{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=402","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=401","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=403","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=414"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":402,"next_page":403,"prev_page":401,"total_pages":414,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":4010,"total_count":4136,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c06","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"vs. Auburn, 1925","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c06#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c06","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c06"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c06","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04","parent_ssim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"vs. Auburn","title_ssm":["vs. Auburn"],"title_tesim":["vs. Auburn"],"normalized_title_ssm":["vs. Auburn, 1925"],"text":["vs. Auburn, 1925","James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1925"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1925"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":11,"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1925],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#3/components#5","timestamp":"2026-06-23T06:44:34.154Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1260.xml","title_filing_ssi":"King, James P., Collection","title_ssm":["James P. King Collection"],"title_tesim":["James P. King Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1922-1926"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1922-1926"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1922/1926"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"text":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Ms.1970.005","Students and alumni","University History","The collection is open for research.","The collection is arranged by item type.","James Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the Virginia Tech. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 Bugle. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004.","The guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011.","Copies of the V.P.I. Psalm Book (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection.","This collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 Bugle; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.","Among the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.","A folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the V.P.I. Psalm Book; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.","A scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery.","The following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:","World War Memorial Hall Fund, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\nStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922].","A photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","King, James P., 1902-2004","The materials in the collection are in English."],"collection_title_tesim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"collection_ssim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.1970.005"],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.1970.005"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"creator_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"creator_persname_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"creators_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The James P. King Collection was donated to Special Collections in 1970 and 1971."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Students and alumni","University History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Students and alumni","University History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 box"],"extent_tesim":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 box"],"date_range_isim":[1922,1923,1924,1925,1926],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged by item type.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged by item type."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eVirginia Tech\u003c/title\u003e. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eBugle\u003c/title\u003e. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the Virginia Tech. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 Bugle. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/)."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], James P. King Collection, Ms1970-005, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], James P. King Collection, Ms1970-005, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopies of the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eV.P.I. Psalm Book\u003c/title\u003e (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Archival Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Copies of the V.P.I. Psalm Book (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eBugle\u003c/title\u003e; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.  \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAmong the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eV.P.I. Psalm Book\u003c/title\u003e; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 Bugle; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.","Among the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.","A folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the V.P.I. Psalm Book; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.","A scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003clist\u003e\u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWorld War Memorial Hall Fund\u003c/title\u003e, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/title\u003e, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922]. \u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["The following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:","World War Memorial Hall Fund, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\nStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922].","A photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (\u003ca href=\"mailto:specref@vt.edu\"\u003especref@vt.edu\u003c/a\u003e or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_7ac7ea83147ec3ffecc4817137451aaa\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["The collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"names_coll_ssim":["Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"persname_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","King, James P., 1902-2004"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":69,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T06:44:34.154Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c06"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c07","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"vs. Hampden-Sidney College, 1925","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c07#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c07","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c07"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c07","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04","parent_ssim":["James P. 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King Collection, 1922/1926"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1925],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#3/components#6","timestamp":"2026-06-23T06:44:34.154Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1260.xml","title_filing_ssi":"King, James P., Collection","title_ssm":["James P. King Collection"],"title_tesim":["James P. King Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1922-1926"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1922-1926"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1922/1926"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"text":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Ms.1970.005","Students and alumni","University History","The collection is open for research.","The collection is arranged by item type.","James Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the Virginia Tech. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 Bugle. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004.","The guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011.","Copies of the V.P.I. Psalm Book (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection.","This collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 Bugle; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.","Among the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.","A folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the V.P.I. Psalm Book; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.","A scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery.","The following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:","World War Memorial Hall Fund, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\nStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922].","A photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","King, James P., 1902-2004","The materials in the collection are in English."],"collection_title_tesim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"collection_ssim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.1970.005"],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.1970.005"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"creator_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"creator_persname_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"creators_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The James P. King Collection was donated to Special Collections in 1970 and 1971."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Students and alumni","University History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Students and alumni","University History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 box"],"extent_tesim":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 box"],"date_range_isim":[1922,1923,1924,1925,1926],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged by item type.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged by item type."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eVirginia Tech\u003c/title\u003e. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eBugle\u003c/title\u003e. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the Virginia Tech. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 Bugle. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/)."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], James P. King Collection, Ms1970-005, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], James P. King Collection, Ms1970-005, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopies of the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eV.P.I. Psalm Book\u003c/title\u003e (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Archival Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Copies of the V.P.I. Psalm Book (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eBugle\u003c/title\u003e; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.  \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAmong the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eV.P.I. Psalm Book\u003c/title\u003e; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 Bugle; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.","Among the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.","A folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the V.P.I. Psalm Book; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.","A scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003clist\u003e\u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWorld War Memorial Hall Fund\u003c/title\u003e, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/title\u003e, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922]. \u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["The following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:","World War Memorial Hall Fund, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\nStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922].","A photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (\u003ca href=\"mailto:specref@vt.edu\"\u003especref@vt.edu\u003c/a\u003e or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_7ac7ea83147ec3ffecc4817137451aaa\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["The collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"names_coll_ssim":["Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"persname_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","King, James P., 1902-2004"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":69,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T06:44:34.154Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c07"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c08","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"vs. Virginia Military Institute, 1925","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c08#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c08","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c08"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c08","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04","parent_ssim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"vs. Virginia Military Institute","title_ssm":["vs. Virginia Military Institute"],"title_tesim":["vs. Virginia Military Institute"],"normalized_title_ssm":["vs. Virginia Military Institute, 1925"],"text":["vs. Virginia Military Institute, 1925","James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Programs","Football Games"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1925"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1925"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":13,"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1925],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#3/components#7","timestamp":"2026-06-23T06:44:34.154Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1260.xml","title_filing_ssi":"King, James P., Collection","title_ssm":["James P. King Collection"],"title_tesim":["James P. King Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1922-1926"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1922-1926"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1922/1926"],"normalized_title_ssm":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926"],"text":["James P. King Collection, 1922/1926","Ms.1970.005","Students and alumni","University History","The collection is open for research.","The collection is arranged by item type.","James Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the Virginia Tech. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 Bugle. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004.","The guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011.","Copies of the V.P.I. Psalm Book (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection.","This collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 Bugle; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.","Among the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.","A folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the V.P.I. Psalm Book; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.","A scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery.","The following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:","World War Memorial Hall Fund, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\nStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922].","A photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","King, James P., 1902-2004","The materials in the collection are in English."],"collection_title_tesim":["James P. 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Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The James P. 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In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eVirginia Tech\u003c/title\u003e. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eBugle\u003c/title\u003e. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Peter King, the son of Dr. John C. and Fannie Price King, was born in Virginia on December 12, 1902. In the early 20th century, the younger King moved with his family from Marion, Virginia to Radford, where his father established St. Albans Psychiatric Hospital. As a student at Virginia Tech, James \"Jimmy\" King was a member of the Cotillion Club and worked as circulation manager and associate manager of the school newspaper, then known as the Virginia Tech. He also served as a football manager, class secretary, and on the Ring Committee. In his senior year, King served as business manager of the 1926 Bugle. After graduating from Virginia Tech in 1926 and the University of Virginia Medical School in 1930, King returned to Radford and worked at St. Albans, eventually becoming the hospital's medical director. He retired in 1976. Dr. King was twice married (to Rose Mary Rasmussen and Anna Taylor Whitman) and was the father of four children. He died on January 18, 2004."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the James P. King Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/)."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], James P. King Collection, Ms1970-005, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], James P. King Collection, Ms1970-005, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the James P. King Collection commenced and was completed in June 2011."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopies of the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eV.P.I. Psalm Book\u003c/title\u003e (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Archival Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Copies of the V.P.I. Psalm Book (call number LD5655. A4 1924 Spec VT) may be found in the Rare Book Collection."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eBugle\u003c/title\u003e; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.  \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAmong the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eV.P.I. Psalm Book\u003c/title\u003e; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains college memorabilia collected by James P. King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech. The collection includes such memorabilia as programs, tickets, and associated ephemera from college events; a scrapbook; photographs and artwork used in the 1926 Bugle; and a folder of personal memorabilia from King's college years.","Among the programs in the collection are several for sporting events, including several football games against the Virginia Military Institute. Also included is a program from a 1922 minstrel show, which contains racist stereotypes that may be offensive to researchers. Other ephemeral items include  Cotillion Club dance cards, menus for banquets sponsored by the Cotillion Club and others; tickets to sports games, dances, and other events; invitations; sports team schedules; a YMCA membership card; an alcoholic abstinence pledge card; and a pair of advertisements for Glen-Minnich Clothing, of Roanoke, Virginia.","A folder of class records in the collection contains various rosters of the class of 1926 and minutes from class meetings. Also included in the collection are several illustrations from the V.P.I. Psalm Book; several newspaper clippings about Virginia Tech; and a folder of King's personal college memorabilia, including a notice about a college beauty contest, a Virginia Tech Alumni Association bond, text of a speech delivered by King before the Richmond alumni chapter, various telegrams, themes by King on Bald Knob and the Virginia Tech freshman snowball fight, leave of absence requests, and an account of the 1924 barrack fire.","A scrapbook in the collection contains materials similar to those found elsewhere in the collection: newspaper clippings, photographs (of football players, teams and games), dance cards, and invitations. Also in the collection are a number of loose photographs of various Virginia Tech sports teams and individual athletes, activities of the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, and campus scenery."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003clist\u003e\u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWorld War Memorial Hall Fund\u003c/title\u003e, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/title\u003e, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922]. \u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["The following items were removed from the collection to be cataloged for the Rare Book Collection:","World War Memorial Hall Fund, [Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute, 1923].\nStudents' Hand-book of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute, v. 27 [Blacksburg, VA: Young Men's Christian Association, 1922].","A photograph of the 1925 football team had been removed from the collection and added to the Historical Photograph Collection some time after the collection was accessioned. Because it is an oversized photograph and would have required separate housing anyhow, the photograph has been kept in the Historical Photograph Collection."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (\u003ca href=\"mailto:specref@vt.edu\"\u003especref@vt.edu\u003c/a\u003e or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_7ac7ea83147ec3ffecc4817137451aaa\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n    "],"abstract_tesim":["The collection contains college memorabilia of James Peter King, a 1926 graduate of Virginia Tech."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"names_coll_ssim":["Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"persname_ssim":["King, James P., 1902-2004"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","King, James P., 1902-2004"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":69,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T06:44:34.154Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1260_c01_c04_c08"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3823","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"VTA Account Ledger Book (I), 1909/1934","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3823#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3823","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3823"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3823","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110"],"title_filing_ssi":"VTA Account Ledger Book (I)","title_ssm":["VTA Account Ledger Book (I)"],"title_tesim":["VTA Account Ledger Book (I)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["VTA Account Ledger Book (I), 1909/1934"],"text":["VTA Account Ledger Book (I), 1909/1934","American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","box 294","folder 001"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1909/1934"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["November 27, 1909-December 31, 1934"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":3823,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"containers_ssim":["box 294","folder 001"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"date_range_isim":[1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"_nest_path_":"/components#3822","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_110.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/95","title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1907-2004"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1907-2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/2004"],"normalized_title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"text":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110","The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes.","The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/","The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.","Copyright restrictions may apply to some content.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) donated the organization's papers to the University of Virginia Health Sciences Library in 1990 and 1991, under the auspices of then ALAV Executive Director, Dr. Carl Booberg. Another large donation from the ALAV was made in 2009."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes."],"extent_ssm":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nIn 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nBlue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: \u003cextref href=\"http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\"\u003ehttp://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\u003c/extref\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\n  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply to some content.