{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=458","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=457","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=459","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=463"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":458,"next_page":459,"prev_page":457,"total_pages":463,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":4570,"total_count":4624,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_383#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eWilliam Gwynn Coe diary transcript [1935?]; 1864-1865, and other papers, 0.03 cubic feet, about the activities of a pastor and his family in 1864 in Onancock, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. Also included is a document titled \"From An Authentic History of Onancock Methodist Episcopal Church, South\" by J. Shenton Lodge, a map of Onancock County, and Coe's pastoral report to the convention conference on February 27, 1865.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_383#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_383.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/333","title_filing_ssi":"Coe, William Gwynn, diary transcript and other papers","title_ssm":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers"],"title_tesim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["[1935]; 1864-1865"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["[1935]; 1864-1865"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1864/1935"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935"],"text":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935","MSS 16199","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/383","The collection is open for research use.","William Gwynn Coe diary transcript [1935?]; 1864-1865, and other papers, 0.03 cubic feet, about the activities of a pastor and his family in 1864 in Onancock, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. Also included is a document titled \"From An Authentic History of Onancock Methodist Episcopal Church, South\" by J. Shenton Lodge, a map of Onancock County, and Coe's pastoral report to the convention conference on February 27, 1865.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935"],"collection_ssim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16199","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/383"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16199","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/383"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Jerry Showalter by the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia on July 16, 2016."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.03 Cubic Feet One folder in a document box BW 9."],"extent_tesim":["0.03 Cubic Feet One folder in a document box BW 9."],"date_range_isim":[1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16199, William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16199, William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Gwynn Coe diary transcript [1935?]; 1864-1865, and other papers, 0.03 cubic feet, about the activities of a pastor and his family in 1864 in Onancock, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. Also included is a document titled \"From An Authentic History of Onancock Methodist Episcopal Church, South\" by J. Shenton Lodge, a map of Onancock County, and Coe's pastoral report to the convention conference on February 27, 1865.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript [1935?]; 1864-1865, and other papers, 0.03 cubic feet, about the activities of a pastor and his family in 1864 in Onancock, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. Also included is a document titled \"From An Authentic History of Onancock Methodist Episcopal Church, South\" by J. Shenton Lodge, a map of Onancock County, and Coe's pastoral report to the convention conference on February 27, 1865."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:18.571Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_383","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_383.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/333","title_filing_ssi":"Coe, William Gwynn, diary transcript and other papers","title_ssm":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers"],"title_tesim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["[1935]; 1864-1865"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["[1935]; 1864-1865"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1864/1935"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935"],"text":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935","MSS 16199","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/383","The collection is open for research use.","William Gwynn Coe diary transcript [1935?]; 1864-1865, and other papers, 0.03 cubic feet, about the activities of a pastor and his family in 1864 in Onancock, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. Also included is a document titled \"From An Authentic History of Onancock Methodist Episcopal Church, South\" by J. Shenton Lodge, a map of Onancock County, and Coe's pastoral report to the convention conference on February 27, 1865.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935"],"collection_ssim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, 1864/1935"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16199","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/383"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16199","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/383"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Jerry Showalter by the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia on July 16, 2016."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.03 Cubic Feet One folder in a document box BW 9."],"extent_tesim":["0.03 Cubic Feet One folder in a document box BW 9."],"date_range_isim":[1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16199, William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16199, William Gwynn Coe diary transcript and other papers, Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Gwynn Coe diary transcript [1935?]; 1864-1865, and other papers, 0.03 cubic feet, about the activities of a pastor and his family in 1864 in Onancock, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. Also included is a document titled \"From An Authentic History of Onancock Methodist Episcopal Church, South\" by J. Shenton Lodge, a map of Onancock County, and Coe's pastoral report to the convention conference on February 27, 1865.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["William Gwynn Coe diary transcript [1935?]; 1864-1865, and other papers, 0.03 cubic feet, about the activities of a pastor and his family in 1864 in Onancock, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. Also included is a document titled \"From An Authentic History of Onancock Methodist Episcopal Church, South\" by J. Shenton Lodge, a map of Onancock County, and Coe's pastoral report to the convention conference on February 27, 1865."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:18.571Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_383"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c421","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing, 1924/1932","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c421#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c421","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c421"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c421","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n                  correspondence about the history of\n                  printing","title_ssm":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing"],"title_tesim":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing, 1924/1932"],"text":["William H. Martin, Leesburg, Va. -\n correspondence about the history of\n printing, 1924/1932","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 135"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1924/1932"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1924 -1932"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":422,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 135"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#420","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c421"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c83","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books, 1928/1932","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c83#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c83","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c83"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c83","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William H. Robinson - correspondence,\n                  catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n                  books","title_ssm":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books"],"title_tesim":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books, 1928/1932"],"text":["William H. Robinson - correspondence, catalogues orders, and receipts related to old\n books, 1928/1932","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 44"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1928/1932"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1928 -1932"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":84,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 44"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#82","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c83"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_98","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"William Minor Lile journals, 1882/1932","creator":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_98#creator","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"Lile, William Minor, 1859-1935","label":"Creator"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_98#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_98","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_98","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_98","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_98","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_98.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/107021","title_ssm":["William Minor Lile journals"],"title_tesim":["William Minor Lile journals"],"unitdate_ssm":["1882-1932"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1882-1932"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1882/1932"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Minor Lile journals, 1882/1932"],"text":["William Minor Lile journals, 1882/1932","MSS.89.1","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/98","lawyers -- Virginia","University of Virginia. 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1907/1980","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1148#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1148.