories/5/resources/140"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Walter C. Ansel Papers"],"repository_ssm":["Old Dominion University"],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"creator_ssm":["Ansel, Walter C. (1897-1977)"],"creator_ssim":["Ansel, Walter C. (1897-1977)"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Ansel, Walter C. (1897-1977)"],"creators_ssim":["Ansel, Walter C. (1897-1977)"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Willits Ansel","Gift. Accession #A78-26"],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1914-1918","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1939-1945--Veterans","World War, 1914-1918--Veterans","Admirals--United States"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1914-1918","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1939-1945--Veterans","World War, 1914-1918--Veterans","Admirals--United States"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["16.60 Linear Feet","37 Hollinger document cases, 2 oversize boxes boxes"],"extent_tesim":["16.60 Linear Feet","37 Hollinger document cases, 2 oversize boxes boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1978],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOpen to researchers without restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Open to researchers without restrictions."],"accruals_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSecond accession: June 26,1978\u003c/p\u003e"],"accruals_heading_ssm":["Accruals and Additions"],"accruals_tesim":["Second accession: June 26,1978"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is organized into fourteen series: Series I: Correspondence; Series II: Photographs Used in Ansel's Research; Series III: Documents of the German Military during World War II; Series IV: German Military Reports; Series V: English, French, German Publications; Series VI: German Military Reports; Series VII: U.S., Military Publications; Series VIII: American Published Articles; Series IX: German Published Articles; Series X: Notes on Ansel's Books; Series XI: Maps, Sketches, and Drawings; Series XII: Personal Papers; Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials; and Series XIV: Oversized Materials.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement Note"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is organized into fourteen series: Series I: Correspondence; Series II: Photographs Used in Ansel's Research; Series III: Documents of the German Military during World War II; Series IV: German Military Reports; Series V: English, French, German Publications; Series VI: German Military Reports; Series VII: U.S., Military Publications; Series VIII: American Published Articles; Series IX: German Published Articles; Series X: Notes on Ansel's Books; Series XI: Maps, Sketches, and Drawings; Series XII: Personal Papers; Series XIII: Miscellaneous Reference Materials; and Series XIV: Oversized Materials."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWalter C. Ansel was born in Elgin, Illinois on August 25, 1897. He was the son of Albert Frank Ansel, a president of a food-packing firm, and the former Emilie Pauline Binder. Walter Ansel was married to the former Eleanor Dyer on October 23, 1921. They had three children: Abbie Dora (now Mrs. Carval Blair), David Dyer, and Willits Dyer Ansel.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWalter Ansel graduated from Elgin High School in 1915 and then received an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy. He graduated from the Naval Academy with the class of 1918. During World War I he served on the patrol craft U.S.S. Rambler, which engaged in anti-submarine operations off the coast of France. During his subsequent career in the U.S. Navy, Admiral Ansel served in various types of combat vessels and shore establishments. From 1918 to 1924, Ansel was stationed, as a line officer, to the Destroyer Escort Force out of Brest, France. In 1930, he completed the junior course at the Naval War College and the Field Officers Course, in 1931, with the Marine Corps. Before World War II he devoted a good deal of time and effort to the development of the technique and corresponding doctrine and manuals for amphibious landing operations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAt the outbreak of World War II, Rear Admiral Ansel was on duty in the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations, and a month later he assumed command of the oiler U.S.S. Winooski. He commanded that vessel from her commissioning in January until July 1942, and was commanding her in operations in the North Atlantic. Ansel was then ordered to the staff of Commander Advance Group, Amphibious Force, Atlantic Fleet in the United Kingdom. This group became the Naval Port Support Group for the North African invasion. The main objective was Oreon, Algeria. At this time Rear Admiral (then Captain) Ansel was serving as Plans and Operations Officer. During the landings in Algeria (Nov. 1942), he commanded the Advance Party, which entered the small port of Arzeu in the wake of the assault units. His party secured the shipping and prepared the port for unloading operations. For his role in the action Admiral Ansel was awarded the Commendation Ribbon with combat \"V.\" He was then transferred to duty as Assistant Chief of Staff and Operations Officer on the staff of Commander, Amphibious Force, North African Waters. For his services in this capacity during the preparations for and during the invasion of Sicily, he was awarded the Legion of Merit. In October 1943, Ansel was ordered to command the cruiser U.S.S. Philadelphia, in the Mediterranean. Early in 1944, the Philadelphia supported the operations at Anzio and Formia. In this operation Rear Admiral Ansel, with marines from the Philadelphia and the cruiser U.S.S. Augusta, accepted the surrender of the German garrisons in the fortress islands off Marseilles. In recognition for distinguished service, Rear Admiral Ansel was awarded the Gold Star in lieu of the second Legion of Merit and the Croix de Guerre with Silver Star from the French Government.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReturning to the United States in late 1944, Admiral Ansel was assigned to duty in the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations. In 1946, he was again ordered to sea with duties as Chief of Staff, Support Group One, Japan. Following this assignment, he returned for duty in the Office of the Secretary of the Navy and later served with the U.S. Naval Mission in Brazil. In June 1949, Rear Admiral Walter Ansel retired and was placed on the inactive list.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAdmiral Ansel would be recalled to active duty for a brief time. From September 1952 until April 1953 he would be on duty in accordance with his work on the U.S. Naval Academy's Forrestal Fellowship.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAnsel was given this privilege because he was awarded the fellowship and to minimize the expense He was the second individual to receive the Forrestal Fellowship and was at the age of fifty-four. This fellowship in Naval History was instituted at the U.S. Naval Academy and is set up for extensive study of Sea Power as it relates to land and air power. It is the task of the fellows to set forth from the great mass of naval and military records the lessons of Sea Power in the last two World Wars and previous conflicts. Admiral Ansel undertook this fellowship to research and write on the German Operation Sea Lion for the invasion of Britain with the view of adding to the general naval historical fund of knowledge in this specific subject. His objective was also the drawing pertinent lessons of Sea and Amphibious Power for the benefit of our own Navy. Ansel's work necessitated research in Germany, France, and England to obtain first hand material from participants, particularly in the hitherto unexplored lower echelons.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe research material and inquiries that Admiral Ansel obtained in Europe was used by him to produce several works relating to the German military operations in World War II. He was able to accomplish much of his research in Germany with cooperation with the U.S. Army Historical Division. In addition to his research material, Admiral Ansel was able to speak and correspond with German officers that served in the German High Command. In this collection of Admiral Ansel's papers resides these communications. The remaining arrangement is a collection of photographs, German Military Documents, and an assortment of material used by Admiral Ansel to write his books, \"Hitler Confronts England\" and \"Hitler and the Middle Sea.\" From 1953 until his death in 1977, Admiral Ansel lived in retirement and working on his farm in Gavea, Maryland. After his second book was completed he then moved to produce a third work titled \"Study of National Strategy and Policy of the United States and their Difference and Confusions.\" This final work would not be completed because Admiral Ansel passed away in 1977.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eNote written by John Michael Leeds, Jr.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical or Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Walter C. Ansel was born in Elgin, Illinois on August 25, 1897. He was the son of Albert Frank Ansel, a president of a food-packing firm, and the former Emilie Pauline Binder. Walter Ansel was married to the former Eleanor Dyer on October 23, 1921. They had three children: Abbie Dora (now Mrs. Carval Blair), David Dyer, and Willits Dyer Ansel.","Walter Ansel graduated from Elgin High School in 1915 and then received an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy. He graduated from the Naval Academy with the class of 1918. During World War I he served on the patrol craft U.S.S. Rambler, which engaged in anti-submarine operations off the coast of France. During his subsequent career in the U.S. Navy, Admiral Ansel served in various types of combat vessels and shore establishments. From 1918 to 1924, Ansel was stationed, as a line officer, to the Destroyer Escort Force out of Brest, France. In 1930, he completed the junior course at the Naval War College and the Field Officers Course, in 1931, with the Marine Corps. Before World War II he devoted a good deal of time and effort to the development of the technique and corresponding doctrine and manuals for amphibious landing operations.","At the outbreak of World War II, Rear Admiral Ansel was on duty in the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations, and a month later he assumed command of the oiler U.S.S. Winooski. He commanded that vessel from her commissioning in January until July 1942, and was commanding her in operations in the North Atlantic. Ansel was then ordered to the staff of Commander Advance Group, Amphibious Force, Atlantic Fleet in the United Kingdom. This group became the Naval Port Support Group for the North African invasion. The main objective was Oreon, Algeria. At this time Rear Admiral (then Captain) Ansel was serving as Plans and Operations Officer. During the landings in Algeria (Nov. 1942), he commanded the Advance Party, which entered the small port of Arzeu in the wake of the assault units. His party secured the shipping and prepared the port for unloading operations. For his role in the action Admiral Ansel was awarded the Commendation Ribbon with combat \"V.\" He was then transferred to duty as Assistant Chief of Staff and Operations Officer on the staff of Commander, Amphibious Force, North African Waters. For his services in this capacity during the preparations for and during the invasion of Sicily, he was awarded the Legion of Merit. In October 1943, Ansel was ordered to command the cruiser U.S.S. Philadelphia, in the Mediterranean. Early in 1944, the Philadelphia supported the operations at Anzio and Formia. In this operation Rear Admiral Ansel, with marines from the Philadelphia and the cruiser U.S.S. Augusta, accepted the surrender of the German garrisons in the fortress islands off Marseilles. In recognition for distinguished service, Rear Admiral Ansel was awarded the Gold Star in lieu of the second Legion of Merit and the Croix de Guerre with Silver Star from the French Government.","Returning to the United States in late 1944, Admiral Ansel was assigned to duty in the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations. In 1946, he was again ordered to sea with duties as Chief of Staff, Support Group One, Japan. Following this assignment, he returned for duty in the Office of the Secretary of the Navy and later served with the U.S. Naval Mission in Brazil. In June 1949, Rear Admiral Walter Ansel retired and was placed on the inactive list.","Admiral Ansel would be recalled to active duty for a brief time. From September 1952 until April 1953 he would be on duty in accordance with his work on the U.S. Naval Academy's Forrestal Fellowship.","Ansel was given this privilege because he was awarded the fellowship and to minimize the expense He was the second individual to receive the Forrestal Fellowship and was at the age of fifty-four. This fellowship in Naval History was instituted at the U.S. Naval Academy and is set up for extensive study of Sea Power as it relates to land and air power. It is the task of the fellows to set forth from the great mass of naval and military records the lessons of Sea Power in the last two World Wars and previous conflicts. Admiral Ansel undertook this fellowship to research and write on the German Operation Sea Lion for the invasion of Britain with the view of adding to the general naval historical fund of knowledge in this specific subject. His objective was also the drawing pertinent lessons of Sea and Amphibious Power for the benefit of our own Navy. Ansel's work necessitated research in Germany, France, and England to obtain first hand material from participants, particularly in the hitherto unexplored lower echelons.","The research material and inquiries that Admiral Ansel obtained in Europe was used by him to produce several works relating to the German military operations in World War II. He was able to accomplish much of his research in Germany with cooperation with the U.S. Army Historical Division. In addition to his research material, Admiral Ansel was able to speak and correspond with German officers that served in the German High Command. In this collection of Admiral Ansel's papers resides these communications. The remaining arrangement is a collection of photographs, German Military Documents, and an assortment of material used by Admiral Ansel to write his books, \"Hitler Confronts England\" and \"Hitler and the Middle Sea.\" From 1953 until his death in 1977, Admiral Ansel lived in retirement and working on his farm in Gavea, Maryland. After his second book was completed he then moved to produce a third work titled \"Study of National Strategy and Policy of the United States and their Difference and Confusions.\" This final work would not be completed because Admiral Ansel passed away in 1977.","Note written by John Michael Leeds, Jr."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Walter C. Ansel Papers, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Walter C. Ansel Papers, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFinding aid updated by Jan Halecki August 13, 2001.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Finding aid updated by Jan Halecki August 13, 2001."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers of Admiral Walter C. Ansel deal primarily with research for and publication of his books, \"Hitler Confronts England\" and \"Hitler and the Middle Sea.\" Included in the collection are correspondence with German and American military officers who were involved in World War II, copies of German Military documents dated, and maps mostly of Europe. The collection includes copies of photographs of Adolph Hitler's high command.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The papers of Admiral Walter C. Ansel deal primarily with research for and publication of his books, \"Hitler Confronts England\" and \"Hitler and the Middle Sea.\" Included in the collection are correspondence with German and American military officers who were involved in World War II, copies of German Military documents dated, and maps mostly of Europe. The collection includes copies of photographs of Adolph Hitler's high command."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_9e8cd18a55935469b5ef9138f94970ec\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eCollection deals primarily with Admiral Walter C. Ansel's research on German operations during World War II resulting in two books, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eHitler Confronts England\u003c/emph\u003e and \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eHitler and the Middle Sea\u003c/emph\u003e. Of note is extensive correspondence with German officers, many of which are in German.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Collection deals primarily with Admiral Walter C. Ansel's research on German operations during World War II resulting in two books,  Hitler Confronts England  and  Hitler and the Middle Sea . Of note is extensive correspondence with German officers, many of which are in German."],"names_coll_ssim":["United States. Navy"],"names_ssim":["ODU Community Collections","United States. Navy","Ansel, Walter C. (1897-1977)"],"corpname_ssim":["ODU Community Collections","United States. Navy"],"persname_ssim":["Ansel, Walter C. (1897-1977)"],"language_ssim":["English German"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1586,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:47:05.634Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_140_c13"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361_c13","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XIII: Other Materials","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361_c13","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361_c13"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361_c13","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"text":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection","Series XIII: Other Materials"],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XIII: Other Materials","title_ssm":["Series XIII: Other Materials"],"title_tesim":["Series XIII: Other Materials"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1901-1997"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1901/1997"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XIII: Other Materials"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":10,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":211,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997],"_nest_path_":"/components#12","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:41:59.155Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_2361.