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":4563,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3823"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c387","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"VTA: BOARD OF DIRECTORS CORRESPONDENCE,, 1923/1946","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c387#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c387","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c387"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c387","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110"],"title_filing_ssi":"VTA: BOARD OF DIRECTORS CORRESPONDENCE,","title_ssm":["VTA: BOARD OF DIRECTORS CORRESPONDENCE,"],"title_tesim":["VTA: BOARD OF DIRECTORS CORRESPONDENCE,"],"normalized_title_ssm":["VTA: BOARD OF DIRECTORS CORRESPONDENCE,, 1923/1946"],"text":["VTA: BOARD OF DIRECTORS CORRESPONDENCE,, 1923/1946","American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","box 028","folder 010"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1923/1946"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1923 - 1946"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":387,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"containers_ssim":["box 028","folder 010"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"date_range_isim":[1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946],"_nest_path_":"/components#386","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_110.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/95","title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1907-2004"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1907-2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/2004"],"normalized_title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"text":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110","The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes.","The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/","The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.","Copyright restrictions may apply to some content.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) donated the organization's papers to the University of Virginia Health Sciences Library in 1990 and 1991, under the auspices of then ALAV Executive Director, Dr. Carl Booberg. Another large donation from the ALAV was made in 2009."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes."],"extent_ssm":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nIn 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nBlue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: \u003cextref href=\"http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\"\u003ehttp://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\u003c/extref\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\n  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply to some content.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":4563,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c387"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c451","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"VTA BUDGETS,, 1919/1949","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c451#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c451","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c451"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c451","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110"],"title_filing_ssi":"VTA BUDGETS,","title_ssm":["VTA BUDGETS,"],"title_tesim":["VTA BUDGETS,"],"normalized_title_ssm":["VTA BUDGETS,, 1919/1949"],"text":["VTA BUDGETS,, 1919/1949","American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","box 032","folder 006"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1919/1949"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1919 - 1949"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":451,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"containers_ssim":["box 032","folder 006"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"date_range_isim":[1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949],"_nest_path_":"/components#450","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_110.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/95","title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1907-2004"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1907-2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/2004"],"normalized_title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"text":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110","The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes.","The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/","The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.","Copyright restrictions may apply to some content.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) donated the organization's papers to the University of Virginia Health Sciences Library in 1990 and 1991, under the auspices of then ALAV Executive Director, Dr. Carl Booberg. Another large donation from the ALAV was made in 2009."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes."],"extent_ssm":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nIn 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nBlue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: \u003cextref href=\"http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\"\u003ehttp://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\u003c/extref\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\n  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply to some content.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":4563,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c451"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3763","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"VTA Minutes Book I, 1910/1926","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3763#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3763","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3763"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3763","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110"],"title_filing_ssi":"VTA Minutes Book I","title_ssm":["VTA Minutes Book I"],"title_tesim":["VTA Minutes Book I"],"normalized_title_ssm":["VTA Minutes Book I, 1910/1926"],"text":["VTA Minutes Book I, 1910/1926","American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","box 276","folder 001"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1910/1926"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["March 22, 1910-October 1, 1926"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":3763,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"containers_ssim":["box 276","folder 001"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"date_range_isim":[1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926],"_nest_path_":"/components#3762","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_110.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/95","title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1907-2004"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1907-2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/2004"],"normalized_title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"text":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110","The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes.","The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/","The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.","Copyright restrictions may apply to some content.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) donated the organization's papers to the University of Virginia Health Sciences Library in 1990 and 1991, under the auspices of then ALAV Executive Director, Dr. Carl Booberg. Another large donation from the ALAV was made in 2009."