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/123325","title_filing_ssi":"Nalle, William, Jr., papers","title_ssm":["William Nalle, Jr. papers"],"title_tesim":["William Nalle, Jr. papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1907-1980"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1907-1980"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/1980"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Nalle, Jr. papers, 1907/1980"],"text":["William Nalle, Jr. papers, 1907/1980","MSS 16620","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival 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Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1148"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16620","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1148"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1914-1918 -- Personal narratives, American","Black-and-white photographs"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1914-1918 -- Personal narratives, American","Black-and-white photographs"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.2 Cubic Feet 1 letter half-size box"],"extent_tesim":["0.2 Cubic Feet 1 letter half-size box"],"genreform_ssim":["Black-and-white photographs"],"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:40:28.109Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1148","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1148.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/123325","title_filing_ssi":"Nalle, William, Jr., papers","title_ssm":["William Nalle, Jr. papers"],"title_tesim":["William Nalle, Jr. papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1907-1980"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1907-1980"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/1980"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Nalle, Jr. papers, 1907/1980"],"text":["William Nalle, Jr. papers, 1907/1980","MSS 16620","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1148","World War, 1914-1918 -- Personal narratives, American","Black-and-white photographs","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["William Nalle, Jr. papers, 1907/1980"],"collection_ssim":["William Nalle, Jr. papers, 1907/1980"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16620","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1148"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16620","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1148"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1914-1918 -- Personal narratives, American","Black-and-white photographs"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1914-1918 -- Personal narratives, American","Black-and-white photographs"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.2 Cubic Feet 1 letter half-size box"],"extent_tesim":["0.2 Cubic Feet 1 letter half-size box"],"genreform_ssim":["Black-and-white photographs"],"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:40:28.109Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1148"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c732","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health, 1924/1934","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c732#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c732","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c732"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c732","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n                  -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n                  families, their health","title_ssm":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health"],"title_tesim":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health, 1924/1934"],"text":["William Pfaff, New Orleans, Louisiana\n -correspondence about printing, rare books, their\n families, their health, 1924/1934","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 208"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1924/1934"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1924 -1934"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":733,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 208"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#731","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937","382","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n \n 1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:21.688Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c732"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01_c418","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"William P. G. Harding to Carter Glass about the Federal Reserve Act Amendment stabilization bill, 1928","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01_c418#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01_c418","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01_c418"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01_c418","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01","parent_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 1. Banking, 1908/1946","Banking correspondence, 1908/1946"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_206","viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01","viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William P. G. Harding to Carter Glass about the Federal Reserve Act Amendment stabilization bill","title_ssm":["William P. G. Harding to Carter Glass about the Federal Reserve Act Amendment stabilization bill"],"title_tesim":["William P. G. Harding to Carter Glass about the Federal Reserve Act Amendment stabilization bill"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William P. G. Harding to Carter Glass about the Federal Reserve Act Amendment stabilization bill, 1928"],"text":["William P. G. Harding to Carter Glass about the Federal Reserve Act Amendment stabilization bill, 1928","Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 1. Banking, 1908/1946","Banking correspondence, 1908/1946","box 14","folder 12","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 1. Banking, 1908/1946","Banking correspondence, 1908/1946"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 1. Banking, 1908/1946","Banking correspondence, 1908/1946"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1928"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1928"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":420,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"containers_ssim":["box 14","folder 12"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1928],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0/components#417","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:02.842Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_206.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/146110","title_filing_ssi":"Glass, Carter, papers","title_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers"],"title_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1820-1946"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1820-1946"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1820/1946"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"text":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206","Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century","Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims.","The collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence,  banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets.","Due to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.","Series 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282.","Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946.  In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts.  At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.","Carter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\",  he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers.","Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities.  Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.","Not as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.","Carter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.","Glass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.","Sources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026 Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times","The Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act).","Other topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.","Virginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors;  Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.","Miscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.","Among the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt.","There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"collection_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"geogname_ssim":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"places_ssim":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a gift from the Glass family to the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia in 1948."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["141 Cubic Feet 285 document boxes, 3 oversize flat boxes"],"extent_tesim":["141 Cubic Feet 285 document boxes, 3 oversize flat boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence,  banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDue to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence,  banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets.","Due to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.","Series 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946.  In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts.  At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCarter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\",  he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e  Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities.  Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.\n \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nCarter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGlass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026amp; Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946.  In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts.  At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.","Carter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\",  he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers.","Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities.  Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.","Not as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.","Carter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.","Glass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.","Sources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026 Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 2913, Carter Glass papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 2913, Carter Glass papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act).  \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOther topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eVirginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors;  Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAmong the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act).","Other topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.","Virginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors;  Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.","Miscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.","Among the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":4648,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:02.842Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c01_c01_c418"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04_c03","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"William Samuel Burnley, 1877/1939","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04_c03"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04","parent_ssim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Personal papers, 1913/1922"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_271","viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"William Samuel Burnley","title_ssm":["William Samuel Burnley"],"title_tesim":["William Samuel Burnley"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Samuel Burnley, 1877/1939"],"text":["William Samuel Burnley, 1877/1939","Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Personal papers, 1913/1922","box 1 [X030899269]","folder 19","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Personal papers, 1913/1922"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Personal papers, 1913/1922"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1877/1939"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1877-1939"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":24,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964"],"extent_ssm":["0.04 Cubic Feet One folder."],"extent_tesim":["0.04 Cubic Feet One folder."],"containers_ssim":["box 1 [X030899269]","folder 19"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#2","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:02.842Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_271.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/138141","title_filing_ssi":"Burnley Family papers","title_ssm":["Burnley Family papers"],"title_tesim":["Burnley Family papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1808-1964"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1808-1964"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1808/1964"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964"],"text":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","MSS 15926","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/271","There are four series for this collection, Series 1. Correspondence 1842-1964, Series 2. Legal 1808-1816, Series 3. Military 1862-1864, Series 4. Personal 1913-1924","The Burnleys were a well-known family in nineteenth-century Albemarle County, Virginia. Nathaniel Burnley (1786-1860) owned the Hydraulic Mills complex as well as Rio Mills on the South Fork of the Rivanna River. The Burnley family may have originally descended from [John Burnley 1760-1810 of England] who bought land in Albemarle County, Virginia.","Nathaniel Burnley (the patriarch-great grandfather in this collection) married Sarah (Sallie) Sutton Drury Wood(1795-1879) in 1811. They lived near Stony Point and owned a tavern. In 1829, Nathaniel Burnley and his partner, Rice W. Wood bought the Rio Hydraulic Mills, which was at the junction of Ivy Creek and the South Rivanna River.","Nathaniel and Sarah Burnley's children were Martha Caroline Burnley (1820-1904), Emily (Emma) Garth (1824-1896) (married to Garland Garth), Lucy Vest (1828-1903), Horace Buckner Burnley (1822-1891), Sarah Frances Burnley (1831-1901), Cornelia Rice Railey (1834-1896), Drury Wood Burnley (1826-1906), James Fendall Burnley), Dr. William Rice Burnley (1815-1842), and Mary Jane Garth (1818-1890) (married to Burwell Garth). Martha Caroline Burnley married Samuel Goodman Burnley (1800-1875) (who was a cousin of her father Nathaniel Burnley).","Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley's son, William Henry Burnley (1840-1919) married Emma C. Dyson Burnley. Their son was William Samuel Burnley (1868-1942). William Samuel Burnley was a teacher and writer. He was married to Lula Payne Burnley and their children were Byron, William, James Henry, and John Nathaniel Burnley (1916-1964). Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley also had a son named James Nathaniel Burnley (1848-1908). Both James Nathaniel Burnley and Dr. William Rice Burnley attended the University of Virginia. Carrie Cornelia Burnley, Charlottesville school teacher and principal is not in this collection but these are her uncles and aunts.","Other Burnley family members (brother and niece) MSS 7871, MSS 4902","This collection of Burnley Family letters, 3 cubic feet,  contain family correspondence and papers of a prominent Albemarle County, Charlottesvile, Virginia family from 1808 to 1964 which include civil war and slave documents, military papers of Company F, 7th Infantry orders, teaching papers of Samuel Goodman Burnley, political letters about Harry Flood Byrd, writings of William Samuel Burnley,  and letters reflecting the turn of the century family life, friends, church services, and family and local news.","Also included is University of Virginia Law professor John B. Minor's advice to student William Samuel Burnley (1890); and a record book  for Rockbridge Academy (1841) and a yearbook for Charlottesville High School, 1924.","Correspondents include Sarah (Sallie) Stoddard Wood Burnley, Samuel Goodman Burnley, Martha Caroline Burnley and her siblings, William Henry Burnley, Emma C. Dyson Burnley, James Nathaniel Burnley, William Samuel Burnley, N.B. 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Correspondence 1842-1964, Series 2. Legal 1808-1816, Series 3. Military 1862-1864, Series 4. Personal 1913-1924\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["There are four series for this collection, Series 1. Correspondence 1842-1964, Series 2. Legal 1808-1816, Series 3. Military 1862-1864, Series 4. Personal 1913-1924"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Burnleys were a well-known family in nineteenth-century Albemarle County, Virginia. Nathaniel Burnley (1786-1860) owned the Hydraulic Mills complex as well as Rio Mills on the South Fork of the Rivanna River. The Burnley family may have originally descended from [John Burnley 1760-1810 of England] who bought land in Albemarle County, Virginia. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNathaniel Burnley (the patriarch-great grandfather in this collection) married Sarah (Sallie) Sutton Drury Wood(1795-1879) in 1811. They lived near Stony Point and owned a tavern. 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He was married to Lula Payne Burnley and their children were Byron, William, James Henry, and John Nathaniel Burnley (1916-1964). Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley also had a son named James Nathaniel Burnley (1848-1908). Both James Nathaniel Burnley and Dr. William Rice Burnley attended the University of Virginia. Carrie Cornelia Burnley, Charlottesville school teacher and principal is not in this collection but these are her uncles and aunts.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Burnleys were a well-known family in nineteenth-century Albemarle County, Virginia. Nathaniel Burnley (1786-1860) owned the Hydraulic Mills complex as well as Rio Mills on the South Fork of the Rivanna River. The Burnley family may have originally descended from [John Burnley 1760-1810 of England] who bought land in Albemarle County, Virginia.","Nathaniel Burnley (the patriarch-great grandfather in this collection) married Sarah (Sallie) Sutton Drury Wood(1795-1879) in 1811. They lived near Stony Point and owned a tavern. In 1829, Nathaniel Burnley and his partner, Rice W. Wood bought the Rio Hydraulic Mills, which was at the junction of Ivy Creek and the South Rivanna River.","Nathaniel and Sarah Burnley's children were Martha Caroline Burnley (1820-1904), Emily (Emma) Garth (1824-1896) (married to Garland Garth), Lucy Vest (1828-1903), Horace Buckner Burnley (1822-1891), Sarah Frances Burnley (1831-1901), Cornelia Rice Railey (1834-1896), Drury Wood Burnley (1826-1906), James Fendall Burnley), Dr. William Rice Burnley (1815-1842), and Mary Jane Garth (1818-1890) (married to Burwell Garth). Martha Caroline Burnley married Samuel Goodman Burnley (1800-1875) (who was a cousin of her father Nathaniel Burnley).","Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley's son, William Henry Burnley (1840-1919) married Emma C. Dyson Burnley. Their son was William Samuel Burnley (1868-1942). William Samuel Burnley was a teacher and writer. He was married to Lula Payne Burnley and their children were Byron, William, James Henry, and John Nathaniel Burnley (1916-1964). Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley also had a son named James Nathaniel Burnley (1848-1908). Both James Nathaniel Burnley and Dr. William Rice Burnley attended the University of Virginia. Carrie Cornelia Burnley, Charlottesville school teacher and principal is not in this collection but these are her uncles and aunts."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 15926, Burnley Family papers, 1839-1964, Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 15926, Burnley Family papers, 1839-1964, Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia"],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOther Burnley family members (brother and niece) MSS 7871, MSS 4902\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Other Burnley family members (brother and niece) MSS 7871, MSS 4902"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection of Burnley Family letters, 3 cubic feet,  contain family correspondence and papers of a prominent Albemarle County, Charlottesvile, Virginia family from 1808 to 1964 which include civil war and slave documents, military papers of Company F, 7th Infantry orders, teaching papers of Samuel Goodman Burnley, political letters about Harry Flood Byrd, writings of William Samuel Burnley,  and letters reflecting the turn of the century family life, friends, church services, and family and local news. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlso included is University of Virginia Law professor John B. Minor's advice to student William Samuel Burnley (1890); and a record book  for Rockbridge Academy (1841) and a yearbook for Charlottesville High School, 1924.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCorrespondents include Sarah (Sallie) Stoddard Wood Burnley, Samuel Goodman Burnley, Martha Caroline Burnley and her siblings, William Henry Burnley, Emma C. Dyson Burnley, James Nathaniel Burnley, William Samuel Burnley, N.B. Early, Byron Burnley, John Nathaniel Burnley, and James Henry Burnley.