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection","title_ssm":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"title_tesim":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1780-1998"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1780-1998"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.2008.040"],"text":["Ms.2008.040","Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection","Montgomery County (Va.)","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Women -- History","The collection is open for research.","The collection is arranged into series corresponding to the creators. Each series arranged by type of material and then placed in chronological order. ","Series I: Gordon Cloyd Bell, Sr. Papers, 1917-1962\t\t\t\t","Series II: Edgar Withrow Bell Papers, 1919-1970\t","Series III: Gordon Cloyd Bell, Jr. Papers, 1921-1967\t","Series IV: David Kent Bell Papers, 1925-1978\t","Series V: Bell Family Papers, 1834-1841\t","Series VI: James Withrow Papers, 1848-1910","Series VII: Edgar D. Withrow Papers, 1864-1936","Series VIII: Annie Withrow Papers, 1889-1981","Series IX: Withrow Family Papers, 1870-1941","Series X: Kent Family Papers, 1814-1881","Series XI: Cloyd Family Papers, 1792-1866","Series XII: Other Family Papers, 1780-1998","Series XIII: Other Materials, 1901-1997","Gen. Gordon Cloyd was a descendant of David Cloyd. In 1764, Indians attacked the homestead of David Cloyd in Rockbridge County, Virginia. His wife, Margaret, was killed, as well as his son, John. Another son, Joseph Cloyd was away from the house at the time of the attack and was thus spared. David Cloyd passed away in 1792; Joseph Cloyd bought land and settled in Back Creek in present day Pulaski County in 1773. During the American Revolution, Joseph Cloyd served under Col. William Preston of Montgomery County. He is credited with saving Col. Preston's life when Preston was thrown from his horse during a skirmish at Wetzell's Mill in North Carolina. Following the war, Joseph Cloyd bought up more land in Pulaski County and built a brick house on Back Creek. ","Joseph Cloyd married Mary Gordon and together they had three sons, Gordon, David, and Thomas. Gordon and David married two sisters, Sallie and Elizabeth McGavock. The McGavock sisters were the daughters of James McGavock and Mary Cloyd, Joseph Cloyd's sister. James and Mary McGavock also had a third daughter, Margaret, who married Joseph Kent.","David Cloyd and Sallie McGavock had five children: Margaret, Joseph, Gordon, Cynthia, and James McGavock. James McGavock Cloyd married Frances E. McNutt on November 5, 1853, together they had on child, David, in January of 1855. Frances died on December 21, 1858. James then married Harriet J. Ernest on January 10, 1861. They had four children: Fanny Ernest, Lucy McGavock, Sally, and Harriet Gordon. James Cloyd lived at the homestead on Back Creek in Pulaski County that was originally settled by Col. Joseph Cloyd.","Gordon Cloyd commanded the 19th Brigade of the Virginia Militia during the War of 1812; he was later promoted to Major-General and thereafter was known as General Cloyd. He later served as a land surveyor for the Montgomery County area, and together with his brothers, purchased a tract of land along the New River know as Buchanan's Bottom. Gen. Gordon Cloyd and Elizabeth McGavock Cloyd together had six children, only two daughters, Mary and Elizabeth Cloyd survived. The two sisters married two brothers, James Randal and David Fenton Kent. David and James were the sons of Joseph Kent and Margaret McGavock Kent. Gordon Cloyd left the Buchanan's Bottom land to his daughter, Mary, and her husband, James Randal Kent. Elizabeth Kent and David Fenton Kent received the land at Back Creek and the house known as Springfield.","David Fenton Kent and Elizabeth Cloyd were married on January 2, 1834. Together they had seven children: Gordon Cloyd, born December 7, 1834, died November 11, 1837; an unnamed son, April 23, 1836 who lived eight days; Mary Elizabeth, born May 17, 1837, died December 14, 1837; James Randal, born August 15, 1838, died September 4, 1861; Sarah McGavock, born November 5, 1839, died March 9, 1891; Joseph Gordon, born March 22, 1841, died July 15, 1886; David Fenton, born May 17, 1844, died October 18, 1878. David F. Kent lived at the Springfield property and ran businesses with a Thomas Miller. He was reputed to have been an entertaining storyteller. David Fenton Kent died on January 28, 1850. Elizabeth Cloyd Kent outlived him by nineteen years, dying February 7, 1869.","James Randal Kent and Mary Cloyd Kent moved to Buchanan's Bottom and lived at first in the old Trigg house. Later, they built Kentland mansion, which stands to this day. Together James and Mary had five daughters, Elizabeth Cloyd, born 1819, Sarah James, born 1822, Mary Louisa, born 1824, Cynthia, born 1827, and Margaret Gordon, born 1840. James Randal Kent was an enslaver, prominent landowner, and successful farmer. He also held several minor public offices including Sheriff of Montgomery County from 1822 to 1823, he also served as a Justice and a land surveyor. Throughout the 1830s and 1840s, James Randal Kent bought up land, he owned around 8000 acres in 1860. In 1855, construction began on a resort at Montgomery White Sulphur Springs, a hotel that later served as a hospital during the American Civil War. In 1860, James Randal Kent became a founder of the Preston and Olin Institute, a Methodist school in Blacksburg that was the predecessor to present day Virginia Tech. He was among the wealthiest men in Montgomery County with an estimated wealth of $196,000. Kent was a staunch supporter of the Confederacy, he enslaved more than 100 people at the start of the war. He served as an organizer for the Confederate Army, as well as a supplier of foodstuffs, providing grain and beef to the Confederate Army all the way up to the day Lee surrendered at Appomattox. Though Kentland survived the war, many barns and out-buildings were burned, including the plantation office with the majority of James Kent's personal papers, and in 1867 his land was valued at 41% less than it had been in 1860. James Randal Kent died on May 29, 1867. ","Sarah James Kent, daughter of James Randal Kent, married Francis Bell, a cattle buyer from Staunton, in 1855. Together Sarah and Francis had four surviving children: twin sons, James Randal Kent Bell and Samuel Hays Bell in 1858, a daughter, Mary Louisa Bell in 1861, and Francis \"Frank\" Bell in 1864. They built a home on the land in Pulaski given to Sarah by her father. They lived at Mountain Home until the mid-1870s, when in 1872 Francis Bell purchased land from the Darsts and the Cloyds, their new home, Rockwood, was built c. 1876.","The four Bell children were well educated and all attended college for some period of time. Public schools were non-existent at this time, so a governess, Mary Eliza Sedgewick taught them while they lived at Mountain Home. James Randal Kent and Samuel Hays Bell both attended Washington College in Lexington from 1875 to 1877. Mary Louisa Bell went to Mary Baldwin College in Staunton. Frank Bell attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute before transferring to the Virginia Military Institute and graduating with the class of 1885.","Sarah James Kent Bell died in April of 1884; Francis Bell followed her nine years later in 1893. In their will, all their land and properties were to be divided by the four children as they saw fit. James Randal Kent Bell received the Mountain Home properties, Samuel inherited the land in Augusta County, and Rockwood was split between Frank Bell and Mary Louisa Bell.","James Randal Kent Bell married three times. His first wife was Maria L. Sedgwick, the daughter of their governess, Mary Eliza Sedgewick, Maria died shortly after the birth of their daughter, Mary Peck Bell. His second wife was Lida Howell Whitsett, Lida died in January of 1902. Together they had five children, Amelia Louise, Elizabeth Kent, Sarah Frances, James, and Francis Joseph. The name of James R. K. Bell's third wife is unknown. All of his children were born at Mountain Home and grew up there.","Samuel Hays Bell married Bessie Arbuthnot on May 18, 1893. Together they had four daughters, Sarah James, Elizabeth, Mary Lou, and Margaret. They lived in Staunton on the land inherited from Francis Bell. Samuel Bell died in Staunton on June 26, 1903.","Mary Louisa Bell married Dr. Kent Black at Rockwood November 14, 1894. Dr. Black graduated from the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College in 1875, he worked as physician and surgeon at the school until 1890. Dr. Black died in 1909, following his death Mary Louisa Bell Black moved back to Pulaski to live with her family, she died at Rockwood December 12, 1943.","Frank Bell married Ellen Gordan Kent, the granddaughter of David Fenton Kent, in 1889. They had eight children: Sarah Kent Bell born September 28, 1890, Gordon Cloyd Bell born January 16, 1892, Ellen Howe Bell born February 12, 1893, Francis Bell born August 16, 1894, Mary Lou Bell born July 1, 1896, Elizabeth Cloyd Bell born September 7, 1897, Samuel Hays Bell born May 16, 1901, and Agnes McGavock Bell born September 1, 1905. Frank Bell worked in the cattle business just like his father and grandfather, he was an accomplished business man and over the years he bought up the rest of the Rockwood property from his sister, Mary Louisa Bell Black. He died at Rockwood on December 21, 1939, just a few months after the celebration of his fiftieth wedding anniversary.","Frank Bell's son, Gordon Cloyd Bell married Mary Eliza Withrow on November 16, 1918. They had four sons, Edgar Withrow Bell, Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr., David Kent Bell, and Andrew Mathews Bell. Gordon Bell Sr. was a farmer and overseer of farm lands, he also served as the President of the Bank of Dublin. Mary Withrow Bell died September 30, 1938. Gordon Cloyd Sr. then married Lucy Preston King in October of 1942, they lived for a time in Phoenix, Arizona where Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. died in 1965.","Edgar Withrow Bell, the eldest son of Gordon Cloyd and Mary Withrow Bell was born on October 27, 1919. He grew up in Dublin and attended Lees-McCrea College in North Carolina. He wrote articles about music trends and opened \"The Record Bar\" at Wysor Electric Appliance Co. in Dublin. He also served as a postal worker in Arlington where he died in November of 1971.","Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. was born in Dublin on May 13, 1921. He was a farmer and overseer of the Withrow and Bell lands in Pulaski County, VA. He also served on the board of the Bank of Dublin. He attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and Furman College before entering the armed services in January of 1943 and served with the Black Panther Division during World War II. Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound in September of 1967.","David Kent Bell was born in Dublin on April 5, 1925. David attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and graduated with the Class of 1949. He also served in the armed services during World War II. He married Beverly Ann Gould from Baltimore, together they had two children: Sheri Lynn Bell born April 30, 1957 and James Gordon Bell born March 3, 1959. David Kent and Beverly Gould divorced and he married Helga Lewandowski. David Kent Bell died January 26, 2003.","Andrew Mathews Bell was born in Dublin on July 14, 1932. He died October 26, 1948.","Ellen Howe Bell was born February 12, 1893. She attended Mary Baldwin College. Ellen married Orrin Rankin Magill on September 30, 1915. Through the National YMCA, they moved to China where they lived for many years. Upon retiring, they moved to Blacksburg where they often entertained Chinese students attending Virginia Tech. Ellen Howe Bell Magill was elected the 1962 Mother of the Year in Blacksburg. She died January 19, 1968.","In 1918, Gordon Cloyd Bell married Mary Eliza Withrow. She was the granddaughter of James W. Withrow of Greenbrier County. James Withrow was born in Lewisburg, in what is now West Virginia, on October 23, 1818. Though not a licensed attorney he served as a judge and for many years, the Master Commissioner of the Circuit Court. He also represented the county in the state legislature where he served on the Judiciary Committee. He married Mary Jane Kincaid and had two sons, Edgar Daingerfield Withrow and Heber K. Withrow, and three daughters, Mrs. Helen Feamster, Miss Mary J. Withrow, and Mrs. Lucy Withrow Montgomery. James Withrow died June 26, 1901.","Edgar Daingerfield Withrow was born December 9, 1845. He married Mary See Renick on November 3, 1886. Edgar served in the Civil War as a member of Confederate company E of the 14th Virginia Cavalry. Edgar was captured at Berryville in 1864 and spent the end of the war at Camp Chare in Ohio. Following the War, Edgar went into business with his father, and later ran his own business selling agricultural implements. Together with Mary Renick, he had six daughters and one son: Mary Mathews Withrow, born September 16, 1887, died October 3, 1892; Annie Primrose Withrow, born January 26, 1889, died June 16, 1982; Mary Eliza Withrow, born November 29, 1892, died September 29, 1938; Helen Cameron Withrow, born January 9, 1895, died July 25, 1903; Letitia Renick Withrow, born July 1, 1897, died December 24, 1922; Geraldine Withrow, born August 1, 1901, died July 8, 1902; Edgar D. Withrow Jr., born July 8, 1903, died October 2, 1913. The Withrows moved to Pulaski County sometime around 1910. Edgar Withrow died March 9, 1926 and Mary Renick Withrow died January 7, 1929. ","Annie P. Withrow never married. She was very close with her nephews, Edgar, Gordon, David and Andrew Bell, and much of their correspondence was written to her. She attended the Lewisburg Female Institute beginning in 1907. Annie Withrow died in June of 1982.","Letitia R. Withrow was born July 1, 1897. She moved with her family to Dublin and graduated from Dublin High School. She then attended Stonewall Jackson College in Abingdon until the school burned in 1914. She then entered Hollins College in Roanoke, VA, following graduation she became a special student of voice under Professor A. Y. Cornell of New York for two years. In 1919, she took a job as Assistant Voice Teacher at Greenville Women's College in Greenville, South Carolina. She taught there for two years, and one year at Annville College in Annville, Pennsylvania. She left Annville College to return to New York in order to resume her training with Professor Cornell in preparation for a singing career. Shortly thereafter she returned home, where she died from influenza on December 24, 1922.","The guide to the the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection began in June 2008 and was completed in October 2008.","A listing of individuals and families in the Biographical Vertical Files at Virginia Tech Special Collections and University Archives is available online,  but files of particular interest may include:","Bentley family (related to the Cloyd, Kent, and McGavock families)--this file contains a 2014 update to: Robert Gray's  The McGavock Family. A Genealogical History of James McGavock and His Descendants from 1760 to 1903 . Richmond: W.E. Jones, 1903. CS 71 .M144 1903 (copies in Special Collections and University Archives and Newman Library).  The 2014 update is also available online. Kent","See the following materials related to these families, which are also at Virginia Tech Special Collections and University Archives:","Black, Kent, and Apperson Family Papers, Ms1974-003","James Randal Kent Papers, Ms1987-031","Elizabeth Kent Adams Papers, Ms1990-045","\"Whitethorne Photographs of Kentland for Margaret K. Cowan\" Photograph Album, Ms2021-020","Francis Bell Letter, Ms2024-088","The Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection spans the dates 1780 to 1998. The collection contains the papers and business records of four prominent families from Montgomery County and Pulaski County, Virginia and Greenbrier County, West Virginia. Also included are documents relating to numerous other individuals and families from across Southwest Virginia and Southern West Virginia. Documents include correspondence, land deeds and warrants, as well as financial records including debt statements, receipts, account statements, and money orders. The collection is divided into thirteen major series: Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. Papers, Edgar Withrow Bell Papers, Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. Papers, David Kent Bell Papers, Bell Family Papers, James Withrow Papers, Edgar D. Withrow Papers, Annie P. Withrow Papers, Withrow Family Papers, Kent Family Papers, Cloyd Family Papers, Other Family Papers, and Other Materials. ","Series I: Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. Papers: This series spans the years 1917 to 1962 and includes personal correspondence to and from Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. as well as business correspondence and materials from Bell's time as the President of the Bank of Dublin in Dublin, VA. The series also contains bank statements from 1940 to 1941.","Series II: Edgar Withrow Bell Papers: This series contains materials dating from 1919 to 1970, including a birth certificate for Edgar W. Bell. The papers are mainly personal in nature. There is extensive correspondence, dating from 1934 to 1970 as well as a scrapbook and some newspaper clippings. There is a limited amount of Edgar Bell's financial records including bank statements dating from 1942 to 1945.","Series III: Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. Papers: these papers date from 1921 to 1967. These papers include a birth certificate and academic records, as well as, land deeds, tax documents, and financial records. Also included are materials from Gordon Bell Jr.'s time in the military including correspondence from the time of his service in World War II. World War II materials also include a \"Save Conduct Leaflet.\" These leaflets were air dropped in Western Europe by Allied forces in order to aid in the surrender of German Soldiers, the leaflet in this collection was most likely the version distributed from December 1944 through April 1945, it contains both English and German text.","Series IV: David Kent Bell Papers: These papers date from 1925 to 1978. They range in scope from David Bell's birth certificate and education records to financial records and insurance documents. Also included is correspondence, some of which dates from David Bell's service in World War II. Also from this period are military documents dating from 1943 to 1948.","Series V: Bell Family Papers: This series is composed for documents from various members of the Bell family including James Bell, Mary Withrow Bell, Andrew Bell, Francis Bell, and Ellen Howe Bell Magill. These items range in date from 1834 to 1967. They include financial records for James Bell, along with correspondence from Mary Withrow Bell, Andrew Bell, and Ellen Howe Bell Magill. This series also contains information regarding the settlement of the estates of both Francis Bell and Mary Withrow Bell.","Series VI: James Withrow Papers: This series contains material ranging in date from 1848 to 1910. The bulk of the material in this series is financial records for James Withrow's business in agriculture, including contracts, correspondence, checks, receipts, money orders, debt statements, and account statements. Also present are documents relating to the settlement of James Withrow's estate.","Series VII: Edgar D. Withrow Papers: This series spans the dates 1864 through 1936. Included in this series are personal items including correspondence from Edgar Withrow's time as a Confederate Prisoner of War. Also included are records from the Greenbrier Light Infantry Grays of which Edgar Withrow was a member. The majority of this series is composed of financial records and business records from Edgar Withrow's business as an agricultural implements salesman.","Series VIII: Annie Primrose Withrow Papers: These papers consist of personal correspondence and items dating from 1889 to 1981, including land deeds and other legal documents as well as a 1908 \"Greenbrier\" yearbook from the Lewisburg Female Institute.","Series IX: The Withrow Family Papers: This series spans from 1870 to 1941, it contains materials from members of the Withrow family including business records from various businesses run by James Withrow and his son, Edgar, in addition to this are papers from Heber K. Withrow, Mary Renick Withrow, Helen Withrow, Mary E. Withrow, Mary J. Withrow, Letitia Withrow, and papers from Withrow Place as well as the Withrow Tourist Home.","Series X: The Kent Family Papers: This series includes materials dating from 1814 to 1881. The series includes the correspondence and financial records of two prominent Southwest Virginia landowners, James Randal Kent and David Fenton Kent.","Series XI: The Cloyd Family Papers: The Cloyd family papers include correspondence and financial records for Gordon, Mary, and James Cloyd. Also included are several land surveys done by Gordon Cloyd, a land surveyor for Southwest Virginia. These materials date from 1792 to 1866.","Series XII: Other Family Papers: This series is composed of land warrants and deeds, financial records, and personal correspondence from numerous individuals and families from Southwest Virginia and what is now, Southern West Virginia. These materials range in date from 1780 to 1998 and are dived into two categories, those materials sorted by individual or family and items organized by category.","Series XIII: Other Materials: This series is composed of magazines, booklets, brochures, and photographs that could not be identified as belonging to any one person or family. The series spans the dates 1901 through 1997.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection contains the personal papers and financial records of members of four prominent families. Included are members of the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, and Withrow families, as well as, materials from related families and acquaintances. This is a diverse collection containing materials dating from 1780 to 1998. Items of interest include several Land Deeds and Warrant from the late 18th Century, including one signed by Benjamin Harrison, then Governor of Virginia; American Civil War correspondence from Confederate POW, Edgar Withrow; Regimental listings from the 19th Brigade of the Virginia Militia; and correspondence and military documents dating from World War II. The main collection contains materials from Gen. Gordon Cloyd, James Randal Kent, David Fenton Kent, Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr., David Kent Bell, James and Edgar Withrow, and many others.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Withrow family","Cloyd family","Kent family","Bell family","The materials in the collection are in English."],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.2008.040"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"collection_ssim":["Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["Withrow family","Cloyd family","Kent family","Bell family"],"creator_ssim":["Withrow family","Cloyd family","Kent family","Bell family"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Withrow family","Cloyd family","Kent family","Bell family"],"creators_ssim":["Withrow family","Cloyd family","Kent family","Bell family"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection was donated by James Gordon Bell to Special Collections in 2008: \"In memory of my grandfather, Gordon Cloyd Bell, who collected items of historical interest, and my father, David Kent Bell, who treasured them, my wish is that these items be used to preserve our history.\""],"access_subjects_ssim":["Montgomery County (Va.)","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Women -- History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Montgomery County (Va.)","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Women -- History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["9.5 Cubic Feet 18 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["9.5 Cubic Feet 18 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged into series corresponding to the creators. Each series arranged by type of material and then placed in chronological order. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries I: Gordon Cloyd Bell, Sr. Papers, 1917-1962\t\t\t\t\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II: Edgar Withrow Bell Papers, 1919-1970\t\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries III: Gordon Cloyd Bell, Jr. Papers, 1921-1967\t\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV: David Kent Bell Papers, 1925-1978\t\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries V: Bell Family Papers, 1834-1841\t\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VI: James Withrow Papers, 1848-1910\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VII: Edgar D. Withrow Papers, 1864-1936\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII: Annie Withrow Papers, 1889-1981\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX: Withrow Family Papers, 1870-1941\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries X: Kent Family Papers, 1814-1881\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XI: Cloyd Family Papers, 1792-1866\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII: Other Family Papers, 1780-1998\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII: Other Materials, 1901-1997\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged into series corresponding to the creators. Each series arranged by type of material and then placed in chronological order. ","Series I: Gordon Cloyd Bell, Sr. Papers, 1917-1962\t\t\t\t","Series II: Edgar Withrow Bell Papers, 1919-1970\t","Series III: Gordon Cloyd Bell, Jr. Papers, 1921-1967\t","Series IV: David Kent Bell Papers, 1925-1978\t","Series V: Bell Family Papers, 1834-1841\t","Series VI: James Withrow Papers, 1848-1910","Series VII: Edgar D. Withrow Papers, 1864-1936","Series VIII: Annie Withrow Papers, 1889-1981","Series IX: Withrow Family Papers, 1870-1941","Series X: Kent Family Papers, 1814-1881","Series XI: Cloyd Family Papers, 1792-1866","Series XII: Other Family Papers, 1780-1998","Series XIII: Other Materials, 1901-1997"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eGen. Gordon Cloyd was a descendant of David Cloyd. In 1764, Indians attacked the homestead of David Cloyd in Rockbridge County, Virginia. His wife, Margaret, was killed, as well as his son, John. Another son, Joseph Cloyd was away from the house at the time of the attack and was thus spared. David Cloyd passed away in 1792; Joseph Cloyd bought land and settled in Back Creek in present day Pulaski County in 1773. During the American Revolution, Joseph Cloyd served under Col. William Preston of Montgomery County. He is credited with saving Col. Preston's life when Preston was thrown from his horse during a skirmish at Wetzell's Mill in North Carolina. Following the war, Joseph Cloyd bought up more land in Pulaski County and built a brick house on Back Creek. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJoseph Cloyd married Mary Gordon and together they had three sons, Gordon, David, and Thomas. Gordon and David married two sisters, Sallie and Elizabeth McGavock. The McGavock sisters were the daughters of James McGavock and Mary Cloyd, Joseph Cloyd's sister. James and Mary McGavock also had a third daughter, Margaret, who married Joseph Kent.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavid Cloyd and Sallie McGavock had five children: Margaret, Joseph, Gordon, Cynthia, and James McGavock. James McGavock Cloyd married Frances E. McNutt on November 5, 1853, together they had on child, David, in January of 1855. Frances died on December 21, 1858. James then married Harriet J. Ernest on January 10, 1861. They had four children: Fanny Ernest, Lucy McGavock, Sally, and Harriet Gordon. James Cloyd lived at the homestead on Back Creek in Pulaski County that was originally settled by Col. Joseph Cloyd.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eGordon Cloyd commanded the 19th Brigade of the Virginia Militia during the War of 1812; he was later promoted to Major-General and thereafter was known as General Cloyd. He later served as a land surveyor for the Montgomery County area, and together with his brothers, purchased a tract of land along the New River know as Buchanan's Bottom. Gen. Gordon Cloyd and Elizabeth McGavock Cloyd together had six children, only two daughters, Mary and Elizabeth Cloyd survived. The two sisters married two brothers, James Randal and David Fenton Kent. David and James were the sons of Joseph Kent and Margaret McGavock Kent. Gordon Cloyd left the Buchanan's Bottom land to his daughter, Mary, and her husband, James Randal Kent. Elizabeth Kent and David Fenton Kent received the land at Back Creek and the house known as Springfield.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavid Fenton Kent and Elizabeth Cloyd were married on January 2, 1834. Together they had seven children: Gordon Cloyd, born December 7, 1834, died November 11, 1837; an unnamed son, April 23, 1836 who lived eight days; Mary Elizabeth, born May 17, 1837, died December 14, 1837; James Randal, born August 15, 1838, died September 4, 1861; Sarah McGavock, born November 5, 1839, died March 9, 1891; Joseph Gordon, born March 22, 1841, died July 15, 1886; David Fenton, born May 17, 1844, died October 18, 1878. David F. Kent lived at the Springfield property and ran businesses with a Thomas Miller. He was reputed to have been an entertaining storyteller. David Fenton Kent died on January 28, 1850. Elizabeth Cloyd Kent outlived him by nineteen years, dying February 7, 1869.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJames Randal Kent and Mary Cloyd Kent moved to Buchanan's Bottom and lived at first in the old Trigg house. Later, they built Kentland mansion, which stands to this day. Together James and Mary had five daughters, Elizabeth Cloyd, born 1819, Sarah James, born 1822, Mary Louisa, born 1824, Cynthia, born 1827, and Margaret Gordon, born 1840. James Randal Kent was an enslaver, prominent landowner, and successful farmer. He also held several minor public offices including Sheriff of Montgomery County from 1822 to 1823, he also served as a Justice and a land surveyor. Throughout the 1830s and 1840s, James Randal Kent bought up land, he owned around 8000 acres in 1860. In 1855, construction began on a resort at Montgomery White Sulphur Springs, a hotel that later served as a hospital during the American Civil War. In 1860, James Randal Kent became a founder of the Preston and Olin Institute, a Methodist school in Blacksburg that was the predecessor to present day Virginia Tech. He was among the wealthiest men in Montgomery County with an estimated wealth of $196,000. Kent was a staunch supporter of the Confederacy, he enslaved more than 100 people at the start of the war. He served as an organizer for the Confederate Army, as well as a supplier of foodstuffs, providing grain and beef to the Confederate Army all the way up to the day Lee surrendered at Appomattox. Though Kentland survived the war, many barns and out-buildings were burned, including the plantation office with the majority of James Kent's personal papers, and in 1867 his land was valued at 41% less than it had been in 1860. James Randal Kent died on May 29, 1867. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSarah James Kent, daughter of James Randal Kent, married Francis Bell, a cattle buyer from Staunton, in 1855. Together Sarah and Francis had four surviving children: twin sons, James Randal Kent Bell and Samuel Hays Bell in 1858, a daughter, Mary Louisa Bell in 1861, and Francis \"Frank\" Bell in 1864. They built a home on the land in Pulaski given to Sarah by her father. They lived at Mountain Home until the mid-1870s, when in 1872 Francis Bell purchased land from the Darsts and the Cloyds, their new home, Rockwood, was built c. 1876.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe four Bell children were well educated and all attended college for some period of time. Public schools were non-existent at this time, so a governess, Mary Eliza Sedgewick taught them while they lived at Mountain Home. James Randal Kent and Samuel Hays Bell both attended Washington College in Lexington from 1875 to 1877. Mary Louisa Bell went to Mary Baldwin College in Staunton. Frank Bell attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute before transferring to the Virginia Military Institute and graduating with the class of 1885.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSarah James Kent Bell died in April of 1884; Francis Bell followed her nine years later in 1893. In their will, all their land and properties were to be divided by the four children as they saw fit. James Randal Kent Bell received the Mountain Home properties, Samuel inherited the land in Augusta County, and Rockwood was split between Frank Bell and Mary Louisa Bell.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJames Randal Kent Bell married three times. His first wife was Maria L. Sedgwick, the daughter of their governess, Mary Eliza Sedgewick, Maria died shortly after the birth of their daughter, Mary Peck Bell. His second wife was Lida Howell Whitsett, Lida died in January of 1902. Together they had five children, Amelia Louise, Elizabeth Kent, Sarah Frances, James, and Francis Joseph. The name of James R. K. Bell's third wife is unknown. All of his children were born at Mountain Home and grew up there.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSamuel Hays Bell married Bessie Arbuthnot on May 18, 1893. Together they had four daughters, Sarah James, Elizabeth, Mary Lou, and Margaret. They lived in Staunton on the land inherited from Francis Bell. Samuel Bell died in Staunton on June 26, 1903.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMary Louisa Bell married Dr. Kent Black at Rockwood November 14, 1894. Dr. Black graduated from the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College in 1875, he worked as physician and surgeon at the school until 1890. Dr. Black died in 1909, following his death Mary Louisa Bell Black moved back to Pulaski to live with her family, she died at Rockwood December 12, 1943.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFrank Bell married Ellen Gordan Kent, the granddaughter of David Fenton Kent, in 1889. They had eight children: Sarah Kent Bell born September 28, 1890, Gordon Cloyd Bell born January 16, 1892, Ellen Howe Bell born February 12, 1893, Francis Bell born August 16, 1894, Mary Lou Bell born July 1, 1896, Elizabeth Cloyd Bell born September 7, 1897, Samuel Hays Bell born May 16, 1901, and Agnes McGavock Bell born September 1, 1905. Frank Bell worked in the cattle business just like his father and grandfather, he was an accomplished business man and over the years he bought up the rest of the Rockwood property from his sister, Mary Louisa Bell Black. He died at Rockwood on December 21, 1939, just a few months after the celebration of his fiftieth wedding anniversary.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFrank Bell's son, Gordon Cloyd Bell married Mary Eliza Withrow on November 16, 1918. They had four sons, Edgar Withrow Bell, Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr., David Kent Bell, and Andrew Mathews Bell. Gordon Bell Sr. was a farmer and overseer of farm lands, he also served as the President of the Bank of Dublin. Mary Withrow Bell died September 30, 1938. Gordon Cloyd Sr. then married Lucy Preston King in October of 1942, they lived for a time in Phoenix, Arizona where Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. died in 1965.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eEdgar Withrow Bell, the eldest son of Gordon Cloyd and Mary Withrow Bell was born on October 27, 1919. He grew up in Dublin and attended Lees-McCrea College in North Carolina. He wrote articles about music trends and opened \"The Record Bar\" at Wysor Electric Appliance Co. in Dublin. He also served as a postal worker in Arlington where he died in November of 1971.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eGordon Cloyd Bell Jr. was born in Dublin on May 13, 1921. He was a farmer and overseer of the Withrow and Bell lands in Pulaski County, VA. He also served on the board of the Bank of Dublin. He attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and Furman College before entering the armed services in January of 1943 and served with the Black Panther Division during World War II. Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound in September of 1967.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavid Kent Bell was born in Dublin on April 5, 1925. David attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and graduated with the Class of 1949. He also served in the armed services during World War II. He married Beverly Ann Gould from Baltimore, together they had two children: Sheri Lynn Bell born April 30, 1957 and James Gordon Bell born March 3, 1959. David Kent and Beverly Gould divorced and he married Helga Lewandowski. David Kent Bell died January 26, 2003.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAndrew Mathews Bell was born in Dublin on July 14, 1932. He died October 26, 1948.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eEllen Howe Bell was born February 12, 1893. She attended Mary Baldwin College. Ellen married Orrin Rankin Magill on September 30, 1915. Through the National YMCA, they moved to China where they lived for many years. Upon retiring, they moved to Blacksburg where they often entertained Chinese students attending Virginia Tech. Ellen Howe Bell Magill was elected the 1962 Mother of the Year in Blacksburg. She died January 19, 1968.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn 1918, Gordon Cloyd Bell married Mary Eliza Withrow. She was the granddaughter of James W. Withrow of Greenbrier County. James Withrow was born in Lewisburg, in what is now West Virginia, on October 23, 1818. Though not a licensed attorney he served as a judge and for many years, the Master Commissioner of the Circuit Court. He also represented the county in the state legislature where he served on the Judiciary Committee. He married Mary Jane Kincaid and had two sons, Edgar Daingerfield Withrow and Heber K. Withrow, and three daughters, Mrs. Helen Feamster, Miss Mary J. Withrow, and Mrs. Lucy Withrow Montgomery. James Withrow died June 26, 1901.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eEdgar Daingerfield Withrow was born December 9, 1845. He married Mary See Renick on November 3, 1886. Edgar served in the Civil War as a member of Confederate company E of the 14th Virginia Cavalry. Edgar was captured at Berryville in 1864 and spent the end of the war at Camp Chare in Ohio. Following the War, Edgar went into business with his father, and later ran his own business selling agricultural implements. Together with Mary Renick, he had six daughters and one son: Mary Mathews Withrow, born September 16, 1887, died October 3, 1892; Annie Primrose Withrow, born January 26, 1889, died June 16, 1982; Mary Eliza Withrow, born November 29, 1892, died September 29, 1938; Helen Cameron Withrow, born January 9, 1895, died July 25, 1903; Letitia Renick Withrow, born July 1, 1897, died December 24, 1922; Geraldine Withrow, born August 1, 1901, died July 8, 1902; Edgar D. Withrow Jr., born July 8, 1903, died October 2, 1913. The Withrows moved to Pulaski County sometime around 1910. Edgar Withrow died March 9, 1926 and Mary Renick Withrow died January 7, 1929. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAnnie P. Withrow never married. She was very close with her nephews, Edgar, Gordon, David and Andrew Bell, and much of their correspondence was written to her. She attended the Lewisburg Female Institute beginning in 1907. Annie Withrow died in June of 1982.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eLetitia R. Withrow was born July 1, 1897. She moved with her family to Dublin and graduated from Dublin High School. She then attended Stonewall Jackson College in Abingdon until the school burned in 1914. She then entered Hollins College in Roanoke, VA, following graduation she became a special student of voice under Professor A. Y. Cornell of New York for two years. In 1919, she took a job as Assistant Voice Teacher at Greenville Women's College in Greenville, South Carolina. She taught there for two years, and one year at Annville College in Annville, Pennsylvania. She left Annville College to return to New York in order to resume her training with Professor Cornell in preparation for a singing career. Shortly thereafter she returned home, where she died from influenza on December 24, 1922.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Family History"],"bioghist_tesim":["Gen. Gordon Cloyd was a descendant of David Cloyd. In 1764, Indians attacked the homestead of David Cloyd in Rockbridge County, Virginia. His wife, Margaret, was killed, as well as his son, John. Another son, Joseph Cloyd was away from the house at the time of the attack and was thus spared. David Cloyd passed away in 1792; Joseph Cloyd bought land and settled in Back Creek in present day Pulaski County in 1773. During the American Revolution, Joseph Cloyd served under Col. William Preston of Montgomery County. He is credited with saving Col. Preston's life when Preston was thrown from his horse during a skirmish at Wetzell's Mill in North Carolina. Following the war, Joseph Cloyd bought up more land in Pulaski County and built a brick house on Back Creek. ","Joseph Cloyd married Mary Gordon and together they had three sons, Gordon, David, and Thomas. Gordon and David married two sisters, Sallie and Elizabeth McGavock. The McGavock sisters were the daughters of James McGavock and Mary Cloyd, Joseph Cloyd's sister. James and Mary McGavock also had a third daughter, Margaret, who married Joseph Kent.","David Cloyd and Sallie McGavock had five children: Margaret, Joseph, Gordon, Cynthia, and James McGavock. James McGavock Cloyd married Frances E. McNutt on November 5, 1853, together they had on child, David, in January of 1855. Frances died on December 21, 1858. James then married Harriet J. Ernest on January 10, 1861. They had four children: Fanny Ernest, Lucy McGavock, Sally, and Harriet Gordon. James Cloyd lived at the homestead on Back Creek in Pulaski County that was originally settled by Col. Joseph Cloyd.","Gordon Cloyd commanded the 19th Brigade of the Virginia Militia during the War of 1812; he was later promoted to Major-General and thereafter was known as General Cloyd. He later served as a land surveyor for the Montgomery County area, and together with his brothers, purchased a tract of land along the New River know as Buchanan's Bottom. Gen. Gordon Cloyd and Elizabeth McGavock Cloyd together had six children, only two daughters, Mary and Elizabeth Cloyd survived. The two sisters married two brothers, James Randal and David Fenton Kent. David and James were the sons of Joseph Kent and Margaret McGavock Kent. Gordon Cloyd left the Buchanan's Bottom land to his daughter, Mary, and her husband, James Randal Kent. Elizabeth Kent and David Fenton Kent received the land at Back Creek and the house known as Springfield.","David Fenton Kent and Elizabeth Cloyd were married on January 2, 1834. Together they had seven children: Gordon Cloyd, born December 7, 1834, died November 11, 1837; an unnamed son, April 23, 1836 who lived eight days; Mary Elizabeth, born May 17, 1837, died December 14, 1837; James Randal, born August 15, 1838, died September 4, 1861; Sarah McGavock, born November 5, 1839, died March 9, 1891; Joseph Gordon, born March 22, 1841, died July 15, 1886; David Fenton, born May 17, 1844, died October 18, 1878. David F. Kent lived at the Springfield property and ran businesses with a Thomas Miller. He was reputed to have been an entertaining storyteller. David Fenton Kent died on January 28, 1850. Elizabeth Cloyd Kent outlived him by nineteen years, dying February 7, 1869.","James Randal Kent and Mary Cloyd Kent moved to Buchanan's Bottom and lived at first in the old Trigg house. Later, they built Kentland mansion, which stands to this day. Together James and Mary had five daughters, Elizabeth Cloyd, born 1819, Sarah James, born 1822, Mary Louisa, born 1824, Cynthia, born 1827, and Margaret Gordon, born 1840. James Randal Kent was an enslaver, prominent landowner, and successful farmer. He also held several minor public offices including Sheriff of Montgomery County from 1822 to 1823, he also served as a Justice and a land surveyor. Throughout the 1830s and 1840s, James Randal Kent bought up land, he owned around 8000 acres in 1860. In 1855, construction began on a resort at Montgomery White Sulphur Springs, a hotel that later served as a hospital during the American Civil War. In 1860, James Randal Kent became a founder of the Preston and Olin Institute, a Methodist school in Blacksburg that was the predecessor to present day Virginia Tech. He was among the wealthiest men in Montgomery County with an estimated wealth of $196,000. Kent was a staunch supporter of the Confederacy, he enslaved more than 100 people at the start of the war. He served as an organizer for the Confederate Army, as well as a supplier of foodstuffs, providing grain and beef to the Confederate Army all the way up to the day Lee surrendered at Appomattox. Though Kentland survived the war, many barns and out-buildings were burned, including the plantation office with the majority of James Kent's personal papers, and in 1867 his land was valued at 41% less than it had been in 1860. James Randal Kent died on May 29, 1867. ","Sarah James Kent, daughter of James Randal Kent, married Francis Bell, a cattle buyer from Staunton, in 1855. Together Sarah and Francis had four surviving children: twin sons, James Randal Kent Bell and Samuel Hays Bell in 1858, a daughter, Mary Louisa Bell in 1861, and Francis \"Frank\" Bell in 1864. They built a home on the land in Pulaski given to Sarah by her father. They lived at Mountain Home until the mid-1870s, when in 1872 Francis Bell purchased land from the Darsts and the Cloyds, their new home, Rockwood, was built c. 1876.","The four Bell children were well educated and all attended college for some period of time. Public schools were non-existent at this time, so a governess, Mary Eliza Sedgewick taught them while they lived at Mountain Home. James Randal Kent and Samuel Hays Bell both attended Washington College in Lexington from 1875 to 1877. Mary Louisa Bell went to Mary Baldwin College in Staunton. Frank Bell attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute before transferring to the Virginia Military Institute and graduating with the class of 1885.","Sarah James Kent Bell died in April of 1884; Francis Bell followed her nine years later in 1893. In their will, all their land and properties were to be divided by the four children as they saw fit. James Randal Kent Bell received the Mountain Home properties, Samuel inherited the land in Augusta County, and Rockwood was split between Frank Bell and Mary Louisa Bell.","James Randal Kent Bell married three times. His first wife was Maria L. Sedgwick, the daughter of their governess, Mary Eliza Sedgewick, Maria died shortly after the birth of their daughter, Mary Peck Bell. His second wife was Lida Howell Whitsett, Lida died in January of 1902. Together they had five children, Amelia Louise, Elizabeth Kent, Sarah Frances, James, and Francis Joseph. The name of James R. K. Bell's third wife is unknown. All of his children were born at Mountain Home and grew up there.","Samuel Hays Bell married Bessie Arbuthnot on May 18, 1893. Together they had four daughters, Sarah James, Elizabeth, Mary Lou, and Margaret. They lived in Staunton on the land inherited from Francis Bell. Samuel Bell died in Staunton on June 26, 1903.","Mary Louisa Bell married Dr. Kent Black at Rockwood November 14, 1894. Dr. Black graduated from the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College in 1875, he worked as physician and surgeon at the school until 1890. Dr. Black died in 1909, following his death Mary Louisa Bell Black moved back to Pulaski to live with her family, she died at Rockwood December 12, 1943.","Frank Bell married Ellen Gordan Kent, the granddaughter of David Fenton Kent, in 1889. They had eight children: Sarah Kent Bell born September 28, 1890, Gordon Cloyd Bell born January 16, 1892, Ellen Howe Bell born February 12, 1893, Francis Bell born August 16, 1894, Mary Lou Bell born July 1, 1896, Elizabeth Cloyd Bell born September 7, 1897, Samuel Hays Bell born May 16, 1901, and Agnes McGavock Bell born September 1, 1905. Frank Bell worked in the cattle business just like his father and grandfather, he was an accomplished business man and over the years he bought up the rest of the Rockwood property from his sister, Mary Louisa Bell Black. He died at Rockwood on December 21, 1939, just a few months after the celebration of his fiftieth wedding anniversary.","Frank Bell's son, Gordon Cloyd Bell married Mary Eliza Withrow on November 16, 1918. They had four sons, Edgar Withrow Bell, Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr., David Kent Bell, and Andrew Mathews Bell. Gordon Bell Sr. was a farmer and overseer of farm lands, he also served as the President of the Bank of Dublin. Mary Withrow Bell died September 30, 1938. Gordon Cloyd Sr. then married Lucy Preston King in October of 1942, they lived for a time in Phoenix, Arizona where Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. died in 1965.","Edgar Withrow Bell, the eldest son of Gordon Cloyd and Mary Withrow Bell was born on October 27, 1919. He grew up in Dublin and attended Lees-McCrea College in North Carolina. He wrote articles about music trends and opened \"The Record Bar\" at Wysor Electric Appliance Co. in Dublin. He also served as a postal worker in Arlington where he died in November of 1971.","Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. was born in Dublin on May 13, 1921. He was a farmer and overseer of the Withrow and Bell lands in Pulaski County, VA. He also served on the board of the Bank of Dublin. He attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and Furman College before entering the armed services in January of 1943 and served with the Black Panther Division during World War II. Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound in September of 1967.","David Kent Bell was born in Dublin on April 5, 1925. David attended the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and graduated with the Class of 1949. He also served in the armed services during World War II. He married Beverly Ann Gould from Baltimore, together they had two children: Sheri Lynn Bell born April 30, 1957 and James Gordon Bell born March 3, 1959. David Kent and Beverly Gould divorced and he married Helga Lewandowski. David Kent Bell died January 26, 2003.","Andrew Mathews Bell was born in Dublin on July 14, 1932. He died October 26, 1948.","Ellen Howe Bell was born February 12, 1893. She attended Mary Baldwin College. Ellen married Orrin Rankin Magill on September 30, 1915. Through the National YMCA, they moved to China where they lived for many years. Upon retiring, they moved to Blacksburg where they often entertained Chinese students attending Virginia Tech. Ellen Howe Bell Magill was elected the 1962 Mother of the Year in Blacksburg. She died January 19, 1968.","In 1918, Gordon Cloyd Bell married Mary Eliza Withrow. She was the granddaughter of James W. Withrow of Greenbrier County. James Withrow was born in Lewisburg, in what is now West Virginia, on October 23, 1818. Though not a licensed attorney he served as a judge and for many years, the Master Commissioner of the Circuit Court. He also represented the county in the state legislature where he served on the Judiciary Committee. He married Mary Jane Kincaid and had two sons, Edgar Daingerfield Withrow and Heber K. Withrow, and three daughters, Mrs. Helen Feamster, Miss Mary J. Withrow, and Mrs. Lucy Withrow Montgomery. James Withrow died June 26, 1901.","Edgar Daingerfield Withrow was born December 9, 1845. He married Mary See Renick on November 3, 1886. Edgar served in the Civil War as a member of Confederate company E of the 14th Virginia Cavalry. Edgar was captured at Berryville in 1864 and spent the end of the war at Camp Chare in Ohio. Following the War, Edgar went into business with his father, and later ran his own business selling agricultural implements. Together with Mary Renick, he had six daughters and one son: Mary Mathews Withrow, born September 16, 1887, died October 3, 1892; Annie Primrose Withrow, born January 26, 1889, died June 16, 1982; Mary Eliza Withrow, born November 29, 1892, died September 29, 1938; Helen Cameron Withrow, born January 9, 1895, died July 25, 1903; Letitia Renick Withrow, born July 1, 1897, died December 24, 1922; Geraldine Withrow, born August 1, 1901, died July 8, 1902; Edgar D. Withrow Jr., born July 8, 1903, died October 2, 1913. The Withrows moved to Pulaski County sometime around 1910. Edgar Withrow died March 9, 1926 and Mary Renick Withrow died January 7, 1929. ","Annie P. Withrow never married. She was very close with her nephews, Edgar, Gordon, David and Andrew Bell, and much of their correspondence was written to her. She attended the Lewisburg Female Institute beginning in 1907. Annie Withrow died in June of 1982.","Letitia R. Withrow was born July 1, 1897. She moved with her family to Dublin and graduated from Dublin High School. She then attended Stonewall Jackson College in Abingdon until the school burned in 1914. She then entered Hollins College in Roanoke, VA, following graduation she became a special student of voice under Professor A. Y. Cornell of New York for two years. In 1919, she took a job as Assistant Voice Teacher at Greenville Women's College in Greenville, South Carolina. She taught there for two years, and one year at Annville College in Annville, Pennsylvania. She left Annville College to return to New York in order to resume her training with Professor Cornell in preparation for a singing career. Shortly thereafter she returned home, where she died from influenza on December 24, 1922."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection, Ms2008-040, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection, Ms2008-040, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection began in June 2008 and was completed in October 2008.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection began in June 2008 and was completed in October 2008."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_3149.xml\"\u003eA listing of individuals and families in the Biographical Vertical Files at Virginia Tech Special Collections and University Archives is available online,\u003c/a\u003e but files of particular interest may include:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003clist\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eBentley family (related to the Cloyd, Kent, and McGavock families)--this file contains a 2014 update to: Robert Gray's \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe McGavock Family. A Genealogical History of James McGavock and His Descendants from 1760 to 1903\u003c/title\u003e. Richmond: W.E. Jones, 1903. CS 71 .M144 1903 (copies in Special Collections and University Archives and Newman Library). \u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://digitalsc.lib.vt.edu/items/show/2684\"\u003eThe 2014 update is also available online.\u003c/a\u003e \u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eKent\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSee the following materials related to these families, which are also at Virginia Tech Special Collections and University Archives:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1290.xml\"\u003eBlack, Kent, and Apperson Family Papers, Ms1974-003\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1474.xml\"\u003eJames Randal Kent Papers, Ms1987-031\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1779.xml\"\u003eElizabeth Kent Adams Papers, Ms1990-045\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_3537.xml\"\u003e\"Whitethorne Photographs of Kentland for Margaret K. Cowan\" Photograph Album, Ms2021-020\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003ca target=\"_blank\" href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_4314.xml\"\u003eFrancis Bell Letter, Ms2024-088\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Archival Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["A listing of individuals and families in the Biographical Vertical Files at Virginia Tech Special Collections and University Archives is available online,  but files of particular interest may include:","Bentley family (related to the Cloyd, Kent, and McGavock families)--this file contains a 2014 update to: Robert Gray's  The McGavock Family. A Genealogical History of James McGavock and His Descendants from 1760 to 1903 . Richmond: W.E. Jones, 1903. CS 71 .M144 1903 (copies in Special Collections and University Archives and Newman Library).  The 2014 update is also available online. Kent","See the following materials related to these families, which are also at Virginia Tech Special Collections and University Archives:","Black, Kent, and Apperson Family Papers, Ms1974-003","James Randal Kent Papers, Ms1987-031","Elizabeth Kent Adams Papers, Ms1990-045","\"Whitethorne Photographs of Kentland for Margaret K. Cowan\" Photograph Album, Ms2021-020","Francis Bell Letter, Ms2024-088"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection spans the dates 1780 to 1998. The collection contains the papers and business records of four prominent families from Montgomery County and Pulaski County, Virginia and Greenbrier County, West Virginia. Also included are documents relating to numerous other individuals and families from across Southwest Virginia and Southern West Virginia. Documents include correspondence, land deeds and warrants, as well as financial records including debt statements, receipts, account statements, and money orders. The collection is divided into thirteen major series: Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. Papers, Edgar Withrow Bell Papers, Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. Papers, David Kent Bell Papers, Bell Family Papers, James Withrow Papers, Edgar D. Withrow Papers, Annie P. Withrow Papers, Withrow Family Papers, Kent Family Papers, Cloyd Family Papers, Other Family Papers, and Other Materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries I: Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. Papers: This series spans the years 1917 to 1962 and includes personal correspondence to and from Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. as well as business correspondence and materials from Bell's time as the President of the Bank of Dublin in Dublin, VA. The series also contains bank statements from 1940 to 1941.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II: Edgar Withrow Bell Papers: This series contains materials dating from 1919 to 1970, including a birth certificate for Edgar W. Bell. The papers are mainly personal in nature. There is extensive correspondence, dating from 1934 to 1970 as well as a scrapbook and some newspaper clippings. There is a limited amount of Edgar Bell's financial records including bank statements dating from 1942 to 1945.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries III: Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. Papers: these papers date from 1921 to 1967. These papers include a birth certificate and academic records, as well as, land deeds, tax documents, and financial records. Also included are materials from Gordon Bell Jr.'s time in the military including correspondence from the time of his service in World War II. World War II materials also include a \"Save Conduct Leaflet.\" These leaflets were air dropped in Western Europe by Allied forces in order to aid in the surrender of German Soldiers, the leaflet in this collection was most likely the version distributed from December 1944 through April 1945, it contains both English and German text.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV: David Kent Bell Papers: These papers date from 1925 to 1978. They range in scope from David Bell's birth certificate and education records to financial records and insurance documents. Also included is correspondence, some of which dates from David Bell's service in World War II. Also from this period are military documents dating from 1943 to 1948.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries V: Bell Family Papers: This series is composed for documents from various members of the Bell family including James Bell, Mary Withrow Bell, Andrew Bell, Francis Bell, and Ellen Howe Bell Magill. These items range in date from 1834 to 1967. They include financial records for James Bell, along with correspondence from Mary Withrow Bell, Andrew Bell, and Ellen Howe Bell Magill. This series also contains information regarding the settlement of the estates of both Francis Bell and Mary Withrow Bell.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VI: James Withrow Papers: This series contains material ranging in date from 1848 to 1910. The bulk of the material in this series is financial records for James Withrow's business in agriculture, including contracts, correspondence, checks, receipts, money orders, debt statements, and account statements. Also present are documents relating to the settlement of James Withrow's estate.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VII: Edgar D. Withrow Papers: This series spans the dates 1864 through 1936. Included in this series are personal items including correspondence from Edgar Withrow's time as a Confederate Prisoner of War. Also included are records from the Greenbrier Light Infantry Grays of which Edgar Withrow was a member. The majority of this series is composed of financial records and business records from Edgar Withrow's business as an agricultural implements salesman.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII: Annie Primrose Withrow Papers: These papers consist of personal correspondence and items dating from 1889 to 1981, including land deeds and other legal documents as well as a 1908 \"Greenbrier\" yearbook from the Lewisburg Female Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX: The Withrow Family Papers: This series spans from 1870 to 1941, it contains materials from members of the Withrow family including business records from various businesses run by James Withrow and his son, Edgar, in addition to this are papers from Heber K. Withrow, Mary Renick Withrow, Helen Withrow, Mary E. Withrow, Mary J. Withrow, Letitia Withrow, and papers from Withrow Place as well as the Withrow Tourist Home.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries X: The Kent Family Papers: This series includes materials dating from 1814 to 1881. The series includes the correspondence and financial records of two prominent Southwest Virginia landowners, James Randal Kent and David Fenton Kent.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XI: The Cloyd Family Papers: The Cloyd family papers include correspondence and financial records for Gordon, Mary, and James Cloyd. Also included are several land surveys done by Gordon Cloyd, a land surveyor for Southwest Virginia. These materials date from 1792 to 1866.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII: Other Family Papers: This series is composed of land warrants and deeds, financial records, and personal correspondence from numerous individuals and families from Southwest Virginia and what is now, Southern West Virginia. These materials range in date from 1780 to 1998 and are dived into two categories, those materials sorted by individual or family and items organized by category.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII: Other Materials: This series is composed of magazines, booklets, brochures, and photographs that could not be identified as belonging to any one person or family. The series spans the dates 1901 through 1997.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection spans the dates 1780 to 1998. The collection contains the papers and business records of four prominent families from Montgomery County and Pulaski County, Virginia and Greenbrier County, West Virginia. Also included are documents relating to numerous other individuals and families from across Southwest Virginia and Southern West Virginia. Documents include correspondence, land deeds and warrants, as well as financial records including debt statements, receipts, account statements, and money orders. The collection is divided into thirteen major series: Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. Papers, Edgar Withrow Bell Papers, Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. Papers, David Kent Bell Papers, Bell Family Papers, James Withrow Papers, Edgar D. Withrow Papers, Annie P. Withrow Papers, Withrow Family Papers, Kent Family Papers, Cloyd Family Papers, Other Family Papers, and Other Materials. ","Series I: Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. Papers: This series spans the years 1917 to 1962 and includes personal correspondence to and from Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr. as well as business correspondence and materials from Bell's time as the President of the Bank of Dublin in Dublin, VA. The series also contains bank statements from 1940 to 1941.","Series II: Edgar Withrow Bell Papers: This series contains materials dating from 1919 to 1970, including a birth certificate for Edgar W. Bell. The papers are mainly personal in nature. There is extensive correspondence, dating from 1934 to 1970 as well as a scrapbook and some newspaper clippings. There is a limited amount of Edgar Bell's financial records including bank statements dating from 1942 to 1945.","Series III: Gordon Cloyd Bell Jr. Papers: these papers date from 1921 to 1967. These papers include a birth certificate and academic records, as well as, land deeds, tax documents, and financial records. Also included are materials from Gordon Bell Jr.'s time in the military including correspondence from the time of his service in World War II. World War II materials also include a \"Save Conduct Leaflet.\" These leaflets were air dropped in Western Europe by Allied forces in order to aid in the surrender of German Soldiers, the leaflet in this collection was most likely the version distributed from December 1944 through April 1945, it contains both English and German text.","Series IV: David Kent Bell Papers: These papers date from 1925 to 1978. They range in scope from David Bell's birth certificate and education records to financial records and insurance documents. Also included is correspondence, some of which dates from David Bell's service in World War II. Also from this period are military documents dating from 1943 to 1948.","Series V: Bell Family Papers: This series is composed for documents from various members of the Bell family including James Bell, Mary Withrow Bell, Andrew Bell, Francis Bell, and Ellen Howe Bell Magill. These items range in date from 1834 to 1967. They include financial records for James Bell, along with correspondence from Mary Withrow Bell, Andrew Bell, and Ellen Howe Bell Magill. This series also contains information regarding the settlement of the estates of both Francis Bell and Mary Withrow Bell.","Series VI: James Withrow Papers: This series contains material ranging in date from 1848 to 1910. The bulk of the material in this series is financial records for James Withrow's business in agriculture, including contracts, correspondence, checks, receipts, money orders, debt statements, and account statements. Also present are documents relating to the settlement of James Withrow's estate.","Series VII: Edgar D. Withrow Papers: This series spans the dates 1864 through 1936. Included in this series are personal items including correspondence from Edgar Withrow's time as a Confederate Prisoner of War. Also included are records from the Greenbrier Light Infantry Grays of which Edgar Withrow was a member. The majority of this series is composed of financial records and business records from Edgar Withrow's business as an agricultural implements salesman.","Series VIII: Annie Primrose Withrow Papers: These papers consist of personal correspondence and items dating from 1889 to 1981, including land deeds and other legal documents as well as a 1908 \"Greenbrier\" yearbook from the Lewisburg Female Institute.","Series IX: The Withrow Family Papers: This series spans from 1870 to 1941, it contains materials from members of the Withrow family including business records from various businesses run by James Withrow and his son, Edgar, in addition to this are papers from Heber K. Withrow, Mary Renick Withrow, Helen Withrow, Mary E. Withrow, Mary J. Withrow, Letitia Withrow, and papers from Withrow Place as well as the Withrow Tourist Home.","Series X: The Kent Family Papers: This series includes materials dating from 1814 to 1881. The series includes the correspondence and financial records of two prominent Southwest Virginia landowners, James Randal Kent and David Fenton Kent.","Series XI: The Cloyd Family Papers: The Cloyd family papers include correspondence and financial records for Gordon, Mary, and James Cloyd. Also included are several land surveys done by Gordon Cloyd, a land surveyor for Southwest Virginia. These materials date from 1792 to 1866.","Series XII: Other Family Papers: This series is composed of land warrants and deeds, financial records, and personal correspondence from numerous individuals and families from Southwest Virginia and what is now, Southern West Virginia. These materials range in date from 1780 to 1998 and are dived into two categories, those materials sorted by individual or family and items organized by category.","Series XIII: Other Materials: This series is composed of magazines, booklets, brochures, and photographs that could not be identified as belonging to any one person or family. The series spans the dates 1901 through 1997."