{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1924\u0026page=2478\u0026view=list","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1924\u0026page=2477\u0026view=list","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1924\u0026page=2479\u0026view=list","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1924\u0026page=2479\u0026view=list"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":2478,"next_page":2479,"prev_page":2477,"total_pages":2479,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":24770,"total_count":24787,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1092","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Y. W. C. A.","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c1092#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1092","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c1092"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c1092","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","Y. W. C. A.","box Box 316"],"title_filing_ssi":"Y. W. C. A.","title_ssm":["Y. W. C. A."],"title_tesim":["Y. W. C. A."],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1922 -1932"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1922/1932"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Y. W. C. A."],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":1093,"date_range_isim":[1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932],"containers_ssim":["box Box 316"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#1091","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:21:15.112Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"text":["382","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","Biography of Edward L. Stone Edward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company The Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n             Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n             This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n             Yours very truly, \n             L. E. Armentrout, \n             Manager \n            ","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n             We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n             Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n          Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia, gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n             My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n             For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company The Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n          the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products. Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n          We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n             But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n             If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n             Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n             I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n             Very Sincerely, \n             Edward L. Stone \n             Chairman of the Board Clearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Biography of Edward L. Stone Edward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company The Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n             Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n             This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n             Yours very truly, \n             L. E. Armentrout, \n             Manager \n            ","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n             We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n             Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n          Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia, gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n             My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n             For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company The Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n          the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products. Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n          We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n             But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n             If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n             Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n             I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n             Very Sincerely, \n             Edward L. Stone \n             Chairman of the Board Clearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:21:15.112Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c1092"}},{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06_c03","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"YWCA, Building Maintenance Ledger Accounts, Expenses Receipts","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06_c03","ref_ssm":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06_c03"],"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06_c03","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06","parent_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06","parent_ssim":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records","Series 6: Scrapbooks, 1926-circa 1940s"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records","Series 6: Scrapbooks, 1926-circa 1940s"],"text":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records","Series 6: Scrapbooks, 1926-circa 1940s","YWCA, Building Maintenance Ledger Accounts, Expenses Receipts","box  3 os"],"title_filing_ssi":"YWCA, Building Maintenance Ledger Accounts, Expenses Receipts","title_ssm":["YWCA, Building Maintenance Ledger Accounts, Expenses Receipts"],"title_tesim":["YWCA, Building Maintenance Ledger Accounts, Expenses Receipts"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1916-1925"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1916/1925"],"normalized_title_ssm":["YWCA, Building Maintenance Ledger Accounts, Expenses Receipts"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"collection_ssim":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"sort_isi":209,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["No restrictions on access."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["No restrictions on use."],"date_range_isim":[1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"containers_ssim":["box  3 os"],"_nest_path_":"/components#5/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:17:02.500Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_81","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VCU/repositories_5_resources_81.