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection of Burnley Family letters, 3 cubic feet,  contain family correspondence and papers of a prominent Albemarle County, Charlottesvile, Virginia family from 1808 to 1964 which include civil war and slave documents, military papers of Company F, 7th Infantry orders, teaching papers of Samuel Goodman Burnley, political letters about Harry Flood Byrd, writings of William Samuel Burnley,  and letters reflecting the turn of the century family life, friends, church services, and family and local news.","Also included is University of Virginia Law professor John B. Minor's advice to student William Samuel Burnley (1890); and a record book  for Rockbridge Academy (1841) and a yearbook for Charlottesville High School, 1924.","Correspondents include Sarah (Sallie) Stoddard Wood Burnley, Samuel Goodman Burnley, Martha Caroline Burnley and her siblings, William Henry Burnley, Emma C. Dyson Burnley, James Nathaniel Burnley, William Samuel Burnley, N.B. Early, Byron Burnley, John Nathaniel Burnley, and James Henry Burnley."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":27,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:02.842Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c04_c03"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01_c09","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"William Samuel Burnley correspondence with his wife Lula Payne Burnley, 1914/1928","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01_c09#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01_c09","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01_c09"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01_c09","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01","parent_ssim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Correspondence, 1842/1964"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_271","viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"William Samuel Burnley correspondence with his wife Lula Payne Burnley","title_ssm":["William Samuel Burnley correspondence with his wife Lula Payne Burnley"],"title_tesim":["William Samuel Burnley correspondence with his wife Lula Payne Burnley"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Samuel Burnley correspondence with his wife Lula Payne Burnley, 1914/1928"],"text":["William Samuel Burnley correspondence with his wife Lula Payne Burnley, 1914/1928","Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Correspondence, 1842/1964","box 1 [X030899269]","folder 10","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Correspondence, 1842/1964"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","Correspondence, 1842/1964"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1914/1928"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1914-1928"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":10,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964"],"extent_ssm":["0.04 Cubic Feet One folder."],"extent_tesim":["0.04 Cubic Feet One folder."],"containers_ssim":["box 1 [X030899269]","folder 10"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#8","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:02.842Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_271","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_271.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/138141","title_filing_ssi":"Burnley Family papers","title_ssm":["Burnley Family papers"],"title_tesim":["Burnley Family papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1808-1964"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1808-1964"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1808/1964"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964"],"text":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964","MSS 15926","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/271","There are four series for this collection, Series 1. Correspondence 1842-1964, Series 2. Legal 1808-1816, Series 3. Military 1862-1864, Series 4. Personal 1913-1924","The Burnleys were a well-known family in nineteenth-century Albemarle County, Virginia. Nathaniel Burnley (1786-1860) owned the Hydraulic Mills complex as well as Rio Mills on the South Fork of the Rivanna River. The Burnley family may have originally descended from [John Burnley 1760-1810 of England] who bought land in Albemarle County, Virginia.","Nathaniel Burnley (the patriarch-great grandfather in this collection) married Sarah (Sallie) Sutton Drury Wood(1795-1879) in 1811. They lived near Stony Point and owned a tavern. In 1829, Nathaniel Burnley and his partner, Rice W. Wood bought the Rio Hydraulic Mills, which was at the junction of Ivy Creek and the South Rivanna River.","Nathaniel and Sarah Burnley's children were Martha Caroline Burnley (1820-1904), Emily (Emma) Garth (1824-1896) (married to Garland Garth), Lucy Vest (1828-1903), Horace Buckner Burnley (1822-1891), Sarah Frances Burnley (1831-1901), Cornelia Rice Railey (1834-1896), Drury Wood Burnley (1826-1906), James Fendall Burnley), Dr. William Rice Burnley (1815-1842), and Mary Jane Garth (1818-1890) (married to Burwell Garth). Martha Caroline Burnley married Samuel Goodman Burnley (1800-1875) (who was a cousin of her father Nathaniel Burnley).","Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley's son, William Henry Burnley (1840-1919) married Emma C. Dyson Burnley. Their son was William Samuel Burnley (1868-1942). William Samuel Burnley was a teacher and writer. He was married to Lula Payne Burnley and their children were Byron, William, James Henry, and John Nathaniel Burnley (1916-1964). Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley also had a son named James Nathaniel Burnley (1848-1908). Both James Nathaniel Burnley and Dr. William Rice Burnley attended the University of Virginia. Carrie Cornelia Burnley, Charlottesville school teacher and principal is not in this collection but these are her uncles and aunts.","Other Burnley family members (brother and niece) MSS 7871, MSS 4902","This collection of Burnley Family letters, 3 cubic feet,  contain family correspondence and papers of a prominent Albemarle County, Charlottesvile, Virginia family from 1808 to 1964 which include civil war and slave documents, military papers of Company F, 7th Infantry orders, teaching papers of Samuel Goodman Burnley, political letters about Harry Flood Byrd, writings of William Samuel Burnley,  and letters reflecting the turn of the century family life, friends, church services, and family and local news.","Also included is University of Virginia Law professor John B. Minor's advice to student William Samuel Burnley (1890); and a record book  for Rockbridge Academy (1841) and a yearbook for Charlottesville High School, 1924.","Correspondents include Sarah (Sallie) Stoddard Wood Burnley, Samuel Goodman Burnley, Martha Caroline Burnley and her siblings, William Henry Burnley, Emma C. Dyson Burnley, James Nathaniel Burnley, William Samuel Burnley, N.B. Early, Byron Burnley, John Nathaniel Burnley, and James Henry Burnley.","There are no restrictions.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964"],"collection_ssim":["Burnley Family papers, 1808/1964"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 15926","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/271"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 15926","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/271"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["1 Cubic Feet Burnley family correspondence, school records, military, legal papers, and receipts in cloth files"],"extent_tesim":["1 Cubic Feet Burnley family correspondence, school records, military, legal papers, and receipts in cloth files"],"physfacet_tesim":["3 legal size document boxes and oversize cloth apron with original receipts"],"date_range_isim":[1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are four series for this collection, Series 1. Correspondence 1842-1964, Series 2. Legal 1808-1816, Series 3. Military 1862-1864, Series 4. Personal 1913-1924\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["There are four series for this collection, Series 1. Correspondence 1842-1964, Series 2. Legal 1808-1816, Series 3. Military 1862-1864, Series 4. Personal 1913-1924"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Burnleys were a well-known family in nineteenth-century Albemarle County, Virginia. Nathaniel Burnley (1786-1860) owned the Hydraulic Mills complex as well as Rio Mills on the South Fork of the Rivanna River. The Burnley family may have originally descended from [John Burnley 1760-1810 of England] who bought land in Albemarle County, Virginia. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNathaniel Burnley (the patriarch-great grandfather in this collection) married Sarah (Sallie) Sutton Drury Wood(1795-1879) in 1811. They lived near Stony Point and owned a tavern. In 1829, Nathaniel Burnley and his partner, Rice W. Wood bought the Rio Hydraulic Mills, which was at the junction of Ivy Creek and the South Rivanna River.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNathaniel and Sarah Burnley's children were Martha Caroline Burnley (1820-1904), Emily (Emma) Garth (1824-1896) (married to Garland Garth), Lucy Vest (1828-1903), Horace Buckner Burnley (1822-1891), Sarah Frances Burnley (1831-1901), Cornelia Rice Railey (1834-1896), Drury Wood Burnley (1826-1906), James Fendall Burnley), Dr. William Rice Burnley (1815-1842), and Mary Jane Garth (1818-1890) (married to Burwell Garth). Martha Caroline Burnley married Samuel Goodman Burnley (1800-1875) (who was a cousin of her father Nathaniel Burnley). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nSamuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley's son, William Henry Burnley (1840-1919) married Emma C. Dyson Burnley. Their son was William Samuel Burnley (1868-1942). William Samuel Burnley was a teacher and writer. He was married to Lula Payne Burnley and their children were Byron, William, James Henry, and John Nathaniel Burnley (1916-1964). Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley also had a son named James Nathaniel Burnley (1848-1908). Both James Nathaniel Burnley and Dr. William Rice Burnley attended the University of Virginia. Carrie Cornelia Burnley, Charlottesville school teacher and principal is not in this collection but these are her uncles and aunts.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Burnleys were a well-known family in nineteenth-century Albemarle County, Virginia. Nathaniel Burnley (1786-1860) owned the Hydraulic Mills complex as well as Rio Mills on the South Fork of the Rivanna River. The Burnley family may have originally descended from [John Burnley 1760-1810 of England] who bought land in Albemarle County, Virginia.","Nathaniel Burnley (the patriarch-great grandfather in this collection) married Sarah (Sallie) Sutton Drury Wood(1795-1879) in 1811. They lived near Stony Point and owned a tavern. In 1829, Nathaniel Burnley and his partner, Rice W. Wood bought the Rio Hydraulic Mills, which was at the junction of Ivy Creek and the South Rivanna River.","Nathaniel and Sarah Burnley's children were Martha Caroline Burnley (1820-1904), Emily (Emma) Garth (1824-1896) (married to Garland Garth), Lucy Vest (1828-1903), Horace Buckner Burnley (1822-1891), Sarah Frances Burnley (1831-1901), Cornelia Rice Railey (1834-1896), Drury Wood Burnley (1826-1906), James Fendall Burnley), Dr. William Rice Burnley (1815-1842), and Mary Jane Garth (1818-1890) (married to Burwell Garth). Martha Caroline Burnley married Samuel Goodman Burnley (1800-1875) (who was a cousin of her father Nathaniel Burnley).","Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley's son, William Henry Burnley (1840-1919) married Emma C. Dyson Burnley. Their son was William Samuel Burnley (1868-1942). William Samuel Burnley was a teacher and writer. He was married to Lula Payne Burnley and their children were Byron, William, James Henry, and John Nathaniel Burnley (1916-1964). Samuel Goodman and Martha Caroline Burnley also had a son named James Nathaniel Burnley (1848-1908). Both James Nathaniel Burnley and Dr. William Rice Burnley attended the University of Virginia. Carrie Cornelia Burnley, Charlottesville school teacher and principal is not in this collection but these are her uncles and aunts."