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_a5f70c760aaa388e4b03cbb66aec856e\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection contains the personal papers and financial records of members of four prominent families. Included are members of the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, and Withrow families, as well as, materials from related families and acquaintances. This is a diverse collection containing materials dating from 1780 to 1998. Items of interest include several Land Deeds and Warrant from the late 18th Century, including one signed by Benjamin Harrison, then Governor of Virginia; American Civil War correspondence from Confederate POW, Edgar Withrow; Regimental listings from the 19th Brigade of the Virginia Militia; and correspondence and military documents dating from World War II. The main collection contains materials from Gen. Gordon Cloyd, James Randal Kent, David Fenton Kent, Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr., David Kent Bell, James and Edgar Withrow, and many others.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Bell, Kent, Cloyd, Withrow Family Collection contains the personal papers and financial records of members of four prominent families. Included are members of the Bell, Kent, Cloyd, and Withrow families, as well as, materials from related families and acquaintances. This is a diverse collection containing materials dating from 1780 to 1998. Items of interest include several Land Deeds and Warrant from the late 18th Century, including one signed by Benjamin Harrison, then Governor of Virginia; American Civil War correspondence from Confederate POW, Edgar Withrow; Regimental listings from the 19th Brigade of the Virginia Militia; and correspondence and military documents dating from World War II. The main collection contains materials from Gen. Gordon Cloyd, James Randal Kent, David Fenton Kent, Gordon Cloyd Bell Sr., David Kent Bell, James and Edgar Withrow, and many others."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Withrow family","Cloyd family","Kent family","Bell family"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"names_coll_ssim":["Withrow family","Kent family","Cloyd family","Bell family"],"famname_ssim":["Withrow family","Cloyd family","Kent family","Bell family"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":221,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:41:59.155Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2361_c13"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c13","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XIII. Reed family additions","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c13#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c13","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c13"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c13","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"text":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series XIII. Reed family additions","articles","bibliographies","clippings (information artifacts)","diplomas","eulogies","excerpts","exhibit scripts","exhibition records","flags","inventories","invitations","letters (correspondence)","newspapers","Notebooks","notes","photographs","programs (documents)","reports","Reviews","sermons","speeches","telegrams","box 139-140","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia."],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XIII. Reed family additions","title_ssm":["Series XIII. Reed family additions"],"title_tesim":["Series XIII. Reed family additions"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1868-1949"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1850-1967"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1850/1967, bulk 1868/1949"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XIII. Reed family additions"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"extent_ssm":["2 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["2 boxes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":82,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":9557,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"date_range_isim":[1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967],"access_subjects_ssim":["articles","bibliographies","clippings (information artifacts)","diplomas","eulogies","excerpts","exhibit scripts","exhibition records","flags","inventories","invitations","letters (correspondence)","newspapers","Notebooks","notes","photographs","programs (documents)","reports","Reviews","sermons","speeches","telegrams"],"access_subjects_ssm":["articles","bibliographies","clippings (information artifacts)","diplomas","eulogies","excerpts","exhibit scripts","exhibition records","flags","inventories","invitations","letters (correspondence)","newspapers","Notebooks","notes","photographs","programs (documents)","reports","Reviews","sermons","speeches","telegrams"],"containers_ssim":["box 139-140"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n  \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia."],"_nest_path_":"/components#12","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_1710.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202324","title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998","bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"text":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710","Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever","There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions","The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.","Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.","Processed by: Historical Collections Staff","Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.","Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"unitid_tesim":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Materials from the following series were donated to the University of Virginia's Alderman Library in the fall of 1966 and the summer of 1970 by Philip Showalter Hench's widow, Mary Kahler Hench, with the approval of his estate:","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were donated to the HAM/TMC by Philip Showalter Hench as a small part of a larger collection of materials."," Materials from Series XIII. Reed family additions were donated by various individuals to Alderman Library between 1947 and 1972. Box 139, Folder 1 contains a list that describes each of these donations in detail."," Materials from Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, in 1988 and 1989."," Materials from Series XV. Laura Wood were most likely donated to Alderman Library between 1972 and 1982."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library as a part of the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eI. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eII. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIII. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eV. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eX. Photographic negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXVI. Edward Hook additions\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization of the Collection"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Information for the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission","Biographical Information for Walter Reed","Biographical Information for Jesse W. Lazear","Biographical Information for Henry Rose Carter","Biographical Information for Jefferson Randolph Kean","Biographical Information for Philip Showalter Hench"],"bioghist_tesim":["The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries I. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries V. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries X. Negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMaterials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e"],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by: Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePhilip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing History"],"processinfo_tesim":["Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003elegal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecertificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eobituaries;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ejournal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eresearch notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003econdolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWalter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emedical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003erecords relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFinally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ematerials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edrafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emeeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHavana and its environs;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003esites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand military installations in the United States.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother correspondence;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper and magazine clippings;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical and autobiographical accounts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003etranscripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003einformed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ediplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emanuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephysicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003efamily members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCamp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe U.S.S.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMaine\u003c/emph\u003eand the Spanish-American War;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eaerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003estill scenes from the movies,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003eand\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJezebel\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edocuments and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench and his family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe correspondence of experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003epress clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eoral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's research notes.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea journal article by George Sternberg;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand exhibition materials.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Copyright Status"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_98fe81a152b4be0b7388b1814ffaf4bd\"\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission."],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":10452,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ewas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003etheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eicteroides\u003c/emph\u003eproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ein tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e(later called\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e, and later still\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti\u003c/emph\u003e) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHow could a building become infected?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWhen does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOver what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex pungens\u003c/emph\u003efailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003e, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e, published immediately in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e. [16]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eBacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical News\u003c/title\u003e(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association\u003c/title\u003eIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[9] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[10] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[11]\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas reclassified shortly after the experiments as\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia\u003c/emph\u003eand later became\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti.\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[13] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[14] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[15] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[16] Please see note [7].\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eExperimental Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note)\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWalter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eArmy Register\u003c/title\u003e, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAnopheles\u003c/emph\u003emosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,\u003c/title\u003e \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal\u003c/title\u003e, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e[5]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eHenry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSouthern Medical Journal\u003c/title\u003e32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Carter, Henry Rose.\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003eBaltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Military Surgeon\u003c/title\u003e, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c13"}},{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c13","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XIII: Religious Materials","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c13","ref_ssm":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c13"],"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c13","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","parent_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","parent_ssim":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"text":["Adele Goodman Clark papers","Series XIII: Religious Materials"],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XIII: Religious Materials","title_ssm":["Series XIII: Religious Materials"],"title_tesim":["Series XIII: Religious Materials"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["undated, 1893-1970"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1893/1970"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XIII: Religious Materials"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"collection_ssim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":4,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":2425,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"date_range_isim":[1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970],"_nest_path_":"/components#12","timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:15:37.796Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VCU/repositories_5_resources_279.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Clark, Adele Goodman, papers","title_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"title_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1849-1978"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1849-1978"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279"],"text":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279","Adele Goodman Clark papers","Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond","Collection is open to research.","Series I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)","A founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.","The second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*","Clark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.","After passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.","Selected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.","In addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.","Clark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.","During the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.","In the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.","Clark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.","Clark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"","Adèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.","[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]","The Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.","The collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman","Willoughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).","The collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.","While the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.","The suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.","The bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.","The records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.","Documentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.","Clark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.","The collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.","The fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.","The final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.","The collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.","Significant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.","Special Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items.","There are no restrictions.","VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives","English"],"unitid_tesim":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"collection_ssim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"creator_ssm":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creator_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creators_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["128 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["128 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Restrictions on Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSeries I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Series I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAfter passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSelected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDuring the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAdèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["A founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.","The second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*","Clark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.","After passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.","Selected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.","In addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.","Clark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.","During the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.","In the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.","Clark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.","Clark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"","Adèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.","[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAdele Goodman Clark papers, Collection # M 9, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, Collection # M 9, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWilloughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWhile the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDocumentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSignificant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSpecial Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.","The collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman","Willoughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).","The collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.","While the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.","The suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.","The bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.","The records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.","Documentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.","Clark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.","The collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.","The fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.","The final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.","The collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.","Significant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.","Special Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"names_coll_ssim":["League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"names_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"corpname_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives"],"persname_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3079,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:15:37.796Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c13"}},{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02_c12","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Series XII: Miscellaneous","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02_c12#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02_c12","ref_ssm":["vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02_c12"],"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02_c12","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02","parent_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02","parent_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_180","vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_180","vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers","Record Group II: Accessions 6-7"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers","Record Group II: Accessions 6-7"],"text":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers","Record Group II: Accessions 6-7","Series XII: Miscellaneous"],"title_filing_ssi":"Series XII: Miscellaneous","title_ssm":["Series XII: Miscellaneous"],"title_tesim":["Series XII: Miscellaneous"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1932-1986, undated"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1932/1986"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Series XII: Miscellaneous"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"collection_ssim":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":7,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":4754,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open to researchers without restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"date_range_isim":[1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#11","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:49:30.225Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_180","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ODU/repositories_5_resources_180.