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=vcu-cab/vircu00026.xml","title_ssm":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records"],"title_tesim":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1901-1969"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1901-1969"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["M 180","/repositories/5/resources/81"],"text":["M 180","/repositories/5/resources/81","Roanoke Valley YWCA records","Young Women's Christian associations -- Virginia -- Roanoke","No restrictions on access.","The collection has been arranged in five series. There is only a rough inventory of the collection. Series I--Board of Directors (1918-1969); Series II--Fiscal Records (1925-1969); Series III--Executive Director's File (1901-1951); Series IV--Committees ( - ); Series V--Photographs and Clippings ( - ).","The organization began in 1913 after meeting at the Roanoke home of Mrs. A. J. Kennard. The first permanent organization meeting was held in January of 1914 where it met at the Green Memorial Methodist Church. With 1,153 pledge memberships, the E.W. Tinsley property at 415 Roanoke Street was chosen as the first home of the Association. In 1923 the program was extended to African American girls and women with the formation of the Phyllis Wheatley Branch which by the 1950s was called the Lula Williams Memorial Branch. The organization's headquarters began meeting in a structure built specifically for the association at the corner of First Street and Franklin Road., S.W. The building was dedicated on May 28, 1928. As of 2002, the organization was called the YWCA of the Roanoke Valley. Its Executive Director was Pat Reynolds. An indication as to the services and programs it offers can be found in the organization's stated mission which is to \"empower women and eliminate racism, the YWCA provides programs in these core areas: residence, child care and youth development, community and leadership development, advocacy and public policy, racial and social justice, targeted special-needs programs, and health and fitness.\"","The collection includes minutes, reports, newsletters, records of the organization's multiple activities, photographs, and clippings. There are a few files involved in the WPA Writers Program.","No restrictions on use.","VCU James Branch Cabell Library","YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["M 180","/repositories/5/resources/81"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records"],"collection_title_tesim":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records"],"collection_ssim":["Roanoke Valley YWCA records"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"creator_ssm":["YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)"],"creator_ssim":["YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)"],"creators_ssim":["YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)"],"access_terms_ssm":["No restrictions on use."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of the Board of the YWCA on 20 April 1983."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Young Women's Christian associations -- Virginia -- Roanoke"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Young Women's Christian associations -- Virginia -- Roanoke"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["9.1 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["9.1 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo restrictions on access.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No restrictions on access."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection has been arranged in five series. There is only a rough inventory of the collection. Series I--Board of Directors (1918-1969); Series II--Fiscal Records (1925-1969); Series III--Executive Director's File (1901-1951); Series IV--Committees ( - ); Series V--Photographs and Clippings ( - ).\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection has been arranged in five series. There is only a rough inventory of the collection. Series I--Board of Directors (1918-1969); Series II--Fiscal Records (1925-1969); Series III--Executive Director's File (1901-1951); Series IV--Committees ( - ); Series V--Photographs and Clippings ( - )."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe organization began in 1913 after meeting at the Roanoke home of Mrs. A. J. Kennard. The first permanent organization meeting was held in January of 1914 where it met at the Green Memorial Methodist Church. With 1,153 pledge memberships, the E.W. Tinsley property at 415 Roanoke Street was chosen as the first home of the Association. In 1923 the program was extended to African American girls and women with the formation of the Phyllis Wheatley Branch which by the 1950s was called the Lula Williams Memorial Branch. The organization's headquarters began meeting in a structure built specifically for the association at the corner of First Street and Franklin Road., S.W. The building was dedicated on May 28, 1928. As of 2002, the organization was called the YWCA of the Roanoke Valley. Its Executive Director was Pat Reynolds. An indication as to the services and programs it offers can be found in the organization's stated mission which is to \"empower women and eliminate racism, the YWCA provides programs in these core areas: residence, child care and youth development, community and leadership development, advocacy and public policy, racial and social justice, targeted special-needs programs, and health and fitness.\"\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The organization began in 1913 after meeting at the Roanoke home of Mrs. A. J. Kennard. The first permanent organization meeting was held in January of 1914 where it met at the Green Memorial Methodist Church. With 1,153 pledge memberships, the E.W. Tinsley property at 415 Roanoke Street was chosen as the first home of the Association. In 1923 the program was extended to African American girls and women with the formation of the Phyllis Wheatley Branch which by the 1950s was called the Lula Williams Memorial Branch. The organization's headquarters began meeting in a structure built specifically for the association at the corner of First Street and Franklin Road., S.W. The building was dedicated on May 28, 1928. As of 2002, the organization was called the YWCA of the Roanoke Valley. Its Executive Director was Pat Reynolds. An indication as to the services and programs it offers can be found in the organization's stated mission which is to \"empower women and eliminate racism, the YWCA provides programs in these core areas: residence, child care and youth development, community and leadership development, advocacy and public policy, racial and social justice, targeted special-needs programs, and health and fitness.\""],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBox/folder, Roanoke Valley YWCA Archives, M 180, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Box/folder, Roanoke Valley YWCA Archives, M 180, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection includes minutes, reports, newsletters, records of the organization's multiple activities, photographs, and clippings. There are a few files involved in the WPA Writers Program.