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 15926, Burnley Family papers, 1839-1964, Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 15926, Burnley Family papers, 1839-1964, Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia"],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOther Burnley family members (brother and niece) MSS 7871, MSS 4902\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Other Burnley family members (brother and niece) MSS 7871, MSS 4902"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection of Burnley Family letters, 3 cubic feet,  contain family correspondence and papers of a prominent Albemarle County, Charlottesvile, Virginia family from 1808 to 1964 which include civil war and slave documents, military papers of Company F, 7th Infantry orders, teaching papers of Samuel Goodman Burnley, political letters about Harry Flood Byrd, writings of William Samuel Burnley,  and letters reflecting the turn of the century family life, friends, church services, and family and local news. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlso included is University of Virginia Law professor John B. Minor's advice to student William Samuel Burnley (1890); and a record book  for Rockbridge Academy (1841) and a yearbook for Charlottesville High School, 1924.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCorrespondents include Sarah (Sallie) Stoddard Wood Burnley, Samuel Goodman Burnley, Martha Caroline Burnley and her siblings, William Henry Burnley, Emma C. Dyson Burnley, James Nathaniel Burnley, William Samuel Burnley, N.B. Early, Byron Burnley, John Nathaniel Burnley, and James Henry Burnley.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection of Burnley Family letters, 3 cubic feet,  contain family correspondence and papers of a prominent Albemarle County, Charlottesvile, Virginia family from 1808 to 1964 which include civil war and slave documents, military papers of Company F, 7th Infantry orders, teaching papers of Samuel Goodman Burnley, political letters about Harry Flood Byrd, writings of William Samuel Burnley,  and letters reflecting the turn of the century family life, friends, church services, and family and local news.","Also included is University of Virginia Law professor John B. Minor's advice to student William Samuel Burnley (1890); and a record book  for Rockbridge Academy (1841) and a yearbook for Charlottesville High School, 1924.","Correspondents include Sarah (Sallie) Stoddard Wood Burnley, Samuel Goodman Burnley, Martha Caroline Burnley and her siblings, William Henry Burnley, Emma C. Dyson Burnley, James Nathaniel Burnley, William Samuel Burnley, N.B. Early, Byron Burnley, John Nathaniel Burnley, and James Henry Burnley."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":27,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:02.842Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_271_c01_c09"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01_c138","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Williams, David, 1925/1928","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01_c138#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01_c138","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01_c138"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01_c138","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01","parent_ssim":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952","Correspondence (General)"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_724","viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Williams, David","title_ssm":["Williams, David"],"title_tesim":["Williams, David"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Williams, David, 1925/1928"],"text":["Williams, David, 1925/1928","W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952","Correspondence (General)","box 16","folder 9"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952","Correspondence (General)"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952","Correspondence (General)"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1925/1928"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1925-1928"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":139,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952"],"extent_ssm":["1 folder(s)"],"extent_tesim":["1 folder(s)"],"containers_ssim":["box 16","folder 9"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Work diaries used to keep a record of Lauck's activities on behalf of a number of organizations, arranged by date in Boxes 216-219. Due to their fragile condition, access to the original diaries is restricted. Researchers should use the diaries on microfilm M-1239-1241."],"date_range_isim":[1925,1926,1927,1928],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#137","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:18.571Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_724","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_724.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/105255","title_filing_ssi":"Lauck, W. Jett, papers","title_ssm":["W. Jett Lauck papers"],"title_tesim":["W. Jett Lauck papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1900-1952"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1900-1952"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1900/1952"],"normalized_title_ssm":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952"],"text":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952","MSS 4742","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/724","Lewis, John L. (John Llewellyn), 1880-1969","World War, 1939-1945","New Deal, 1933-1939","Depressions - 1929","United Mine Workers of America","Labor unions","American Association for Economic Freedom","Anthracite coal--Pennsylvania","Railroads -- History","Railroads","Electric railroads","World War, 1914-1918","Economics","Work diaries used to keep a record of Lauck's activities on behalf of a number of organizations, arranged by date in Boxes 216-219. Due to their fragile condition, access to the original diaries is restricted. Researchers should use the diaries on microfilm M-1239-1241.","There are fifteen series in this collection. The two largest series are the Cases and Topical series. The majority of series have at least two subseries. Lauck had created two earlier indexes to his files and they were used to shape the current re-organization of the collection, particularly concerning the case files. Some of the decisions concerning arrangement were made due to the difficulties of completing the processing of the W. Jett Lauck papers during the Pandemic of 2020-2021.","An Outline of the Arrangement is as follows: Series 1) Correspondence (Boxes 1-16); Series 2) American Association for Economic Freedom (Boxes 17-37 and Card files boxes 1-12); Series 3) National War Labor Board (Boxes 38-56); Series 4) Congress of Industrial Organizations (Boxes 57-67); Series 5) Commission on Industrial Relations (Boxes 68-72); Series 6) Articles, Memoranda, and Speeches by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 73-91) with Subseries A) Work created by W. Jett Lauck for use by himself (Boxes 73-91), Subseries B) Work created by W. Jett Lauck for other people to use (Boxes 82-88), and Subseries C) Banking Monograph by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 89-91); Series 7) Pennsylvania Anthracite Coal Commission (Boxes 92-103); Series 8) Cases (Boxes 104-204) with  Subseries A) Railroad (Boxes 104-146), Subseries B) General (Boxes 147-169), and Subseries C) Coal (Boxes 170-204); Series 9) Arbitrations (Boxes 205-211); Series 10) Dockets and Other Records of Work by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 212-219); Series 11) Personal, Financial and Miscellany Papers (Boxes 220-233) with Subseries A) Financial Correspondence and Files (Boxes 220-225), Subseries B) Bureau of Applied Economics (Boxes 225-226), Subseries C) College Notes and School Papers (Boxes 227-230), and Subseries D) Notes, Notebooks, Photographs, Post cards and Miscellany (Boxes 230-233); Series 12) The National Recovery Act and National Recovery Administration (Boxes 234-241) with Subseries A) General Files (Boxes 234-238) and Subseries B) National Recovery Administration Codes (Boxes 238-241); Series 13) Oversize Scrapbook Volumes of Newspaper Clippings and News clippings Files with Subseries A) Scrapbooks (Boxes 242-252) and Subseries B) News clipping Files (Boxes 253-257); Series 14) Topical Files with Subseries A) Coal (Boxes 258-270), Subseries B) Railroad (Boxes 271-287), and Subseries C) General A-Z (Boxes 288-389); and Series 15) Printed Material and Works by Others (Boxes 389-399) with Subseries A) Printed Material (Boxes 389-396) and Subseries B) Works by Others (Boxes 397-399).","William Jett Lauck, an American economist and statistician, whose work expertise and experience was both broad and varied, was born on August 2, 1879, in Keyser, West Virginia, to William Blackford Lauck, a railway official, and Emma Eltinge (Spengler) Lauck. He attended Keyser High School and Washington and Lee University (Bachelor of Arts, 1903), becoming a Fellow in the department of political economy at the University of Chicago, 1903-1906. Lauck was an associate professor of economics and political science at Washington and Lee University, 1905-1908, until he entered government service in 1908. That same year, he was married to Eleanor Moore Dunlap of Lexington, Virginia, and they had three children, William Jett Lauck, Jr., Eleanor Moore Lauck and Peter Blackford Lauck. Lauck belonged to the Cosmos and Chevy Chase clubs and was a member of Phi Beta Kappa, Kappa Sigma, and Theta Nu Epsilon.","Lauck joining the United States Immigration Commission in 1908-1909, where he designed a survey of immigration for the Commission. Lauck was the chief examiner for the Tariff Board, 1910-1911. The U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations hired Lauck in 1913-1915 as a managerial expert and consulting statistician to design their investigation into industrial problems in the United States. He was an economic advisor on the Canadian Commission on Economic Development, 1916. Lauck joined the U.S. National War Labor Board in 1918 as Secretary.","Lauck also took part in the national movement for banking reform and the establishment of the Federal Reserve banking system1911-1912. As an expert on railway economics, he represented the Brotherhoods of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers in their demands for wage increases during a