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archivesguides.lib.odu.edu/repositories/5/resources/180","title_filing_ssi":"Howell, Henry E., Jr.","title_ssm":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers"],"title_tesim":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1928-1999, undated","1960-1978","Date acquired: 11/04/1974"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1960-1978"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1928-1999, undated"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["Date acquired: 11/04/1974"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MG 1","/repositories/5/resources/180"],"text":["MG 1","/repositories/5/resources/180","Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers","Virginia--Politics and government","City council members--Virginia--Norfolk","Lawyers--Virginia--Norfolk","Virginia--Lieutenant-governors","Busing for school integration--Virginia","Governors--Election--History--20th century","Democratic Party (Va.)","School integration--Massive resistance movement","The collection is open to researchers without restrictions.","Second accession: Gift of Henry Howell, Jr. 1976.","Third accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1977.","Fourth accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1978.","Fifth accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1980.","Sixth Accession: Gift of Mary Howell, 1998.","Seventh Accession: Gift of Mary Howell, 2008.","The collection is organized into two record groups: Record Group I: Accessions 1-5; and Record Group II: Accessions 6-7. Each record group is further organized into series within each record group.","Henry Evans Howell, Jr., was born in Norfolk, Virginia, on September 5, 1920. Mr. Howell married the former Elizabeth McCarty of Portsmouth and Crewe, Virginia. They had three children: Mary, Hank and Susan.","Howell graduated from Maury High School in 1938. After attending the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary (now Old Dominion University), Howell entered the Law School of the University of Virginia. He graduated with an LL.B. degree in 1943.","Howell first practiced law in West Palm Beach, Florida, but returned to Norfolk after several years. He served as law clerk to U.S. District Court Judge Sterling Hutcheson and Albert V. Bryan, and in 1948 he became associated with R. Arthur Jett with whom he formed the law firm of Jett, Sykes, and Howell in 1950. He formed a new firm - Howell, Anninos, and Daugherty (now Howell, Anninos, Daugherty, and Brown) in 1959. Mr. Howell specialized in admiralty and tort law.","Howell first became involved in politics during Francis Pickens Miller's unsuccessful campaign for the Democratic nomination for Governor in 1949. In 1952 he served as co-manager in Norfolk for Miller's unsuccessful primary battle against Senator Harry F. Byrd. He later headed the \"Volunteers for Stevenson-Kefauver\" in Norfolk.","Howell first ran for political office in 1953 when he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Democratic primary for one of Norfolk's seats in the House of Delegates. His subsequent campaigns which made him one of the best known political figures in Virginia brought him his share of notable victories and bitter disappointments. His successes include election as a Democrat to the House of Delegates in 1959 and 1963 and to the State Senate in 1965 and 1967, and election to the Lt. Governor's office in 1971 as an independent. Howell's disappointments include a narrow loss for re-nomination in the 1961 Democratic primary in Norfolk, a loss to William C. Battle by less than 2% of the votes for the Democratic nomination for Governor in 1969, and a razor-thin loss in 1973 when he ran for Governor as an independent against Republican Mills Godwin.","Howell was always a \"maverick\" in terms of traditional Virginia politics. He was a liberal in a basically conservative state, pro-labor in a state which strongly favors right-to-work laws, a representative of an urbanized, industrialized district in a state legislature long dominated by politicians from rural areas - the remnants of the \"Byrd machine.\" His survival as a viable political figure under these circumstances seems attributable to his avowed stance as a \"populist,\" a champion of the ordinary citizen against the big economic interests and their political allies. One of his key slogans was \"Keep the Big Boys Honest.\"","In 1977 Henry Howell ran for the third time for Governor of Virginia. Howell waged his usual vigorous campaign. His opponent was former Attorney General Andrew Miller in the Democratic primary.Howell received 253,373 votes (51.4%) to 239,735 (48.6%) for Miller. Howell's primary victory was attributable to support by a coalition of liberals, urban voters, Black people and organized labor. These groups tend to vote heavily in Democratic primary elections. In fact their influence in Democratic primaries is out of proportion to their number in the electorate as a whole.","Henry Howell appeared confident of his success against his Republican opponent John Dalton in the fall campaign. Once again, however, he experienced defeat. In what some analysts interpreted as a referendum on Howell himself, the voters gave Dalton a victory by 157,983 votes. Dalton received 55.9% (699,302 votes) to Howell's 43.3% (541,319 votes). Nonetheless, Howell remained prominent in the liberal faction of Virginia's Democratic Party and strongly supported President Jimmy Carter for re-election in 1980.","Henry Howell died at his home in Norfolk on July 7, 1997.","The first record group was processed and finding aid created by James F. Walsh in 1974.","Henry Howell audiovisual material related to his political campains can be found at the  Library of Virginia .","Scope and Contents: Record Group I: Accessions 1-5","The bulk of this record group deals with Mr. Howell's political career, first in Norfolk, Virginia, and, after 1968, on the statewide level as well. The specifically political papers deal with Howell's involvement in political campaigns and Democratic Party affairs. Most of this consists of correspondence, miscellaneous records and campaign materials from his own campaigns for office, especially those for Governor in 1969 and 1973, and for Lt. Governor in 1971. Most of the newspaper clippings, pictorial and sound records, file cards, and speeches concern these campaigns. The legislative material consists of correspondence and reference material directly related to Mr. Howell's legislative activities as a Delegate (1960-1962, 1964-1966) and State Senator (1966-1971).","The legal papers consist largely of briefs and correspondence pertaining to Mr. Howell's \"political\" cases: suits the re-poll tax, legislative reapportionment, the use of federal impact funds, etc., as well as State Corporation Commission hearings and related court suits  regarding requests for rate increases by public utilities and insurance companies. The personal papers are largely personal correspondence unrelated to Mr. Howell's legislative and legal careers.","Scope and Contents: Record Group II: Accessions 6-7","This combined accession consists of correspondence (personal, legal, and political), legal materials and documents, gubernatorial campaign materials, legislative materials, audio-visual items, photographs, and memorabilia. The accession also contains materials belonging to Henry Howell's wife, Elizabeth (Betty). Her materials mostly pertain to her service on the Norfolk City Council (1974-1992).","Materials in regard to Howell's political campaigns (1969, 1973, 1977 Gubernatorial Campaigns; 1971 Special Campaign for Lt. Governor) take up the bulk and these materials consist of press releases, campaign flyers and pamphlets, campaign operations and schedules, and speeches. Legal materials consist of Howell's cases against C \u0026 P Telephone and the Virginia Power and Electric Company.","Audio-Visual materials consist of film and audio recordings pertaining to Howell's 1969, 1973, and 1977 gubernatorial campaigns. Some of the materials are copies from the Library of Virginia's Henry Howell Audio-Visual Collection ( http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=lva/vi02326.xml )","Memorabilia includes various plaques and awards depicting Howell's service to the community and campaign items including bumper stickers, buttons, and signs.  Other items of note include a framed letter to Henry and Betty Howell, from Lady Bird Johnson, and printing plate depicting \"how the Byrd machine works.\"","Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.","Henry Evans Howell, Jr. served in the General Assembly and as Lieutenant Governor (1971-1973). Unsuccessful candidate for Governor of Virginia three times (1969, 1973,1977). Bulk of the collection deals with his career in politics, first in Norfolk and, after 1968, on the statewide level. Documents Democratic Party affairs from 1948 through 1977. Also includes promotional audio and video clips created as part of Howell's campaigns for the Virginia governorship in 1969, 1973 and 1977. Included are radio and television advertisements, speeches and scripted television broadcasts.","ODU Community Collections","Virginia. General Assembly","Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)","Howell, Elizabeth McCarty (1917-2005)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MG 1","/repositories/5/resources/180"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers"],"repository_ssm":["Old Dominion University"],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"geogname_ssm":["Virginia--Politics and government"],"geogname_ssim":["Virginia--Politics and government"],"creator_ssm":["Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)"],"creator_ssim":["Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)"],"creators_ssim":["Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)"],"places_ssim":["Virginia--Politics and government"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of the Honorable Henry E. Howell, Jr.","Gift. Accession #A74-12"],"access_subjects_ssim":["City council members--Virginia--Norfolk","Lawyers--Virginia--Norfolk","Virginia--Lieutenant-governors","Busing for school integration--Virginia","Governors--Election--History--20th century","Democratic Party (Va.)","School integration--Massive resistance movement"],"access_subjects_ssm":["City council members--Virginia--Norfolk","Lawyers--Virginia--Norfolk","Virginia--Lieutenant-governors","Busing for school integration--Virginia","Governors--Election--History--20th century","Democratic Party (Va.)","School integration--Massive resistance movement"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["208.10 Linear Feet","295 Hollinger document cases; 16 record cartons; 9 oversize boxes; 3 media boxes boxes"],"extent_tesim":["208.10 Linear Feet","295 Hollinger document cases; 16 record cartons; 9 oversize boxes; 3 media boxes boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open to researchers without restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open to researchers without restrictions."],"accruals_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSecond accession: Gift of Henry Howell, Jr. 1976.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThird accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1977.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFourth accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1978.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFifth accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1980.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSixth Accession: Gift of Mary Howell, 1998.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeventh Accession: Gift of Mary Howell, 2008.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accruals_heading_ssm":["Accruals and Additions"],"accruals_tesim":["Second accession: Gift of Henry Howell, Jr. 1976.","Third accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1977.","Fourth accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1978.","Fifth accession:  Gift of Henry Howell, Jr., 1980.","Sixth Accession: Gift of Mary Howell, 1998.","Seventh Accession: Gift of Mary Howell, 2008."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is organized into two record groups: Record Group I: Accessions 1-5; and Record Group II: Accessions 6-7. Each record group is further organized into series within each record group.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement Note"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is organized into two record groups: Record Group I: Accessions 1-5; and Record Group II: Accessions 6-7. Each record group is further organized into series within each record group."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eHenry Evans Howell, Jr., was born in Norfolk, Virginia, on September 5, 1920. Mr. Howell married the former Elizabeth McCarty of Portsmouth and Crewe, Virginia. They had three children: Mary, Hank and Susan.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHowell graduated from Maury High School in 1938. After attending the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary (now Old Dominion University), Howell entered the Law School of the University of Virginia. He graduated with an LL.B. degree in 1943.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHowell first practiced law in West Palm Beach, Florida, but returned to Norfolk after several years. He served as law clerk to U.S. District Court Judge Sterling Hutcheson and Albert V. Bryan, and in 1948 he became associated with R. Arthur Jett with whom he formed the law firm of Jett, Sykes, and Howell in 1950. He formed a new firm - Howell, Anninos, and Daugherty (now Howell, Anninos, Daugherty, and Brown) in 1959. Mr. Howell specialized in admiralty and tort law.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHowell first became involved in politics during Francis Pickens Miller's unsuccessful campaign for the Democratic nomination for Governor in 1949. In 1952 he served as co-manager in Norfolk for Miller's unsuccessful primary battle against Senator Harry F. Byrd. He later headed the \"Volunteers for Stevenson-Kefauver\" in Norfolk.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHowell first ran for political office in 1953 when he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Democratic primary for one of Norfolk's seats in the House of Delegates. His subsequent campaigns which made him one of the best known political figures in Virginia brought him his share of notable victories and bitter disappointments. His successes include election as a Democrat to the House of Delegates in 1959 and 1963 and to the State Senate in 1965 and 1967, and election to the Lt. Governor's office in 1971 as an independent. Howell's disappointments include a narrow loss for re-nomination in the 1961 Democratic primary in Norfolk, a loss to William C. Battle by less than 2% of the votes for the Democratic nomination for Governor in 1969, and a razor-thin loss in 1973 when he ran for Governor as an independent against Republican Mills Godwin.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHowell was always a \"maverick\" in terms of traditional Virginia politics. He was a liberal in a basically conservative state, pro-labor in a state which strongly favors right-to-work laws, a representative of an urbanized, industrialized district in a state legislature long dominated by politicians from rural areas - the remnants of the \"Byrd machine.\" His survival as a viable political figure under these circumstances seems attributable to his avowed stance as a \"populist,\" a champion of the ordinary citizen against the big economic interests and their political allies. One of his key slogans was \"Keep the Big Boys Honest.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn 1977 Henry Howell ran for the third time for Governor of Virginia. Howell waged his usual vigorous campaign. His opponent was former Attorney General Andrew Miller in the Democratic primary.Howell received 253,373 votes (51.4%) to 239,735 (48.6%) for Miller. Howell's primary victory was attributable to support by a coalition of liberals, urban voters, Black people and organized labor. These groups tend to vote heavily in Democratic primary elections. In fact their influence in Democratic primaries is out of proportion to their number in the electorate as a whole.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHenry Howell appeared confident of his success against his Republican opponent John Dalton in the fall campaign. Once again, however, he experienced defeat. In what some analysts interpreted as a referendum on Howell himself, the voters gave Dalton a victory by 157,983 votes. Dalton received 55.9% (699,302 votes) to Howell's 43.3% (541,319 votes). Nonetheless, Howell remained prominent in the liberal faction of Virginia's Democratic Party and strongly supported President Jimmy Carter for re-election in 1980.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHenry Howell died at his home in Norfolk on July 7, 1997.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical or Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Henry Evans Howell, Jr., was born in Norfolk, Virginia, on September 5, 1920. Mr. Howell married the former Elizabeth McCarty of Portsmouth and Crewe, Virginia. They had three children: Mary, Hank and Susan.","Howell graduated from Maury High School in 1938. After attending the Norfolk Division of the College of William and Mary (now Old Dominion University), Howell entered the Law School of the University of Virginia. He graduated with an LL.B. degree in 1943.","Howell first practiced law in West Palm Beach, Florida, but returned to Norfolk after several years. He served as law clerk to U.S. District Court Judge Sterling Hutcheson and Albert V. Bryan, and in 1948 he became associated with R. Arthur Jett with whom he formed the law firm of Jett, Sykes, and Howell in 1950. He formed a new firm - Howell, Anninos, and Daugherty (now Howell, Anninos, Daugherty, and Brown) in 1959. Mr. Howell specialized in admiralty and tort law.","Howell first became involved in politics during Francis Pickens Miller's unsuccessful campaign for the Democratic nomination for Governor in 1949. In 1952 he served as co-manager in Norfolk for Miller's unsuccessful primary battle against Senator Harry F. Byrd. He later headed the \"Volunteers for Stevenson-Kefauver\" in Norfolk.","Howell first ran for political office in 1953 when he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Democratic primary for one of Norfolk's seats in the House of Delegates. His subsequent campaigns which made him one of the best known political figures in Virginia brought him his share of notable victories and bitter disappointments. His successes include election as a Democrat to the House of Delegates in 1959 and 1963 and to the State Senate in 1965 and 1967, and election to the Lt. Governor's office in 1971 as an independent. Howell's disappointments include a narrow loss for re-nomination in the 1961 Democratic primary in Norfolk, a loss to William C. Battle by less than 2% of the votes for the Democratic nomination for Governor in 1969, and a razor-thin loss in 1973 when he ran for Governor as an independent against Republican Mills Godwin.","Howell was always a \"maverick\" in terms of traditional Virginia politics. He was a liberal in a basically conservative state, pro-labor in a state which strongly favors right-to-work laws, a representative of an urbanized, industrialized district in a state legislature long dominated by politicians from rural areas - the remnants of the \"Byrd machine.