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes."],"extent_ssm":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nIn 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nBlue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: \u003cextref href=\"http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\"\u003ehttp://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\u003c/extref\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\n  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply to some content.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":4563,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c3763"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c52","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"VTA REHABILITATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE,, 1924/1950","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c52#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c52","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c52"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c52","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","parent_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_110"],"title_filing_ssi":"VTA REHABILITATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE,","title_ssm":["VTA REHABILITATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE,"],"title_tesim":["VTA REHABILITATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE,"],"normalized_title_ssm":["VTA REHABILITATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE,, 1924/1950"],"text":["VTA REHABILITATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE,, 1924/1950","American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","box 003","folder 008"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1924/1950"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1924 - 1950"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":52,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"containers_ssim":["box 003","folder 008"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"date_range_isim":[1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950],"_nest_path_":"/components#51","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_110","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_110.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/95","title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1907-2004"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1907-2004"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/2004"],"normalized_title_ssm":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"text":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004","MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110","The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes.","The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/","The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.","Copyright restrictions may apply to some content.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"collection_ssim":["American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) collection, 1907/2004"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.3","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/110"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) donated the organization's papers to the University of Virginia Health Sciences Library in 1990 and 1991, under the auspices of then ALAV Executive Director, Dr. Carl Booberg. Another large donation from the ALAV was made in 2009."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["The extensive collection consists of 424 boxes, 50 are oversized folio boxes."],"extent_ssm":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["283.4 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nIn 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nBlue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.\n\u003c/p\u003e\n\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: \u003cextref href=\"http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\"\u003ehttp://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/\u003c/extref\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\n  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The American Lung Association (ALA) is the oldest voluntary public health agency in the United States. The original name of the ALA was the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), formed in 1904 to combat the deadliest disease of the time. The name was changed to the National Tuberculosis Association (NTA) in 1918, and finally, with the decline of TB and the rise of other serious lung diseases, to the American Lung Association (ALA) in 1973. The American Lung Association of Virginia (ALAV) has been similarly renamed since its formation in 1909 as the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association. Today, both the national and state associations are dedicated to the prevention, cure, and control of all lung diseases.","The American Lung Association is perhaps best known as \"The Christmas Seal People.\" Since 1907, the Christmas Seal Campaign has raised many millions of dollars toward the fight against lung disease. In 1915, the NASPT launched the Modern Health Crusade, originally to involve children in the Christmas Seal Campaign. Any child who sold ten or more Seals was given a \"Crusader certificate of enrollment\" on which was printed a list of health rules such as \"keep windows open\" and \"get a long night's sleep.\" Children who complied with these standards were \"promoted\" from squire to knight, then to knight banneret, and finally to knight of the round table. By 1919 there were three million \"crusaders\" in the United States. Two years later, the National Education Association recommended the adoption of a Crusade-like health education system in every elementary school in the country.","The ALAV Collection contains extensive information on the tuberculosis sanatoriums established in Virginia. When the NASPT formed in 1904, there were approximately one hundred sanatoriums in the United States; by 1910, there were nearly four hundred. One of the many sanatoriums built during this period was the Catawba Sanatorium near Roanoke, the first sanatorium in the state of Virginia. In 1908, Captain William Washington Baker (1844-1927), a member of the Virginia General Assembly, introduced a bill to reorganize the State Board of Health. The \"Baker Bill\" appropriated $20,000 \"for the establishment and maintenance of a suitable sanatorium for consumptives.\" Baker had lost four of his six children to tuberculosis. For his pioneering efforts, he is justly called \"the father of Catawba Sanatorium.\" Baker was also instrumental in the formation of the Virginia Anti-Tuberculosis Association (now the ALAV) in October 1909.","In 1918, the State Board of Health and the Negro Organization Society founded Piedmont Sanatorium as a rest home for African-Americans. Before its establishment, the only treatment facilities for African- Americans were the Central State Hospital for Mental Diseases and the State Penitentiary. Miss Agnes D. Randolph, Director of the Educational Department of the State Board of Health, requested in 1916 an appropriation from the General Assembly to build the sanatorium and purchase three hundred acres of land near Burkeville. The first building at the site was named in her honor.","Blue Ridge Sanatorium opened in April of 1920. The close proximity of the University of Virginia Medical School was a major factor in the government's selection of the Charlottesville area as the site for the new facility. The State Board of Health and the University agreed that a special course in TB would be developed for third and fourth year medical students, to be taught by the Medical Director of Blue Ridge Sanatorium and his staff. The city of Charlottesville donated $15,000 for the building project and promised free water from the city supply for five years.","An online exhibit created by the Historical Collections and Services staff of The Claude Moore Health Sciences Library at the University of Virginia recounts the origin and early history of the ALA. All of the materials featured in the Web exhibit are from the Library's ALAV Collection in Historical Collections and Services. Visit the web exhibit here: http://exhibits.hsl.virginia.edu/alav/"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["The American Lung Association of Virginia Collection (ALAV), MS-3, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The ALAV Collection contains personal and official correspondence, financial and legal papers, minute books, organizational and scientific reports, educational publicity, photographs, and artifacts. The ALAV Collection contains exhaustive information on the administrative concerns, educational and fund-raising activities, local level activities and regional offices, and the day-to-day operations of Virginia's key agent in the control and prevention of respiratory diseases. The materials in the ALAV Collection document the growth of the organization, as well as the input of a number of notable Virginians, from the early decades of the twentieth century. The ALAV Collection contains materials of use to researchers interested in medical history, epidemiology, respiratory diseases, and the growth of state and national organizations dedicated to public health."