series of arbitrations from 1912-1919, the Western freight weight case, 1915, and also represented the railroad unions in several high-profile national railroad arbitrations in the early twenties. Lauck functioned as the economic advisor for presidential candidate James B. Cox in 1920 and 1924. In 1926, Lauck devised a settlement to end the Passaic New Jersey textile strike.","During a large part of his career, W. Jett Lauck acted as an economic advisor to John L. Lewis and the United Mine Workers, the Committee on Industrial Organization, the United Automobile Workers and other union organizations, in arbitrations and cases, 1919-1939. He was an investigator for the U.S. Coal Commission, 1923 and economist for the Grain Marketing Company, Chicago, 1924-1925. Lauck assisted on the legislative drafting committee for the National Recovery Act in 1933 and as an expert advisor to the Senate Finance Committee on the revision of the National Recovery Act in 1935. He was also a member of various special boards, and a labor advisor to the Coal Section of the National Recovery Act, 1933-1935. He was also often a government expert witness, as seen in his work for the House of Representatives Special Committee on Government Competition with Private Business, 1933. Lauck served as Chairman of the Pennsylvania Anthracite Industry Coal Commission, 1937.","Lauck was Vice President of the organization American Association for Economic Freedom. He was also an author or co-author of many books and other publications, including \"The Causes of the Panic of 1893\" (1905); \"The Immigration Problem\" with Johann Wolfgang Jenks (1911); \"Conditions of Labor in American Industries\" with Edgar Sydenstricker (1917); \"The Industrial Code\" with C.S. Watts (1923); Political and Industrial Democracy, 1776-1926\" (1926); and \"The New Industrial Revolution and Wages\" (1929) and Editor of \"British War Experience Series.\"","\"W. Jett Lauck: Biography of a Reformer\" by Carmen Brissette Grayson is a 1975 University of Virginia dissertation that covers the early part of Lauck's career up until the Depression.","Manuscript student assistants who worked on the W. Jett Lauck papers for at least one semester include Jacob M. Baker, Shannon Lee, Jacob T. Shaw, and Emily Shipman.","Only two copies of identical duplicates having no annotations were kept. Duplicates were compared and only two were kept of each unique document or publication.  News clippings were only copied if used by Lauck in a case or arbitration, contained an article or other work by him, or information pertaining to his work and career. Others were sorted and arranged by topcs that he had written on the clipping; those with no obvious relevance were discarded. Ledgers and scrapbooks were rehoused in acid free cubic boxes or phase boxes created by the Preservation staff.","Originally the papers were organized with the help of a University of Virginia history seminar sometime between their transfer to Special Collections from the Law Library and 1973, producing a large paper finding aid consisting of the list of the file folder headings. Folders were replaced near the end of the 1990's but some folder headings were lost or corrupted. In 2018, the papers were re-organized into series based on several early indexes created by the office of W. Jett Lauck. Folder headings were corrected based on the indexes, the original paper finding aid, and Lauck's notations on the tops of his documents. Headings were altered on the folders when possible to match the finding aid but only some of the folders were replaced due to constraints of time and money.","Physical processing work was complicated by constant student assistant turn-over and the interruption of the Pandemic of 2020-2021, which prevented onsite work for almost six months and allowed only several onsite short stints per week  the rest of the time. The finding aid is as accurate as these conditions have permitted but there may well be inconsistencies. If such errors are discovered, we welcome researcher input.","The W. Jett Lauck collection consists of his professional, business and personal papers as an economist, statistician and government consultant on immigration, banking, railroads, coal, and unemployment problems as well as other facets of labor in the United States. Included are correspondence, scrapbooks of news clippings reflecting his activities, labor reports and studies, drafts of congressional bills, legal briefs, and other material concerning labor problems in the United States from its formative World War I years until 1949. They begin with his association with the progressive labor codes of the Taft-Walsh Labor Relations Commission and continue with the Railway Labor Act of 1926; the fight to gain recognition of labor's right to collective bargaining \"through representatives of their own choosing\" under the National Industrial Recovery Act in 1933; the incorporation of its principles in the National Labor Relations Act; and further activity in defense of this act.","Other manuscripts deal with studies of government competition with private business, the American Association for Economic Freedom, the New York Power Authority; branch, chain, and group banking, drafts of speeches, and work diary accounts of activities and meetings with prominent congressional and labor leaders on labor problems and legislation.","The largest portions of the W. Jett Lauck papers deal with cases and arbitrations, chiefly railroad and coal related, his work on various boards and commission and topical files.","His correspondence with individuals heading organizations interested in labor and industrial relations was wide-spread, just as it was with political figures, educators, and labor leaders.\n Among the public figures with whom he corresponded are Bernard Baruch, Homer S. Cummings, Clarence A. Dystra, John T. Flynn, Guy M. Gillette, Leon Henderson, Herbert Hoover, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, William S. Knudsen, Robert M. Fa Follette, Jr., Franklin K. Lane, John L. Lewis,  H.C. Lodge, Jr., William G. McAdoo, James M. Mead, Francis P. Miller, Henry Morgenthau, Karl E. Mundt, Donald Nelson, Judge Ferdinand Pecora, Frances Perkins, Gifford Pinchot, James H. Price, Franklin D. Roosevelt, E.R. Stettinius, Jr., Robert F. Wagner, David I. Walsh, Burton K. Wheeler, and Woodrow Wilson.\nThe educators include Hardy Dillard, Edward C. Elliot, Frank Graham, J.W. Jenks, Richard R. Mead, Lewis Tyree, Harry F. Ward, H.B. Wells, and Ray Lyman Wilbur; and the labor leaders Jacob Baker, Solomon Barkin, Van A. Bittner, Sophia Carey, David Dubinsky, P.T. Fagan, John P. Frey, William Green, Sydney Hillman, Earl E. Houck, Thomas Kennedy, Donald MacMillan, and A.O. Wharton.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Lauck, W. Jett (Lauck, William Jett), 1879-1949","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952"],"collection_ssim":["W. Jett Lauck papers, 1900/1952"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 4742","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/724"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 4742","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/724"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Lewis, John L. (John Llewellyn), 1880-1969"],"geogname_ssim":["Lewis, John L. (John Llewellyn), 1880-1969"],"places_ssim":["Lewis, John L. (John Llewellyn), 1880-1969"],"creator_ssm":["Lauck, W. Jett (Lauck, William Jett), 1879-1949"],"creator_ssim":["Lauck, W. Jett (Lauck, William Jett), 1879-1949"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Lauck, W. Jett (Lauck, William Jett), 1879-1949"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Lauck, W. Jett (Lauck, William Jett), 1879-1949","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["The largest group of W. Jett Lauck papers was given to University of Virginia Law Library by Charles Chase, Washington, D.C. in April 1954 and then transferred from the Law Library to the University of Virginia Special Collections Library on March 23, 1973 and October 7, 1974. The second accession (formerly MSS 4742-a) was given to the Special Collections Library on October 31, 1979, by Charles Chase, with Peter B. Lauck and Eleanor M. Lauck, Annapolis, Maryland, as the donors of record. The last accession (formerly MSS 4742-b)was given to the Libary on 2012 by Peter B. Lauck and Eleanor M. Lauck."],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1939-1945","New Deal, 1933-1939","Depressions - 1929","United Mine Workers of America","Labor unions","American Association for Economic Freedom","Anthracite coal--Pennsylvania","Railroads -- History","Railroads","Electric railroads","World War, 1914-1918","Economics"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1939-1945","New Deal, 1933-1939","Depressions - 1929","United Mine Workers of America","Labor unions","American Association for Economic Freedom","Anthracite coal--Pennsylvania","Railroads -- History","Railroads","Electric railroads","World War, 1914-1918","Economics"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["212 Cubic Feet"],"extent_tesim":["212 Cubic Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWork diaries used to keep a record of Lauck's activities on behalf of a number of organizations, arranged by date in Boxes 216-219. Due to their fragile condition, access to the original diaries is restricted. Researchers should use the diaries on microfilm M-1239-1241.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Work diaries used to keep a record of Lauck's activities on behalf of a number of organizations, arranged by date in Boxes 216-219. Due to their fragile condition, access to the original diaries is restricted. Researchers should use the diaries on microfilm M-1239-1241."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are fifteen series in this collection. The two largest series are the Cases and Topical series. The majority of series have at least two subseries. Lauck had created two earlier indexes to his files and they were used to shape the current re-organization of the collection, particularly concerning the case files. Some of the decisions concerning arrangement were made due to the difficulties of completing the processing of the W. Jett Lauck papers during the Pandemic of 2020-2021. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAn Outline of the Arrangement is as follows: Series 1) Correspondence (Boxes 1-16); Series 2) American Association for Economic Freedom (Boxes 17-37 and Card files boxes 1-12); Series 3) National War Labor Board (Boxes 38-56); Series 4) Congress of Industrial Organizations (Boxes 57-67); Series 5) Commission on Industrial Relations (Boxes 68-72); Series 6) Articles, Memoranda, and Speeches by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 73-91) with Subseries A) Work created by W. Jett Lauck for use by himself (Boxes 73-91), Subseries B) Work created by W. Jett Lauck for other people to use (Boxes 82-88), and Subseries C) Banking Monograph by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 89-91); Series 7) Pennsylvania Anthracite Coal Commission (Boxes 92-103); Series 8) Cases (Boxes 104-204) with  Subseries A) Railroad (Boxes 104-146), Subseries B) General (Boxes 147-169), and Subseries C) Coal (Boxes 170-204); Series 9) Arbitrations (Boxes 205-211); Series 10) Dockets and Other Records of Work by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 212-219); Series 11) Personal, Financial and Miscellany Papers (Boxes 220-233) with Subseries A) Financial Correspondence and Files (Boxes 220-225), Subseries B) Bureau of Applied Economics (Boxes 225-226), Subseries C) College Notes and School Papers (Boxes 227-230), and Subseries D) Notes, Notebooks, Photographs, Post cards and Miscellany (Boxes 230-233); Series 12) The National Recovery Act and National Recovery Administration (Boxes 234-241) with Subseries A) General Files (Boxes 234-238) and Subseries B) National Recovery Administration Codes (Boxes 238-241); Series 13) Oversize Scrapbook Volumes of Newspaper Clippings and News clippings Files with Subseries A) Scrapbooks (Boxes 242-252) and Subseries B) News clipping Files (Boxes 253-257); Series 14) Topical Files with Subseries A) Coal (Boxes 258-270), Subseries B) Railroad (Boxes 271-287), and Subseries C) General A-Z (Boxes 288-389); and Series 15) Printed Material and Works by Others (Boxes 389-399) with Subseries A) Printed Material (Boxes 389-396) and Subseries B) Works by Others (Boxes 397-399).\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["There are fifteen series in this collection. The two largest series are the Cases and Topical series. The majority of series have at least two subseries. Lauck had created two earlier indexes to his files and they were used to shape the current re-organization of the collection, particularly concerning the case files. Some of the decisions concerning arrangement were made due to the difficulties of completing the processing of the W. Jett Lauck papers during the Pandemic of 2020-2021.","An Outline of the Arrangement is as follows: Series 1) Correspondence (Boxes 1-16); Series 2) American Association for Economic Freedom (Boxes 17-37 and Card files boxes 1-12); Series 3) National War Labor Board (Boxes 38-56); Series 4) Congress of Industrial Organizations (Boxes 57-67); Series 5) Commission on Industrial Relations (Boxes 68-72); Series 6) Articles, Memoranda, and Speeches by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 73-91) with Subseries A) Work created by W. Jett Lauck for use by himself (Boxes 73-91), Subseries B) Work created by W. Jett Lauck for other people to use (Boxes 82-88), and Subseries C) Banking Monograph by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 89-91); Series 7) Pennsylvania Anthracite Coal Commission (Boxes 92-103); Series 8) Cases (Boxes 104-204) with  Subseries A) Railroad (Boxes 104-146), Subseries B) General (Boxes 147-169), and Subseries C) Coal (Boxes 170-204); Series 9) Arbitrations (Boxes 205-211); Series 10) Dockets and Other Records of Work by W. Jett Lauck (Boxes 212-219); Series 11) Personal, Financial and Miscellany Papers (Boxes 220-233) with Subseries A) Financial Correspondence and Files (Boxes 220-225), Subseries B) Bureau of Applied Economics (Boxes 225-226), Subseries C) College Notes and School Papers (Boxes 227-230), and Subseries D) Notes, Notebooks, Photographs, Post cards and Miscellany (Boxes 230-233); Series 12) The National Recovery Act and National Recovery Administration (Boxes 234-241) with Subseries A) General Files (Boxes 234-238) and Subseries B) National Recovery Administration Codes (Boxes 238-241); Series 13) Oversize Scrapbook Volumes of Newspaper Clippings and News clippings Files with Subseries A) Scrapbooks (Boxes 242-252) and Subseries B) News clipping Files (Boxes 253-257); Series 14) Topical Files with Subseries A) Coal (Boxes 258-270), Subseries B) Railroad (Boxes 271-287), and Subseries C) General A-Z (Boxes 288-389); and Series 15) Printed Material and Works by Others (Boxes 389-399) with Subseries A) Printed Material (Boxes 389-396) and Subseries B) Works by Others (Boxes 397-399)."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Jett Lauck, an American economist and statistician, whose work expertise and experience was both broad and varied, was born on August 2, 1879, in Keyser, West Virginia, to William Blackford Lauck, a railway official, and Emma Eltinge (Spengler) Lauck. He attended Keyser High School and Washington and Lee University (Bachelor of Arts, 1903), becoming a Fellow in the department of political economy at the University of Chicago, 1903-1906. Lauck was an associate professor of economics and political science at Washington and Lee University, 1905-1908, until he entered government service in 1908. That same year, he was married to Eleanor Moore Dunlap of Lexington, Virginia, and they had three children, William Jett Lauck, Jr., Eleanor Moore Lauck and Peter Blackford Lauck. Lauck belonged to the Cosmos and Chevy Chase clubs and was a member of Phi Beta Kappa, Kappa Sigma, and Theta Nu Epsilon.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLauck joining the United States Immigration Commission in 1908-1909, where he designed a survey of immigration for the Commission. Lauck was the chief examiner for the Tariff Board, 1910-1911. The U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations hired Lauck in 1913-1915 as a managerial expert and consulting statistician to design their investigation into industrial problems in the United States. He was an economic advisor on the Canadian Commission on Economic Development, 1916. Lauck joined the U.S. National War Labor Board in 1918 as Secretary. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLauck also took part in the national movement for banking reform and the establishment of the Federal Reserve banking system1911-1912. As an expert on railway economics, he represented the Brotherhoods of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers in their demands for wage increases during a series of arbitrations from 1912-1919, the Western freight weight case, 1915, and also represented the railroad unions in several high-profile national railroad arbitrations in the early twenties. Lauck functioned as the economic advisor for presidential candidate James B. Cox in 1920 and 1924. In 1926, Lauck devised a settlement to end the Passaic New Jersey textile strike. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring a large part of his career, W. Jett Lauck acted as an economic advisor to John L. Lewis and the United Mine Workers, the Committee on Industrial Organization, the United Automobile Workers and other union organizations, in arbitrations and cases, 1919-1939. He was an investigator for the U.S. Coal Commission, 1923 and economist for the Grain Marketing Company, Chicago, 1924-1925. Lauck assisted on the legislative drafting committee for the National Recovery Act in 1933 and as an expert advisor to the Senate Finance Committee on the revision of the National Recovery Act in 1935. He was also a member of various special boards, and a labor advisor to the Coal Section of the National Recovery Act, 1933-1935. He was also often a government expert witness, as seen in his work for the House of Representatives Special Committee on Government Competition with Private Business, 1933. Lauck served as Chairman of the Pennsylvania Anthracite Industry Coal Commission, 1937. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLauck was Vice President of the organization American Association for Economic Freedom. He was also an author or co-author of many books and other publications, including \"The Causes of the Panic of 1893\" (1905); \"The Immigration Problem\" with Johann Wolfgang Jenks (1911); \"Conditions of Labor in American Industries\" with Edgar Sydenstricker (1917); \"The Industrial Code\" with C.S. Watts (1923); Political and Industrial Democracy, 1776-1926\" (1926); and \"The New Industrial Revolution and Wages\" (1929) and Editor of \"British War Experience Series.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"W. Jett Lauck: Biography of a Reformer\" by Carmen Brissette Grayson is a 1975 University of Virginia dissertation that covers the early part of Lauck's career up until the Depression.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["William Jett Lauck, an American economist and statistician, whose work expertise and experience was both broad and varied, was born on August 2, 1879, in Keyser, West Virginia, to William Blackford Lauck, a railway official, and Emma Eltinge (Spengler) Lauck. He attended Keyser High School and Washington and Lee University (Bachelor of Arts, 1903), becoming a Fellow in the department of political economy at the University of Chicago, 1903-1906. Lauck was an associate professor of economics and political science at Washington and Lee University, 1905-1908, until he entered government service in 1908. That same year, he was married to Eleanor Moore Dunlap of Lexington, Virginia, and they had three children, William Jett Lauck, Jr., Eleanor Moore Lauck and Peter Blackford Lauck. Lauck belonged to the Cosmos and Chevy Chase clubs and was a member of Phi Beta Kappa, Kappa Sigma, and Theta Nu Epsilon.","Lauck joining the United States Immigration Commission in 1908-1909, where he designed a survey of immigration for the Commission. Lauck was the chief examiner for the Tariff Board, 1910-1911. The U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations hired Lauck in 1913-1915 as a managerial expert and consulting statistician to design their investigation into industrial problems in the United States. He was an economic advisor on the Canadian Commission on Economic Development, 1916. Lauck joined the U.S. National War Labor Board in 1918 as Secretary.","Lauck also took part in the national movement for banking reform and the establishment of the Federal Reserve banking system1911-1912. As an expert on railway economics, he represented the Brotherhoods of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers in their demands for wage increases during a series of arbitrations from 1912-1919, the Western freight weight case, 1915, and also represented the railroad unions in several high-profile national railroad arbitrations in the early twenties. Lauck functioned as the economic advisor for presidential candidate James B. Cox in 1920 and 1924. In 1926, Lauck devised a settlement to end the Passaic New Jersey textile strike.","During a large part of his career, W. Jett Lauck acted as an economic advisor to John L. Lewis and the United Mine Workers, the Committee on Industrial Organization, the United Automobile Workers and other union organizations, in arbitrations and cases, 1919-1939. He was an investigator for the U.S. Coal Commission, 1923 and economist for the Grain Marketing Company, Chicago, 1924-1925. Lauck assisted on the legislative drafting committee for the National Recovery Act in 1933 and as an expert advisor to the Senate Finance Committee on the revision of the National Recovery Act in 1935. He was also a member of various special boards, and a labor advisor to the Coal Section of the National Recovery Act, 1933-1935. He was also often a government expert witness, as seen in his work for the House of Representatives Special Committee on Government Competition with Private Business, 1933. Lauck served as Chairman of the Pennsylvania Anthracite Industry Coal Commission, 1937.","Lauck was Vice President of the organization American Association for Economic Freedom. He was also an author or co-author of many books and other publications, including \"The Causes of the Panic of 1893\" (1905); \"The Immigration Problem\" with Johann Wolfgang Jenks (1911); \"Conditions of Labor in American Industries\" with Edgar Sydenstricker (1917); \"The Industrial Code\" with C.S. Watts (1923); Political and Industrial Democracy, 1776-1926\" (1926); and \"The New Industrial Revolution and Wages\" (1929) and Editor of \"British War Experience Series.