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection includes minutes, reports, newsletters, records of the organization's multiple activities, photographs, and clippings. There are a few files involved in the WPA Writers Program."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo restrictions on use.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["No restrictions on use."],"names_coll_ssim":["YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)"],"names_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)"],"corpname_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","YWCA of the Roanoke Valley (Va.)"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":209,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:17:02.500Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_81_c06_c03"}},{"id":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65_c07","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"YWCA Conference nametag","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65_c07#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65_c07","ref_ssm":["vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65_c07"],"id":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65_c07","ead_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","_root_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","_nest_parent_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","parent_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","parent_ssim":["vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"text":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera","YWCA Conference nametag","box Multi-Collection Box 03","folder LU-397"],"title_filing_ssi":"YWCA Conference nametag","title_ssm":["YWCA Conference nametag"],"title_tesim":["YWCA Conference nametag"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1924"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1924"],"normalized_title_ssm":["YWCA Conference nametag"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Longwood University"],"collection_ssim":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"extent_ssm":["1 Folder"],"extent_tesim":["1 Folder"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"sort_isi":7,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes."],"date_range_isim":[1924],"containers_ssim":["box Multi-Collection Box 03","folder LU-397"],"_nest_path_":"/components#6","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:37:19.957Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","ead_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","_root_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","_nest_parent_":"vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/LONG/repositories_2_resources_65.xml","title_ssm":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"title_tesim":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"unitdate_ssm":["1923-1925"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1923-1925"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["LU.397"],"text":["LU.397","Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera","Roper, Sue Eleanor","There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes.","Sue Eleanor Roper of Portsmouth, Virginia was born in 1905 to Thomas Davis and Susan Rutter Roper.  In 1923, she enrolled in State Normal School for Women in Farmville, Virginia, and earned her degree from State Teachers College in 1925.  While a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College, Roper was a member of Portsmouth Club, the Athenian Literary Society, and the Athletic Association.  Additionally she served as YWCA Publicity Committee Chair, Freshman Class Treasurer, and on the Student Government Committee.","The items in this collection, which were accumulated by Sue Roper during her time as a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College, were later acquired by Nancy Shelton during her tenure with the Longwood University Department of Alumni Relations.  It is unknown when the collection was transferred to the Greenwood Library Archives.","This collection, which dates from 1923 to 1925, consists of ephemeral materials accumulated by Sue Roper during her time as a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College.","Greenwood Library Archives and Special Collections","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["LU.397"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"collection_title_tesim":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"collection_ssim":["Sue Eleanor Roper Ephemera"],"repository_ssm":["Longwood University"],"repository_ssim":["Longwood University"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Roper, Sue Eleanor"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Roper, Sue Eleanor"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["17 Folder"],"extent_tesim":["17 Folder"],"date_range_isim":[1923,1924,1925],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSue Eleanor Roper of Portsmouth, Virginia was born in 1905 to Thomas Davis and Susan Rutter Roper.  In 1923, she enrolled in State Normal School for Women in Farmville, Virginia, and earned her degree from State Teachers College in 1925.  While a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College, Roper was a member of Portsmouth Club, the Athenian Literary Society, and the Athletic Association.  Additionally she served as YWCA Publicity Committee Chair, Freshman Class Treasurer, and on the Student Government Committee.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Sue Eleanor Roper of Portsmouth, Virginia was born in 1905 to Thomas Davis and Susan Rutter Roper.  In 1923, she enrolled in State Normal School for Women in Farmville, Virginia, and earned her degree from State Teachers College in 1925.  While a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College, Roper was a member of Portsmouth Club, the Athenian Literary Society, and the Athletic Association.  Additionally she served as YWCA Publicity Committee Chair, Freshman Class Treasurer, and on the Student Government Committee."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe items in this collection, which were accumulated by Sue Roper during her time as a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College, were later acquired by Nancy Shelton during her tenure with the Longwood University Department of Alumni Relations.  It is unknown when the collection was transferred to the Greenwood Library Archives.\u003c/p\u003e"],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["The items in this collection, which were accumulated by Sue Roper during her time as a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College, were later acquired by Nancy Shelton during her tenure with the Longwood University Department of Alumni Relations.  It is unknown when the collection was transferred to the Greenwood Library Archives."