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply to some content.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply to some content."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":4563,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:51.066Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_110_c52"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c03_c105","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"W. Albert Finlay - printing\n                  correspondence, 1921/1935","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c03_c105#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c03_c105","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c03_c105"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c03_c105","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c03","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n               Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"W. Albert Finlay - printing\n                  correspondence","title_ssm":["W. Albert Finlay - printing\n                  correspondence"],"title_tesim":["W. Albert Finlay - printing\n                  correspondence"],"normalized_title_ssm":["W. Albert Finlay - printing\n                  correspondence, 1921/1935"],"text":["W. Albert Finlay - printing\n                  correspondence, 1921/1935","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n               Papers","box Box 138"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n               Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company\n               Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1921/1935"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1921 -1935"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":2028,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 138"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#104","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","382","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n            Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n            Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n            Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n            Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n    ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n          ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n          ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n          "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c03_c105"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1045","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Waldorf-Astoria, 1920/1932","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c1045#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1045","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c1045"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1045","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Waldorf-Astoria","title_ssm":["Waldorf-Astoria"],"title_tesim":["Waldorf-Astoria"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Waldorf-Astoria, 1920/1932"],"text":["Waldorf-Astoria, 1920/1932","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","box Box 303"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1920/1932"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1920 -1932"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":1046,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 303"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#1044","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937","382","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n         \n         1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Biography of Edward L. StoneEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         CompanyThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            Yours very truly, \n            L. E. Armentrout, \n            Manager","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n            My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing CompanyThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            Very Sincerely, \n            Edward L. Stone \n            Chairman of the BoardClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n            Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n            Library, Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers,\n            Accession #382, Special Collections, University of Virginia\n            Library, Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n    ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n          ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n          ","\u003cp\u003eAll items listed below are blueprints.\u003c/p\u003e\n          "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints.","All items listed below are blueprints."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c1045"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Alexandria Library","value":"Alexandria Library","hits":2},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Alexandria+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"College of William and Mary","value":"College of William and Mary","hits":475},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=College+of+William+and+Mary"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Fairfax County Public Library","value":"Fairfax County Public Library","hits":150},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Fairfax+County+Public+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"George Mason University","value":"George Mason University","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=George+Mason+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Hampden-Sydney College","value":"Hampden-Sydney College","hits":39},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Hampden-Sydney+College"}},{"attributes":{"label":"James Madison University","value":"James Madison University","hits":47},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=James+Madison+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Longwood University","value":"Longwood University","hits":26},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Longwood+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Old Dominion University","value":"Old Dominion University","hits":32},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Old+Dominion+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Randolph-Macon College","value":"Randolph-Macon College","hits":2},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Randolph-Macon+College"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Shenandoah County Library","value":"Shenandoah County Library","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Shenandoah+County+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","value":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","hits":104},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=The+George+Washington+Presidential+Library+at+Mount+Vernon"}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1925\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item"}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"A.S. 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