\"","\"W. Jett Lauck: Biography of a Reformer\" by Carmen Brissette Grayson is a 1975 University of Virginia dissertation that covers the early part of Lauck's career up until the Depression."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eManuscript student assistants who worked on the W. Jett Lauck papers for at least one semester include Jacob M. Baker, Shannon Lee, Jacob T. Shaw, and Emily Shipman.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOnly two copies of identical duplicates having no annotations were kept. Duplicates were compared and only two were kept of each unique document or publication.  News clippings were only copied if used by Lauck in a case or arbitration, contained an article or other work by him, or information pertaining to his work and career. Others were sorted and arranged by topcs that he had written on the clipping; those with no obvious relevance were discarded. Ledgers and scrapbooks were rehoused in acid free cubic boxes or phase boxes created by the Preservation staff.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOriginally the papers were organized with the help of a University of Virginia history seminar sometime between their transfer to Special Collections from the Law Library and 1973, producing a large paper finding aid consisting of the list of the file folder headings. Folders were replaced near the end of the 1990's but some folder headings were lost or corrupted. In 2018, the papers were re-organized into series based on several early indexes created by the office of W. Jett Lauck. Folder headings were corrected based on the indexes, the original paper finding aid, and Lauck's notations on the tops of his documents. Headings were altered on the folders when possible to match the finding aid but only some of the folders were replaced due to constraints of time and money.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhysical processing work was complicated by constant student assistant turn-over and the interruption of the Pandemic of 2020-2021, which prevented onsite work for almost six months and allowed only several onsite short stints per week  the rest of the time. The finding aid is as accurate as these conditions have permitted but there may well be inconsistencies. If such errors are discovered, we welcome researcher input.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Manuscript student assistants who worked on the W. Jett Lauck papers for at least one semester include Jacob M. Baker, Shannon Lee, Jacob T. Shaw, and Emily Shipman.","Only two copies of identical duplicates having no annotations were kept. Duplicates were compared and only two were kept of each unique document or publication.  News clippings were only copied if used by Lauck in a case or arbitration, contained an article or other work by him, or information pertaining to his work and career. Others were sorted and arranged by topcs that he had written on the clipping; those with no obvious relevance were discarded. Ledgers and scrapbooks were rehoused in acid free cubic boxes or phase boxes created by the Preservation staff.","Originally the papers were organized with the help of a University of Virginia history seminar sometime between their transfer to Special Collections from the Law Library and 1973, producing a large paper finding aid consisting of the list of the file folder headings. Folders were replaced near the end of the 1990's but some folder headings were lost or corrupted. In 2018, the papers were re-organized into series based on several early indexes created by the office of W. Jett Lauck. Folder headings were corrected based on the indexes, the original paper finding aid, and Lauck's notations on the tops of his documents. Headings were altered on the folders when possible to match the finding aid but only some of the folders were replaced due to constraints of time and money.","Physical processing work was complicated by constant student assistant turn-over and the interruption of the Pandemic of 2020-2021, which prevented onsite work for almost six months and allowed only several onsite short stints per week  the rest of the time. The finding aid is as accurate as these conditions have permitted but there may well be inconsistencies. If such errors are discovered, we welcome researcher input."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe W. Jett Lauck collection consists of his professional, business and personal papers as an economist, statistician and government consultant on immigration, banking, railroads, coal, and unemployment problems as well as other facets of labor in the United States. Included are correspondence, scrapbooks of news clippings reflecting his activities, labor reports and studies, drafts of congressional bills, legal briefs, and other material concerning labor problems in the United States from its formative World War I years until 1949. They begin with his association with the progressive labor codes of the Taft-Walsh Labor Relations Commission and continue with the Railway Labor Act of 1926; the fight to gain recognition of labor's right to collective bargaining \"through representatives of their own choosing\" under the National Industrial Recovery Act in 1933; the incorporation of its principles in the National Labor Relations Act; and further activity in defense of this act.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOther manuscripts deal with studies of government competition with private business, the American Association for Economic Freedom, the New York Power Authority; branch, chain, and group banking, drafts of speeches, and work diary accounts of activities and meetings with prominent congressional and labor leaders on labor problems and legislation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe largest portions of the W. Jett Lauck papers deal with cases and arbitrations, chiefly railroad and coal related, his work on various boards and commission and topical files.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis correspondence with individuals heading organizations interested in labor and industrial relations was wide-spread, just as it was with political figures, educators, and labor leaders.\n Among the public figures with whom he corresponded are Bernard Baruch, Homer S. Cummings, Clarence A. Dystra, John T. Flynn, Guy M. Gillette, Leon Henderson, Herbert Hoover, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, William S. Knudsen, Robert M. Fa Follette, Jr., Franklin K. Lane, John L. Lewis,  H.C. Lodge, Jr., William G. McAdoo, James M. Mead, Francis P. Miller, Henry Morgenthau, Karl E. Mundt, Donald Nelson, Judge Ferdinand Pecora, Frances Perkins, Gifford Pinchot, James H. Price, Franklin D. Roosevelt, E.R. Stettinius, Jr., Robert F. Wagner, David I. Walsh, Burton K. Wheeler, and Woodrow Wilson.\nThe educators include Hardy Dillard, Edward C. Elliot, Frank Graham, J.W. Jenks, Richard R. Mead, Lewis Tyree, Harry F. Ward, H.B. Wells, and Ray Lyman Wilbur; and the labor leaders Jacob Baker, Solomon Barkin, Van A. Bittner, Sophia Carey, David Dubinsky, P.T. Fagan, John P. Frey, William Green, Sydney Hillman, Earl E. Houck, Thomas Kennedy, Donald MacMillan, and A.O. Wharton.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The W. Jett Lauck collection consists of his professional, business and personal papers as an economist, statistician and government consultant on immigration, banking, railroads, coal, and unemployment problems as well as other facets of labor in the United States. Included are correspondence, scrapbooks of news clippings reflecting his activities, labor reports and studies, drafts of congressional bills, legal briefs, and other material concerning labor problems in the United States from its formative World War I years until 1949. They begin with his association with the progressive labor codes of the Taft-Walsh Labor Relations Commission and continue with the Railway Labor Act of 1926; the fight to gain recognition of labor's right to collective bargaining \"through representatives of their own choosing\" under the National Industrial Recovery Act in 1933; the incorporation of its principles in the National Labor Relations Act; and further activity in defense of this act.","Other manuscripts deal with studies of government competition with private business, the American Association for Economic Freedom, the New York Power Authority; branch, chain, and group banking, drafts of speeches, and work diary accounts of activities and meetings with prominent congressional and labor leaders on labor problems and legislation.","The largest portions of the W. Jett Lauck papers deal with cases and arbitrations, chiefly railroad and coal related, his work on various boards and commission and topical files.","His correspondence with individuals heading organizations interested in labor and industrial relations was wide-spread, just as it was with political figures, educators, and labor leaders.\n Among the public figures with whom he corresponded are Bernard Baruch, Homer S. Cummings, Clarence A. Dystra, John T. Flynn, Guy M. Gillette, Leon Henderson, Herbert Hoover, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, William S. Knudsen, Robert M. Fa Follette, Jr., Franklin K. Lane, John L. Lewis,  H.C. Lodge, Jr., William G. McAdoo, James M. Mead, Francis P. Miller, Henry Morgenthau, Karl E. Mundt, Donald Nelson, Judge Ferdinand Pecora, Frances Perkins, Gifford Pinchot, James H. Price, Franklin D. Roosevelt, E.R. Stettinius, Jr., Robert F. Wagner, David I. Walsh, Burton K. Wheeler, and Woodrow Wilson.\nThe educators include Hardy Dillard, Edward C. Elliot, Frank Graham, J.W. Jenks, Richard R. Mead, Lewis Tyree, Harry F. Ward, H.B. Wells, and Ray Lyman Wilbur; and the labor leaders Jacob Baker, Solomon Barkin, Van A. Bittner, Sophia Carey, David Dubinsky, P.T. Fagan, John P. Frey, William Green, Sydney Hillman, Earl E. Houck, Thomas Kennedy, Donald MacMillan, and A.O. Wharton."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"persname_ssim":["Lauck, W. Jett (Lauck, William Jett), 1879-1949"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Lauck, W. Jett (Lauck, William Jett), 1879-1949"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3325,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:41:18.571Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_724_c01_c138"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","hits":4624},"links":{"remove":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1928\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"A. 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