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection, which dates from 1923 to 1925, consists of ephemeral materials accumulated by Sue Roper during her time as a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection, which dates from 1923 to 1925, consists of ephemeral materials accumulated by Sue Roper during her time as a student at State Normal School for Women and State Teachers College."],"names_ssim":["Greenwood Library Archives and Special Collections"],"corpname_ssim":["Greenwood Library Archives and Special Collections"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":17,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:37:19.957Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vifarl_repositories_2_resources_65_c07"}},{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"YWCA Records","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_446#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958.","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_446#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/JMU/repositories_4_resources_446.xml","title_ssm":["YWCA Records"],"title_tesim":["YWCA Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1909-1958"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1909-1958"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446"],"text":["UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446","YWCA Records","Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History","Programs (documents)","Posters","Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.","Digitized images of select YWCA posters are available at Founding Documents in Special Collections: https://www.lib.jmu.edu/special/FoundingDocs/studentlife/","Items are arranged by material type.","Dingledine, Raymond C.  Madison College, the First Fifty Years, 1908-1958.  Harrisonburg, VA: Madison College, 1959.","The State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. There were 72 founding members (representing approximately half of the student body), and it eventually grew to 100 members by the end of 1909. In its first year, the YWCA organized seven Bible-study classes and a mission study class. In its early years, YWCA held weekly devotional meetings and sponsored informal social events for the students.","The bound volumes of posters were previously part of the collection, SU 93-0315, Scrapbooks 1909-1916. Programs were transferred from vertical file, \"Young Women's Christian Association.\"","The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs, advertising events created by the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA. The posters detail meeting and events hosted from 1909-1916. Meetings were often organized around a topic, and included a musical performance, readings, prayer and songs.","The programs include an \"Annual Christmas Pageant\" from 1951 and vesper services from 1931, 1948, and 1952.","Copyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).","The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958.","James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History","English"],"unitid_tesim":["UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446"],"normalized_title_ssm":["YWCA Records"],"collection_title_tesim":["YWCA Records"],"collection_ssim":["YWCA Records"],"repository_ssm":["James Madison University"],"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"geogname_ssm":["Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History"],"geogname_ssim":["Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History"],"places_ssim":["Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Items were in Special Collections at time of founding, in 1982. Items were in Special Collections at time of founding, in 1982."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Programs (documents)","Posters"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Programs (documents)","Posters"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.26 cubic feet 1 box"],"extent_tesim":["0.26 cubic feet 1 box"],"genreform_ssim":["Programs (documents)","Posters"],"date_range_isim":[1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"altformavail_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDigitized images of select YWCA posters are available at Founding Documents in Special Collections: https://www.lib.jmu.edu/special/FoundingDocs/studentlife/\u003c/p\u003e"],"altformavail_heading_ssm":["Other Formats Available"],"altformavail_tesim":["Digitized images of select YWCA posters are available at Founding Documents in Special Collections: https://www.lib.jmu.edu/special/FoundingDocs/studentlife/"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eItems are arranged by material type.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Items are arranged by material type."],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibref\u003eDingledine, Raymond C. \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMadison College, the First Fifty Years, 1908-1958.\u003c/emph\u003e Harrisonburg, VA: Madison College, 1959.\u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography"],"bibliography_tesim":["Dingledine, Raymond C.  Madison College, the First Fifty Years, 1908-1958.  Harrisonburg, VA: Madison College, 1959."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. There were 72 founding members (representing approximately half of the student body), and it eventually grew to 100 members by the end of 1909. In its first year, the YWCA organized seven Bible-study classes and a mission study class. In its early years, YWCA held weekly devotional meetings and sponsored informal social events for the students.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Administrative History"],"bioghist_tesim":["The State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. 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Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright for materials authored or otherwise produced as official business of James Madison University is retained by James Madison University. Copyright status for other collection materials is unknown. Transmission or reproduction of materials protected by U.S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S.C.) beyond that allowed by fair use requires the written permission of the copyright owners. Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_3f8c2890ee7d7c2e2dfe1df3259eb169\"\u003eThe collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958."],"names_coll_ssim":["Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"names_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":2,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:59:06.645Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_446","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/JMU/repositories_4_resources_446.xml","title_ssm":["YWCA Records"],"title_tesim":["YWCA Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1909-1958"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1909-1958"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446"],"text":["UA 0028","/repositories/4/resources/446","YWCA Records","Harrisonburg (Va.) -- History","Programs (documents)","Posters","Collection open to research. 