\" His survival as a viable political figure under these circumstances seems attributable to his avowed stance as a \"populist,\" a champion of the ordinary citizen against the big economic interests and their political allies. One of his key slogans was \"Keep the Big Boys Honest.\"","In 1977 Henry Howell ran for the third time for Governor of Virginia. Howell waged his usual vigorous campaign. His opponent was former Attorney General Andrew Miller in the Democratic primary.Howell received 253,373 votes (51.4%) to 239,735 (48.6%) for Miller. Howell's primary victory was attributable to support by a coalition of liberals, urban voters, Black people and organized labor. These groups tend to vote heavily in Democratic primary elections. In fact their influence in Democratic primaries is out of proportion to their number in the electorate as a whole.","Henry Howell appeared confident of his success against his Republican opponent John Dalton in the fall campaign. Once again, however, he experienced defeat. In what some analysts interpreted as a referendum on Howell himself, the voters gave Dalton a victory by 157,983 votes. Dalton received 55.9% (699,302 votes) to Howell's 43.3% (541,319 votes). Nonetheless, Howell remained prominent in the liberal faction of Virginia's Democratic Party and strongly supported President Jimmy Carter for re-election in 1980.","Henry Howell died at his home in Norfolk on July 7, 1997."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Folder [insert number and title], Henry E. Howell, Jr. Papers, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe first record group was processed and finding aid created by James F. Walsh in 1974.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The first record group was processed and finding aid created by James F. Walsh in 1974."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eHenry Howell audiovisual material related to his political campains can be found at the \u003cextref href=\"http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=lva/vi02326.xml\"\u003eLibrary of Virginia\u003c/extref\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Henry Howell audiovisual material related to his political campains can be found at the  Library of Virginia ."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"underline\"\u003eScope and Contents: Record Group I: Accessions 1-5\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe bulk of this record group deals with Mr. Howell's political career, first in Norfolk, Virginia, and, after 1968, on the statewide level as well. The specifically political papers deal with Howell's involvement in political campaigns and Democratic Party affairs. Most of this consists of correspondence, miscellaneous records and campaign materials from his own campaigns for office, especially those for Governor in 1969 and 1973, and for Lt. Governor in 1971. Most of the newspaper clippings, pictorial and sound records, file cards, and speeches concern these campaigns. The legislative material consists of correspondence and reference material directly related to Mr. Howell's legislative activities as a Delegate (1960-1962, 1964-1966) and State Senator (1966-1971).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe legal papers consist largely of briefs and correspondence pertaining to Mr. Howell's \"political\" cases: suits the re-poll tax, legislative reapportionment, the use of federal impact funds, etc., as well as State Corporation Commission hearings and related court suits  regarding requests for rate increases by public utilities and insurance companies. The personal papers are largely personal correspondence unrelated to Mr. Howell's legislative and legal careers.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"underline\"\u003eScope and Contents: Record Group II: Accessions 6-7\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThis combined accession consists of correspondence (personal, legal, and political), legal materials and documents, gubernatorial campaign materials, legislative materials, audio-visual items, photographs, and memorabilia. The accession also contains materials belonging to Henry Howell's wife, Elizabeth (Betty). Her materials mostly pertain to her service on the Norfolk City Council (1974-1992).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMaterials in regard to Howell's political campaigns (1969, 1973, 1977 Gubernatorial Campaigns; 1971 Special Campaign for Lt. Governor) take up the bulk and these materials consist of press releases, campaign flyers and pamphlets, campaign operations and schedules, and speeches. Legal materials consist of Howell's cases against C \u0026amp; P Telephone and the Virginia Power and Electric Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAudio-Visual materials consist of film and audio recordings pertaining to Howell's 1969, 1973, and 1977 gubernatorial campaigns. Some of the materials are copies from the Library of Virginia's Henry Howell Audio-Visual Collection (\u003cextref href=\"http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=lva/vi02326.xml\"\u003ehttp://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=lva/vi02326.xml\u003c/extref\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMemorabilia includes various plaques and awards depicting Howell's service to the community and campaign items including bumper stickers, buttons, and signs.  Other items of note include a framed letter to Henry and Betty Howell, from Lady Bird Johnson, and printing plate depicting \"how the Byrd machine works.\"\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scope and Contents: Record Group I: Accessions 1-5","The bulk of this record group deals with Mr. Howell's political career, first in Norfolk, Virginia, and, after 1968, on the statewide level as well. The specifically political papers deal with Howell's involvement in political campaigns and Democratic Party affairs. Most of this consists of correspondence, miscellaneous records and campaign materials from his own campaigns for office, especially those for Governor in 1969 and 1973, and for Lt. Governor in 1971. Most of the newspaper clippings, pictorial and sound records, file cards, and speeches concern these campaigns. The legislative material consists of correspondence and reference material directly related to Mr. Howell's legislative activities as a Delegate (1960-1962, 1964-1966) and State Senator (1966-1971).","The legal papers consist largely of briefs and correspondence pertaining to Mr. Howell's \"political\" cases: suits the re-poll tax, legislative reapportionment, the use of federal impact funds, etc., as well as State Corporation Commission hearings and related court suits  regarding requests for rate increases by public utilities and insurance companies. The personal papers are largely personal correspondence unrelated to Mr. Howell's legislative and legal careers.","Scope and Contents: Record Group II: Accessions 6-7","This combined accession consists of correspondence (personal, legal, and political), legal materials and documents, gubernatorial campaign materials, legislative materials, audio-visual items, photographs, and memorabilia. The accession also contains materials belonging to Henry Howell's wife, Elizabeth (Betty). Her materials mostly pertain to her service on the Norfolk City Council (1974-1992).","Materials in regard to Howell's political campaigns (1969, 1973, 1977 Gubernatorial Campaigns; 1971 Special Campaign for Lt. Governor) take up the bulk and these materials consist of press releases, campaign flyers and pamphlets, campaign operations and schedules, and speeches. Legal materials consist of Howell's cases against C \u0026 P Telephone and the Virginia Power and Electric Company.","Audio-Visual materials consist of film and audio recordings pertaining to Howell's 1969, 1973, and 1977 gubernatorial campaigns. Some of the materials are copies from the Library of Virginia's Henry Howell Audio-Visual Collection ( http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=lva/vi02326.xml )","Memorabilia includes various plaques and awards depicting Howell's service to the community and campaign items including bumper stickers, buttons, and signs.  Other items of note include a framed letter to Henry and Betty Howell, from Lady Bird Johnson, and printing plate depicting \"how the Byrd machine works.\""],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_54283d23f09da93926d113d7a86b0737\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eHenry Evans Howell, Jr. served in the General Assembly and as Lieutenant Governor (1971-1973). Unsuccessful candidate for Governor of Virginia three times (1969, 1973,1977). Bulk of the collection deals with his career in politics, first in Norfolk and, after 1968, on the statewide level. Documents Democratic Party affairs from 1948 through 1977. Also includes promotional audio and video clips created as part of Howell's campaigns for the Virginia governorship in 1969, 1973 and 1977. Included are radio and television advertisements, speeches and scripted television broadcasts.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Henry Evans Howell, Jr. served in the General Assembly and as Lieutenant Governor (1971-1973). Unsuccessful candidate for Governor of Virginia three times (1969, 1973,1977). Bulk of the collection deals with his career in politics, first in Norfolk and, after 1968, on the statewide level. Documents Democratic Party affairs from 1948 through 1977. Also includes promotional audio and video clips created as part of Howell's campaigns for the Virginia governorship in 1969, 1973 and 1977. Included are radio and television advertisements, speeches and scripted television broadcasts."],"names_coll_ssim":["Virginia. General Assembly","Howell, Elizabeth McCarty (1917-2005)","Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)"],"names_ssim":["ODU Community Collections","Virginia. General Assembly","Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)","Howell, Elizabeth McCarty (1917-2005)"],"corpname_ssim":["ODU Community Collections","Virginia. General Assembly"],"persname_ssim":["Howell, Henry E. (Henry Evans) (1920-1997)","Howell, Elizabeth McCarty (1917-2005)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":4890,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:49:30.225Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_180_c02_c12"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353_c12","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353_c12#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353_c12","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353_c12"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353_c12","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"text":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records","SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS"],"title_filing_ssi":"SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS","title_ssm":["SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS"],"title_tesim":["SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1926-2002"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1926/2002"],"normalized_title_ssm":["SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":2,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":75,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002],"_nest_path_":"/components#11","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:37:20.031Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2353","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_2353.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records","title_ssm":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"title_tesim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1922-2002"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1922-2002"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.2008.032"],"text":["Ms.2008.032","Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records","Women -- History","Collection is open to research.","The collection largely follows the original order in which it was received. The original folders had been grouped under headings, delineated by tabbed markers. These groupings have been preserved as 15 series, arranged by subject matter and material type. A sixteenth series was added for general materials that did not fit into any of the original categorizations. A small set of oversized materials completes the collection. ","SERIES I: MINUTES, 1957-2001. This series includes minutes for significant meetings, including executive board meetings, executive council meetings, board of directors meetings and general assemblies of members.","SERIES II: MEMBERSHIP LISTS, 1922-1997. This series is comprised of lists of active members. Early lists document full name and town or county of residence. Beginning with the 1940s, most names have a corresponding mailing address as well. By 1965, all members were required to provide a full mailing address.","SERIES III: PRESIDENTS AND OFFICERS, 1958-2002. Lists of officers, naming state officers, college club/chapter officers, chairmen of district associations, chairmen of professional sections, chairmen of committees, including the convention committee, and news editors. As the VHEA expanded in size and scope, new positions were created along with new districts, professional sections, subject matter sections, and committees. Series III also contains a complete list of VHEA Presidents from 1910 to 1976. The President's Folder has papers that passed through the president's office between 1961 and 1971.","SERIES IV: SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS, 1921-2000. This series contains reports on the objectives and concerns of the VHEA. The Program of Work (POW) outlines broad annual goals and general plans of action throughout the history of VAFCS. Most of the folders are devoted to specific projects or reports intended to influence Virginia legislation or promote social issues that are of concern.","SERIES V: CORRESPONDENCE AND COMMUNICATIONS, 1961-1979. Series V contains letters and memos that the VHEA sent or received. \"Correspondence\" and \"VHEA Correspondence\" include a variety of subjects between the years 1961 and 1971. \"AHEA Correspondence\" contains letters and memos between the VHEA and the AHEA regarding a variety of subjects between 1969 and 1979. \"AHEA Communications\" contains announcements addressed to state officers from 1967 to 1969.","SERIES VI: ANNUAL REPORTS, 1947-1973. Series VI consists of regular internal reports as well as reports addressed to the AHEA from approximately 1960 to 1973. The annual reports regard a variety of subjects including the status of the local college chapter. This series also contains many committee reports. The treasurer's reports contain suggested and accepted fiscal year budgets from 1958 to 1973. The president submitted statements about VHEA progress and accomplishments in the form of an annual \"president's message.\"","SERIES VII: CONVENTION PROGRAMS, 1929-2002. This series contains a complete record of VHEA annual convention programs. Every year officers, committee members and regular members met to review the accomplishments of the previous year and to introduce future goals and plans of action. The programs also provide lists of the names and titles of speeches and presentations, as well as complete lists of the presiding officers, chairmen of committees, and chairmen of district committees.","SERIES VIII: HANDBOOKS, 1954-1995. Series VIII contains various editions of the VHEA Handbook, intended to serve as a guide for presiding officers and chairs of committees and units. It consists mostly of protocol and duty descriptions for VHEA leaders, and is therefore the most significant source for outlining the day-to-day functions of the organization. Revised every few years, it also portrays the development of the VHEA.","SERIES IX: VHEA HISTORY, 1956-1985. This series contains secondary sources pertaining to the history of the VAFCS. The most significant of these is a small book written in 1956 by VHEA founder and director of home economics at Radford College, M'Ledge Moffett, entitled  The Virginia Home Economics Association: A Resume of Its Historical Developments . It describes the initial push to integrate the study of Home Economics into higher education programs across the state, as well as other important events in VAFCS history. The file on Old Dominion Home Economics Association (ODHEA) contains officer lists from 1942 to 1966 when it merged with the previously segregated VHEA.","SERIES X: CONSTITUTION AND BYLAWS: This series contains various copies of the constitution and bylaws, showing their development to 1970. The earlier copies are undated. The constitution and bylaws of the VHEA Student Member Section from 1967 are also included.","SERIES XI: VHEA DISTRICTS AND REGIONS, 1924-1986. This series shows the development of the VHEA system of regions. There were four regions in 1977, with another three added by 1983. Regions served as the program arm of VHEA. Under a separate leadership, each region assisted the implementation of programs handed down from the state administration. The series is organized by region and the folders contain correspondence between the regional leadership and the state leadership.","SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS, 1926-2002. The newsletter for members contains articles concerning the business of the organization as well as articles about the family. The newsletter also serves as a bulletin about the activities of other related organizations.","SERIES XIII: VHEA CONVENTION, 1960-1968. This series consists of correspondence pertaining to the annual convention.","SERIES XIV: STUDENT MEMBER SECTION, 1958-1989. This series contains material pertaining to the VHEA Student Member Section (SMS), including individual college club membership lists and membership reports, financial reports, and copies of  The College Echo , the SMS newsletter. It also contains all material related to the annual workshops conducted by the college clubs, which was one of the main events related to the VHEA College Chapter.","SERIES XV: VHEA SCHOLARSHIP PROGRAM, 1954-1965. The Scholarship Committee awarded scholarships to outstanding females who planned to pursue a college degree, often related to the study of home economics. This series contains the papers from the committees, winning applications, and news from the winners during and after college.","SERIES XVI: GENERAL VHEA RECORDS, 1948-1984. This series documents the AHEA 75th anniversary that occurred in 1983, a VHEA boutique that was held in 1968, and executive council meeting from 1970 to 1971. There is also a folder for historic Virginia brochures, VHEA letterheads, and a collection of photographs and newspaper articles from 1948 to 1949.","The discipline of home economics was first conceptualized in the 1890s by Ellen Swallow Richard, who subsequently founded the American Home Economics Association (AHEA) in January 1909. Mary Ledger Moffett, Mary E. Dillard and Frances Sale began organizing the Virginia Home Economics Association (VHEA) later that year, with Mary E. Dillard becoming the first president in 1910. The VHEA functioned as an affiliate of the national branch in its mission, promoting individual, family and community well-being in Virginia. ","The AHEA changed its name to the American Association of Family and Consumer Sciences (AAFCS) in 1994 in order to more accurately define the scope of the profession in general. The VHEA followed suit, becoming the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences (VAFCS)."," With its predecessor, the VAFCS has served Virginia as a source of practical knowledge about human growth and development, personal behavior, housing and environment, food and nutrition, apparel and textiles, and resource management. It has also influenced Virginia legislation pertaining to the family unit by disseminating information and lobbying. The VAFCS is currently (2008) headquartered in Amelia, Virginia.","The guide to the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement and description of the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records commenced in June, 2008 and was completed in August, 2008.","Virginia Home Economics Association. Committee for the Standardization of Consumer Goods. Records, 1930-1936. Ms63-001.","The Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records consist primarily of permanent records produced by the VAFCS administrations. Most of the materials date from approximately 1940 to 1990; however, some of the membership lists, convention programs and newsletters date back to the 1920s. There are several published histories included in the collection that trace the VAFCS to its inception in 1909. Most of the permanent records were accumulated at the executive office that had been located in Lynchburg. The collection contains such records as meeting minutes, membership lists, officer lists, reports, correspondence, annual convention programs, revised handbooks, published histories, constitutions and bylaws, and newsletters. On a smaller scale, similar records were kept for the Student Member Section (SMS), a subsidiary of VHEA comprised of college clubs.