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Madison College, the First Fifty Years, 1908-1958.  Harrisonburg, VA: Madison College, 1959."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. There were 72 founding members (representing approximately half of the student body), and it eventually grew to 100 members by the end of 1909. In its first year, the YWCA organized seven Bible-study classes and a mission study class. In its early years, YWCA held weekly devotional meetings and sponsored informal social events for the students.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Administrative History"],"bioghist_tesim":["The State Normal and Industrial School for Women branch of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) was established in 1909, during the first term of the school. 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Works not in the public domain cannot be commercially exploited without permission of the copyright owners. Responsibility for any use rests exclusively with the user. For more information, contact the Special Collections Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_3f8c2890ee7d7c2e2dfe1df3259eb169\"\u003eThe collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The collection is comprised of two volumes of bound posters and programs pertaining to the State Normal and Industrial School branch of the YWCA, from 1909-1958."],"names_coll_ssim":["Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"names_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Young Women's Christian Association","State Normal and Industrial School for Women (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","State Normal School for Women at Harrisonburg (Harrisonburg, Va.) -- History","James Madison University -- History"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":2,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:59:06.645Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_446"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Zelda Haus Papers","creator":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8539#creator","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"Haus, Zelda","label":"Creator"}},"abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8539#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThe Zelda Haus Papers cover her time at both Marion Junior College and Susquehanna University. Haus attended Marion Junior College, a woman's college, from 1923 to 1925. While there she took part in numerous religiously focused organizations such as the Lutheran League. These organizations focused on both domestic issues and international issues such as the Armenian Genocide. In 1925, Haus enrolled in Susquehanna University, located on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania. While there she devoted much of her time to attaining her teacher's certificate. Haus maintained regular correspondence with her family, particularly her mother, and friends throughout this time period.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8539#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_8539.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Haus, Zelda Papers","title_ssm":["Zelda Haus Papers"],"title_tesim":["Zelda Haus Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1922-1927"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1922-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Mss. Acc. 2008.134A","/repositories/2/resources/8539"],"text":["Mss. Acc. 2008.134A","/repositories/2/resources/8539","Zelda Haus Papers","Armenian genocide, 1915-1923","Education--Virginia--History--20th century","Report cards","Women college students","Women--Education--Virginia--History","Women--Pennsylvania--History","Correspondence","Pamphlets","Postcards","Receipts (financial records)","Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. 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Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:  .","The Zelda Haus Papers cover her time at both Marion Junior College and Susquehanna University.  Haus attended Marion Junior College, a woman's college, from 1923 to 1925.  While there she took part in numerous religiously focused organizations such as the Lutheran League.  These organizations focused on both domestic issues and international issues such as the Armenian Genocide.  In 1925, Haus enrolled in Susquehanna University, located on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania.  While there she devoted much of her time to attaining her teacher's certificate.  Haus maintained regular correspondence with her family, particularly her mother, and friends throughout this time period.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America","Haus, Zelda","English"],"unitid_tesim":["Mss. 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The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is arranged into three series: Series 1: Correspondence, 1922-1927; Series 2: Other Materials, 1923-1927; Series 3: Empty Envelopes, 1923-1927.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement of Materials:"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection is arranged into three series: Series 1: Correspondence, 1922-1927; Series 2: Other Materials, 1923-1927; Series 3: Empty Envelopes, 1923-1927."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDaughter of Rev. and Mrs. L. Raymond Haus, Zelda Haus attended Marion Junior College in Marion, Virginia from 1923 to 1926. While there, she took an active role in various religiously focused student organizations. She then attended Susquehanna University in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania from 1926 to 1927, where she devoted much of her time to attaining her teaching certificate. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003cextref href=\"http://scdbwiki.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/Haus,_Zelda\" title=\"Haus, Zelda\"\u003e\u003c/extref\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Information:"],"bioghist_tesim":["Daughter of Rev. and Mrs. L. Raymond Haus, Zelda Haus attended Marion Junior College in Marion, Virginia from 1923 to 1926. While there, she took an active role in various religiously focused student organizations. She then attended Susquehanna University in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania from 1926 to 1927, where she devoted much of her time to attaining her teaching certificate. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:  ."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eZelda Haus Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Zelda Haus Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Zelda Haus Papers cover her time at both Marion Junior College and Susquehanna University.  Haus attended Marion Junior College, a woman's college, from 1923 to 1925.  While there she took part in numerous religiously focused organizations such as the Lutheran League.  These organizations focused on both domestic issues and international issues such as the Armenian Genocide.  