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The collection contains the administrative records of the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences and its predecessor, the Virginia Home Economics Association, including minutes, membership lists, reports to the state legislature, convention programs, constitutions and bylaws, newsletters, and materials related to the Student Member Section.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences","The materials in the collection are in English."],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.2008.032"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"collection_title_tesim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"collection_ssim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences"],"creator_ssim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences"],"creators_ssim":["Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records were donated to Special Collections in 2002. Additional materials were donated in 2003."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Women -- History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Women -- History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["7.2 Cubic Feet 14 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["7.2 Cubic Feet 14 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection largely follows the original order in which it was received. The original folders had been grouped under headings, delineated by tabbed markers. These groupings have been preserved as 15 series, arranged by subject matter and material type. A sixteenth series was added for general materials that did not fit into any of the original categorizations. A small set of oversized materials completes the collection. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES I: MINUTES, 1957-2001. This series includes minutes for significant meetings, including executive board meetings, executive council meetings, board of directors meetings and general assemblies of members.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES II: MEMBERSHIP LISTS, 1922-1997. This series is comprised of lists of active members. Early lists document full name and town or county of residence. Beginning with the 1940s, most names have a corresponding mailing address as well. By 1965, all members were required to provide a full mailing address.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES III: PRESIDENTS AND OFFICERS, 1958-2002. Lists of officers, naming state officers, college club/chapter officers, chairmen of district associations, chairmen of professional sections, chairmen of committees, including the convention committee, and news editors. As the VHEA expanded in size and scope, new positions were created along with new districts, professional sections, subject matter sections, and committees. Series III also contains a complete list of VHEA Presidents from 1910 to 1976. The President's Folder has papers that passed through the president's office between 1961 and 1971.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES IV: SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS, 1921-2000. This series contains reports on the objectives and concerns of the VHEA. The Program of Work (POW) outlines broad annual goals and general plans of action throughout the history of VAFCS. Most of the folders are devoted to specific projects or reports intended to influence Virginia legislation or promote social issues that are of concern.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES V: CORRESPONDENCE AND COMMUNICATIONS, 1961-1979. Series V contains letters and memos that the VHEA sent or received. \"Correspondence\" and \"VHEA Correspondence\" include a variety of subjects between the years 1961 and 1971. \"AHEA Correspondence\" contains letters and memos between the VHEA and the AHEA regarding a variety of subjects between 1969 and 1979. \"AHEA Communications\" contains announcements addressed to state officers from 1967 to 1969.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES VI: ANNUAL REPORTS, 1947-1973. Series VI consists of regular internal reports as well as reports addressed to the AHEA from approximately 1960 to 1973. The annual reports regard a variety of subjects including the status of the local college chapter. This series also contains many committee reports. The treasurer's reports contain suggested and accepted fiscal year budgets from 1958 to 1973. The president submitted statements about VHEA progress and accomplishments in the form of an annual \"president's message.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES VII: CONVENTION PROGRAMS, 1929-2002. This series contains a complete record of VHEA annual convention programs. Every year officers, committee members and regular members met to review the accomplishments of the previous year and to introduce future goals and plans of action. The programs also provide lists of the names and titles of speeches and presentations, as well as complete lists of the presiding officers, chairmen of committees, and chairmen of district committees.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES VIII: HANDBOOKS, 1954-1995. Series VIII contains various editions of the VHEA Handbook, intended to serve as a guide for presiding officers and chairs of committees and units. It consists mostly of protocol and duty descriptions for VHEA leaders, and is therefore the most significant source for outlining the day-to-day functions of the organization. Revised every few years, it also portrays the development of the VHEA.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES IX: VHEA HISTORY, 1956-1985. This series contains secondary sources pertaining to the history of the VAFCS. The most significant of these is a small book written in 1956 by VHEA founder and director of home economics at Radford College, M'Ledge Moffett, entitled \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Virginia Home Economics Association: A Resume of Its Historical Developments\u003c/title\u003e. It describes the initial push to integrate the study of Home Economics into higher education programs across the state, as well as other important events in VAFCS history. The file on Old Dominion Home Economics Association (ODHEA) contains officer lists from 1942 to 1966 when it merged with the previously segregated VHEA.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES X: CONSTITUTION AND BYLAWS: This series contains various copies of the constitution and bylaws, showing their development to 1970. The earlier copies are undated. The constitution and bylaws of the VHEA Student Member Section from 1967 are also included.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES XI: VHEA DISTRICTS AND REGIONS, 1924-1986. This series shows the development of the VHEA system of regions. There were four regions in 1977, with another three added by 1983. Regions served as the program arm of VHEA. Under a separate leadership, each region assisted the implementation of programs handed down from the state administration. The series is organized by region and the folders contain correspondence between the regional leadership and the state leadership.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS, 1926-2002. The newsletter for members contains articles concerning the business of the organization as well as articles about the family. The newsletter also serves as a bulletin about the activities of other related organizations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES XIII: VHEA CONVENTION, 1960-1968. This series consists of correspondence pertaining to the annual convention.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES XIV: STUDENT MEMBER SECTION, 1958-1989. This series contains material pertaining to the VHEA Student Member Section (SMS), including individual college club membership lists and membership reports, financial reports, and copies of \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe College Echo\u003c/title\u003e, the SMS newsletter. It also contains all material related to the annual workshops conducted by the college clubs, which was one of the main events related to the VHEA College Chapter.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES XV: VHEA SCHOLARSHIP PROGRAM, 1954-1965. The Scholarship Committee awarded scholarships to outstanding females who planned to pursue a college degree, often related to the study of home economics. This series contains the papers from the committees, winning applications, and news from the winners during and after college.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSERIES XVI: GENERAL VHEA RECORDS, 1948-1984. This series documents the AHEA 75th anniversary that occurred in 1983, a VHEA boutique that was held in 1968, and executive council meeting from 1970 to 1971. There is also a folder for historic Virginia brochures, VHEA letterheads, and a collection of photographs and newspaper articles from 1948 to 1949.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection largely follows the original order in which it was received. The original folders had been grouped under headings, delineated by tabbed markers. These groupings have been preserved as 15 series, arranged by subject matter and material type. A sixteenth series was added for general materials that did not fit into any of the original categorizations. A small set of oversized materials completes the collection. ","SERIES I: MINUTES, 1957-2001. This series includes minutes for significant meetings, including executive board meetings, executive council meetings, board of directors meetings and general assemblies of members.","SERIES II: MEMBERSHIP LISTS, 1922-1997. This series is comprised of lists of active members. Early lists document full name and town or county of residence. Beginning with the 1940s, most names have a corresponding mailing address as well. By 1965, all members were required to provide a full mailing address.","SERIES III: PRESIDENTS AND OFFICERS, 1958-2002. Lists of officers, naming state officers, college club/chapter officers, chairmen of district associations, chairmen of professional sections, chairmen of committees, including the convention committee, and news editors. As the VHEA expanded in size and scope, new positions were created along with new districts, professional sections, subject matter sections, and committees. Series III also contains a complete list of VHEA Presidents from 1910 to 1976. The President's Folder has papers that passed through the president's office between 1961 and 1971.","SERIES IV: SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS, 1921-2000. This series contains reports on the objectives and concerns of the VHEA. The Program of Work (POW) outlines broad annual goals and general plans of action throughout the history of VAFCS. Most of the folders are devoted to specific projects or reports intended to influence Virginia legislation or promote social issues that are of concern.","SERIES V: CORRESPONDENCE AND COMMUNICATIONS, 1961-1979. Series V contains letters and memos that the VHEA sent or received. \"Correspondence\" and \"VHEA Correspondence\" include a variety of subjects between the years 1961 and 1971. \"AHEA Correspondence\" contains letters and memos between the VHEA and the AHEA regarding a variety of subjects between 1969 and 1979. \"AHEA Communications\" contains announcements addressed to state officers from 1967 to 1969.","SERIES VI: ANNUAL REPORTS, 1947-1973. Series VI consists of regular internal reports as well as reports addressed to the AHEA from approximately 1960 to 1973. The annual reports regard a variety of subjects including the status of the local college chapter. This series also contains many committee reports. The treasurer's reports contain suggested and accepted fiscal year budgets from 1958 to 1973. The president submitted statements about VHEA progress and accomplishments in the form of an annual \"president's message.\"","SERIES VII: CONVENTION PROGRAMS, 1929-2002. This series contains a complete record of VHEA annual convention programs. Every year officers, committee members and regular members met to review the accomplishments of the previous year and to introduce future goals and plans of action. The programs also provide lists of the names and titles of speeches and presentations, as well as complete lists of the presiding officers, chairmen of committees, and chairmen of district committees.","SERIES VIII: HANDBOOKS, 1954-1995. Series VIII contains various editions of the VHEA Handbook, intended to serve as a guide for presiding officers and chairs of committees and units. It consists mostly of protocol and duty descriptions for VHEA leaders, and is therefore the most significant source for outlining the day-to-day functions of the organization. Revised every few years, it also portrays the development of the VHEA.","SERIES IX: VHEA HISTORY, 1956-1985. This series contains secondary sources pertaining to the history of the VAFCS. The most significant of these is a small book written in 1956 by VHEA founder and director of home economics at Radford College, M'Ledge Moffett, entitled  The Virginia Home Economics Association: A Resume of Its Historical Developments . It describes the initial push to integrate the study of Home Economics into higher education programs across the state, as well as other important events in VAFCS history. The file on Old Dominion Home Economics Association (ODHEA) contains officer lists from 1942 to 1966 when it merged with the previously segregated VHEA.","SERIES X: CONSTITUTION AND BYLAWS: This series contains various copies of the constitution and bylaws, showing their development to 1970. The earlier copies are undated. The constitution and bylaws of the VHEA Student Member Section from 1967 are also included.","SERIES XI: VHEA DISTRICTS AND REGIONS, 1924-1986. This series shows the development of the VHEA system of regions. There were four regions in 1977, with another three added by 1983. Regions served as the program arm of VHEA. Under a separate leadership, each region assisted the implementation of programs handed down from the state administration. The series is organized by region and the folders contain correspondence between the regional leadership and the state leadership.","SERIES XII: NEWSLETTERS, 1926-2002. The newsletter for members contains articles concerning the business of the organization as well as articles about the family. The newsletter also serves as a bulletin about the activities of other related organizations.","SERIES XIII: VHEA CONVENTION, 1960-1968. This series consists of correspondence pertaining to the annual convention.","SERIES XIV: STUDENT MEMBER SECTION, 1958-1989. This series contains material pertaining to the VHEA Student Member Section (SMS), including individual college club membership lists and membership reports, financial reports, and copies of  The College Echo , the SMS newsletter. It also contains all material related to the annual workshops conducted by the college clubs, which was one of the main events related to the VHEA College Chapter.","SERIES XV: VHEA SCHOLARSHIP PROGRAM, 1954-1965. The Scholarship Committee awarded scholarships to outstanding females who planned to pursue a college degree, often related to the study of home economics. This series contains the papers from the committees, winning applications, and news from the winners during and after college.","SERIES XVI: GENERAL VHEA RECORDS, 1948-1984. This series documents the AHEA 75th anniversary that occurred in 1983, a VHEA boutique that was held in 1968, and executive council meeting from 1970 to 1971. There is also a folder for historic Virginia brochures, VHEA letterheads, and a collection of photographs and newspaper articles from 1948 to 1949."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe discipline of home economics was first conceptualized in the 1890s by Ellen Swallow Richard, who subsequently founded the American Home Economics Association (AHEA) in January 1909. Mary Ledger Moffett, Mary E. Dillard and Frances Sale began organizing the Virginia Home Economics Association (VHEA) later that year, with Mary E. Dillard becoming the first president in 1910. The VHEA functioned as an affiliate of the national branch in its mission, promoting individual, family and community well-being in Virginia. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe AHEA changed its name to the American Association of Family and Consumer Sciences (AAFCS) in 1994 in order to more accurately define the scope of the profession in general. The VHEA followed suit, becoming the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences (VAFCS).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e With its predecessor, the VAFCS has served Virginia as a source of practical knowledge about human growth and development, personal behavior, housing and environment, food and nutrition, apparel and textiles, and resource management. It has also influenced Virginia legislation pertaining to the family unit by disseminating information and lobbying. The VAFCS is currently (2008) headquartered in Amelia, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["The discipline of home economics was first conceptualized in the 1890s by Ellen Swallow Richard, who subsequently founded the American Home Economics Association (AHEA) in January 1909. Mary Ledger Moffett, Mary E. Dillard and Frances Sale began organizing the Virginia Home Economics Association (VHEA) later that year, with Mary E. Dillard becoming the first president in 1910. The VHEA functioned as an affiliate of the national branch in its mission, promoting individual, family and community well-being in Virginia. ","The AHEA changed its name to the American Association of Family and Consumer Sciences (AAFCS) in 1994 in order to more accurately define the scope of the profession in general. The VHEA followed suit, becoming the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences (VAFCS)."," With its predecessor, the VAFCS has served Virginia as a source of practical knowledge about human growth and development, personal behavior, housing and environment, food and nutrition, apparel and textiles, and resource management. It has also influenced Virginia legislation pertaining to the family unit by disseminating information and lobbying. The VAFCS is currently (2008) headquartered in Amelia, Virginia."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records, Ms2008-032, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records, Ms2008-032, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement and description of the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records commenced in June, 2008 and was completed in August, 2008.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement and description of the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records commenced in June, 2008 and was completed in August, 2008."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eVirginia Home Economics Association. Committee for the Standardization of Consumer Goods. Records, 1930-1936. Ms63-001.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Archival Material"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Virginia Home Economics Association. Committee for the Standardization of Consumer Goods. Records, 1930-1936. Ms63-001."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records consist primarily of permanent records produced by the VAFCS administrations. Most of the materials date from approximately 1940 to 1990; however, some of the membership lists, convention programs and newsletters date back to the 1920s. There are several published histories included in the collection that trace the VAFCS to its inception in 1909. Most of the permanent records were accumulated at the executive office that had been located in Lynchburg. The collection contains such records as meeting minutes, membership lists, officer lists, reports, correspondence, annual convention programs, revised handbooks, published histories, constitutions and bylaws, and newsletters. On a smaller scale, similar records were kept for the Student Member Section (SMS), a subsidiary of VHEA comprised of college clubs.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences Records consist primarily of permanent records produced by the VAFCS administrations. Most of the materials date from approximately 1940 to 1990; however, some of the membership lists, convention programs and newsletters date back to the 1920s. There are several published histories included in the collection that trace the VAFCS to its inception in 1909. Most of the permanent records were accumulated at the executive office that had been located in Lynchburg. The collection contains such records as meeting minutes, membership lists, officer lists, reports, correspondence, annual convention programs, revised handbooks, published histories, constitutions and bylaws, and newsletters. On a smaller scale, similar records were kept for the Student Member Section (SMS), a subsidiary of VHEA comprised of college clubs."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_b2a018939b9411c15dcb3842ae043d94\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe collection contains the administrative records of the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences and its predecessor, the Virginia Home Economics Association, including minutes, membership lists, reports to the state legislature, convention programs, constitutions and bylaws, newsletters, and materials related to the Student Member Section.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The collection contains the administrative records of the Virginia Association of Family and Consumer Sciences and its predecessor, the Virginia Home Economics Association, including minutes, membership lists, reports to the state legislature, convention programs, constitutions and bylaws, newsletters, and materials related to the 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