In 1925, Haus enrolled in Susquehanna University, located on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania.  While there she devoted much of her time to attaining her teacher's certificate.  Haus maintained regular correspondence with her family, particularly her mother, and friends throughout this time period.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Zelda Haus Papers cover her time at both Marion Junior College and Susquehanna University.  Haus attended Marion Junior College, a woman's college, from 1923 to 1925.  While there she took part in numerous religiously focused organizations such as the Lutheran League.  These organizations focused on both domestic issues and international issues such as the Armenian Genocide.  In 1925, Haus enrolled in Susquehanna University, located on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania.  While there she devoted much of her time to attaining her teacher's certificate.  Haus maintained regular correspondence with her family, particularly her mother, and friends throughout this time period."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use:"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"names_coll_ssim":["Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America","Haus, Zelda"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America"],"famname_ssim":["Haus, Zelda"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":31,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-14T19:03:48.969Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8539","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_8539.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Haus, Zelda Papers","title_ssm":["Zelda Haus Papers"],"title_tesim":["Zelda Haus Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1922-1927"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1922-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Mss. Acc. 2008.134A","/repositories/2/resources/8539"],"text":["Mss. Acc. 2008.134A","/repositories/2/resources/8539","Zelda Haus Papers","Armenian genocide, 1915-1923","Education--Virginia--History--20th century","Report cards","Women college students","Women--Education--Virginia--History","Women--Pennsylvania--History","Correspondence","Pamphlets","Postcards","Receipts (financial records)","Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.","This collection is arranged into three series: Series 1: Correspondence, 1922-1927; Series 2: Other Materials, 1923-1927; Series 3: Empty Envelopes, 1923-1927.","Daughter of Rev. and Mrs. L. Raymond Haus, Zelda Haus attended Marion Junior College in Marion, Virginia from 1923 to 1926. While there, she took an active role in various religiously focused student organizations. She then attended Susquehanna University in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania from 1926 to 1927, where she devoted much of her time to attaining her teaching certificate. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:  .","The Zelda Haus Papers cover her time at both Marion Junior College and Susquehanna University.  Haus attended Marion Junior College, a woman's college, from 1923 to 1925.  While there she took part in numerous religiously focused organizations such as the Lutheran League.  These organizations focused on both domestic issues and international issues such as the Armenian Genocide.  In 1925, Haus enrolled in Susquehanna University, located on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania.  While there she devoted much of her time to attaining her teacher's certificate.  Haus maintained regular correspondence with her family, particularly her mother, and friends throughout this time period.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America","Haus, Zelda","English"],"unitid_tesim":["Mss. Acc. 2008.134A","/repositories/2/resources/8539"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Zelda Haus Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Zelda Haus Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Zelda Haus Papers"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"creator_ssm":["Haus, Zelda"],"creator_ssim":["Haus, Zelda"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Haus, Zelda"],"creators_ssim":["Haus, Zelda"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Purchase."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Armenian genocide, 1915-1923","Education--Virginia--History--20th century","Report cards","Women college students","Women--Education--Virginia--History","Women--Pennsylvania--History","Correspondence","Pamphlets","Postcards","Receipts (financial records)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Armenian genocide, 1915-1923","Education--Virginia--History--20th century","Report cards","Women college students","Women--Education--Virginia--History","Women--Pennsylvania--History","Correspondence","Pamphlets","Postcards","Receipts (financial records)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.40 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["0.40 Linear Feet"],"genreform_ssim":["Correspondence","Pamphlets","Postcards","Receipts (financial records)"],"date_range_isim":[1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access:"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is arranged into three series: Series 1: Correspondence, 1922-1927; Series 2: Other Materials, 1923-1927; Series 3: Empty Envelopes, 1923-1927.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement of Materials:"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection is arranged into three series: Series 1: Correspondence, 1922-1927; Series 2: Other Materials, 1923-1927; Series 3: Empty Envelopes, 1923-1927."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDaughter of Rev. and Mrs. L. Raymond Haus, Zelda Haus attended Marion Junior College in Marion, Virginia from 1923 to 1926. While there, she took an active role in various religiously focused student organizations. She then attended Susquehanna University in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania from 1926 to 1927, where she devoted much of her time to attaining her teaching certificate. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003cextref href=\"http://scdbwiki.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/Haus,_Zelda\" title=\"Haus, Zelda\"\u003e\u003c/extref\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Information:"],"bioghist_tesim":["Daughter of Rev. and Mrs. L. Raymond Haus, Zelda Haus attended Marion Junior College in Marion, Virginia from 1923 to 1926. While there, she took an active role in various religiously focused student organizations. She then attended Susquehanna University in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania from 1926 to 1927, where she devoted much of her time to attaining her teaching certificate. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:  ."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eZelda Haus Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Zelda Haus Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Zelda Haus Papers cover her time at both Marion Junior College and Susquehanna University.  Haus attended Marion Junior College, a woman's college, from 1923 to 1925.  While there she took part in numerous religiously focused organizations such as the Lutheran League.  These organizations focused on both domestic issues and international issues such as the Armenian Genocide.  In 1925, Haus enrolled in Susquehanna University, located on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania.  While there she devoted much of her time to attaining her teacher's certificate.  Haus maintained regular correspondence with her family, particularly her mother, and friends throughout this time period.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Zelda Haus Papers cover her time at both Marion Junior College and Susquehanna University.  Haus attended Marion Junior College, a woman's college, from 1923 to 1925.  While there she took part in numerous religiously focused organizations such as the Lutheran League.  These organizations focused on both domestic issues and international issues such as the Armenian Genocide.  In 1925, Haus enrolled in Susquehanna University, located on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania.  While there she devoted much of her time to attaining her teacher's certificate.  Haus maintained regular correspondence with her family, particularly her mother, and friends throughout this time period."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use:"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"names_coll_ssim":["Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America","Haus, Zelda"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Marion College, Junior (Marion, Va.)","Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa.","Women's Missionary Society of the United Lutheran Church in America"],"famname_ssim":["Haus, Zelda"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":31,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-14T19:03:48.969Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8539"}},{"id":"viu_viu00040_c01_c18","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Zelma Brandt to \n                  Mary Johnston","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00040_c01_c18#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00040_c01_c18","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00040_c01_c18"],"id":"viu_viu00040_c01_c18","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00040","_root_":"viu_viu00040","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00040_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00040_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00040","viu_viu00040_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00040","viu_viu00040_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of Mary Johnston","Correspondence"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of Mary Johnston","Correspondence"],"text":["Papers of Mary Johnston","Correspondence","Zelma Brandt to \n                  Mary Johnston","box Box 1"],"title_filing_ssi":"\n                  Zelma Brandt to \n                  Mary Johnston","title_ssm":["\n                  Zelma Brandt to \n                  Mary Johnston"],"title_tesim":["\n                  Zelma Brandt to \n                  Mary Johnston"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1924"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1924"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Zelma Brandt to \n                  Mary Johnston"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"extent_ssm":["3"],"extent_tesim":["3"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":19,"date_range_isim":[1924],"containers_ssim":["box Box 1"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#17","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:43:45.219Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00040","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00040","_root_":"viu_viu00040","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00040","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00040.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of Mary Johnston \n         "],"title_tesim":["Papers of Mary Johnston \n         "],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3588"],"text":["3588","Papers of Mary Johnston","This collection consists of ca. 4000 items.","The correspondence with family, friends, agents, and\n         publishers has been arranged alphabetically by the\n         correspondents; this correspondence comprises the first seven\n         boxes. The miscellaneous family, suffrage and other\n         correspondence is in chronological order and occupies boxes 8-10. Boxes 11-19 contain the manuscripts of stories, novels,\n         and dramatic adaptations and have been arranged alphabetically\n         by title. The diaries and copies of diaries are arranged\n         chronologically in boxes 20 and 21. In boxes 21-22 are are\n         rough drafts of the biography compiled by her sister from \n         Mary Johnston's diaries and unfinished\n         autobiography. Box 23 contains genealogical material, and\n         boxes 24-25 contain accounts and cashbooks. In box 26 are\n         contracts and other legal papers, as well as photographs. Box\n         27 holds manuscripts of speeches on suffrage, labor, books and\n         the Civil War, and box 28 contains miscellaneous personal\n         articles. The remainder of box 28 and boxes 29-32 contain\n         news-clippings collected by \n         John W. Johnston, \n         Mary Johnston, and \n         Elizabeth Johnston; these clippings are\n         about local \n         Virginia news in the late 1800's, the\n         suffrage movement, the peace movement, and \n         Mary Johnston's novels.","\n         Mary Johnston was born November 21, 1870 in \n         Buchanan, Virginia to \n         Elizabeth Alexander Johnston from \n         Moorefield, West Virginia and \n         John W. Johnston, lawyer and railway\n         executive, of \n         Botetourt County, Virginia. \n         Mary Johnston, the oldest of six\n         children, was followed by \n         Eloise Johnston, \n         Anne Johnston, \n         John Johnston, \n         Walter Johnston, and \n         Elizabeth Johnston; the first and last\n         two siblings lived most of their adult lives with \n         Mary Johnston until her death, and they\n         are mentioned frequently in these papers.","The family moved to \n         Birmingham, Alabama in 1886 and, except\n         for a brief period spent in \n         New York City around 1893 remained in \n         Birmingham until 1902 when they moved to \n         Richmond, Virginia. \n         Elizabeth Alexander Johnston died in 1889\n         soon after the birth of her last child. \n         John W. Johnston, a \n         Confederate soldier and cousin to General \n         Joseph E. Johnston, died in 1905, and\n         soon thereafter \n         Mary Johnston became critically ill,\n         hovering close to death for nearly a year. Although she\n         recovered and lived until 1936, she was plagued with horrible\n         headaches and ill health most of her life. In 1912 \n         Mary Johnston and \n         Eloise Johnston bought land and built a\n         home, \"Three Hills,\" in \n         Warm Springs, Virginia; this remained the\n         Johnston family home until \n         Elizabeth Johnston's death in the\n         1960's.","\n         Mary Johnston was not formally educated\n         but apparently did a great deal of undirected reading in her\n         youth, particularly of literature, history, philosophy, and\n         science. She loved nature and, as a young adult, travelled\n         frequently in \n         Europe. She began writing in 1893, and\n         her novel, \n          Prisoner of Hope, which appeared\n         in 1898, was her first publication. \n         Houghton, Mifflin and Co. published her\n         novels until she changed to \n         Harpers in 1918; in 1922 she moved to \n         Little-Brown and Co. Her literary agent\n         was \n         Carl Brandt. \n         Mary Johnston published twenty-three\n         novels--the earlier ones such as \n          To Have and To Hold, Audrey, Sir Mortimer, Lewis Rand, and  \n          The Long Roll  were the most\n         popular--one play, \n          The Goddess of Reason;  one\n         historical work, \n          The Pioneers of the Old\n         South;  and numerous short stories.","In addition to her literary and feminist activities, \n         Mary Johnston was a self-declared pacifist\n         in World War I and worked for peace through various\n         organizations. She also had a great interest in socialism,\n         although she never joined the \n         Socialist Party. In later years she\n         studied theosophy with much enthusiasm.","The Papers of Mary Johnston consists of ca. 4000 items, including correspondence (both personal and professional), literary manuscripts, dramatic adaptations, diaries, accounts and cashbooks, photographs, speeches and news clippings.\n","English\n"],"unitid_tesim":["3588"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of Mary Johnston"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Papers of Mary Johnston were deposited by Elizabeth Johnston\n             November 1, 1960 and became the property of the\n            University of Virginia when she\n            died."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 4000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence with family, friends, agents, and\n         publishers has been arranged alphabetically by the\n         correspondents; this correspondence comprises the first seven\n         boxes. The miscellaneous family, suffrage and other\n         correspondence is in chronological order and occupies boxes 8-10. Boxes 11-19 contain the manuscripts of stories, novels,\n         and dramatic adaptations and have been arranged alphabetically\n         by title. The diaries and copies of diaries are arranged\n         chronologically in boxes 20 and 21. In boxes 21-22 are are\n         rough drafts of the biography compiled by her sister from \n         Mary Johnston's diaries and unfinished\n         autobiography. Box 23 contains genealogical material, and\n         boxes 24-25 contain accounts and cashbooks. In box 26 are\n         contracts and other legal papers, as well as photographs. Box\n         27 holds manuscripts of speeches on suffrage, labor, books and\n         the Civil War, and box 28 contains miscellaneous personal\n         articles. The remainder of box 28 and boxes 29-32 contain\n         news-clippings collected by \n         John W. Johnston, \n         Mary Johnston, and \n         Elizabeth Johnston; these clippings are\n         about local \n         Virginia news in the late 1800's, the\n         suffrage movement, the peace movement, and \n         Mary Johnston's novels.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement\n"],"arrangement_tesim":["The correspondence with family, friends, agents, and\n         publishers has been arranged alphabetically by the\n         correspondents; this correspondence comprises the first seven\n         boxes. The miscellaneous family, suffrage and other\n         correspondence is in chronological order and occupies boxes 8-10. Boxes 11-19 contain the manuscripts of stories, novels,\n         and dramatic adaptations and have been arranged alphabetically\n         by title. The diaries and copies of diaries are arranged\n         chronologically in boxes 20 and 21. In boxes 21-22 are are\n         rough drafts of the biography compiled by her sister from \n         Mary Johnston's diaries and unfinished\n         autobiography. Box 23 contains genealogical material, and\n         boxes 24-25 contain accounts and cashbooks. In box 26 are\n         contracts and other legal papers, as well as photographs. Box\n         27 holds manuscripts of speeches on suffrage, labor, books and\n         the Civil War, and box 28 contains miscellaneous personal\n         articles. The remainder of box 28 and boxes 29-32 contain\n         news-clippings collected by \n         John W. Johnston, \n         Mary Johnston, and \n         Elizabeth Johnston; these clippings are\n         about local \n         Virginia news in the late 1800's, the\n         suffrage movement, the peace movement, and \n         Mary Johnston's novels."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n         Mary Johnston was born November 21, 1870 in \n         Buchanan, Virginia to \n         Elizabeth Alexander Johnston from \n         Moorefield, West Virginia and \n         John W. Johnston, lawyer and railway\n         executive, of \n         Botetourt County, Virginia. \n         Mary Johnston, the oldest of six\n         children, was followed by \n         Eloise Johnston, \n         Anne Johnston, \n         John Johnston, \n         Walter Johnston, and \n         Elizabeth Johnston; the first and last\n         two siblings lived most of their adult lives with \n         Mary Johnston until her death, and they\n         are mentioned frequently in these papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe family moved to \n         Birmingham, Alabama in 1886 and, except\n         for a brief period spent in \n         New York City around 1893 remained in \n         Birmingham until 1902 when they moved to \n         Richmond, Virginia. \n         Elizabeth Alexander Johnston died in 1889\n         soon after the birth of her last child. \n         John W. Johnston, a \n         Confederate soldier and cousin to General \n         Joseph E. Johnston, died in 1905, and\n         soon thereafter \n         Mary Johnston became critically ill,\n         hovering close to death for nearly a year. Although she\n         recovered and lived until 1936, she was plagued with horrible\n         headaches and ill health most of her life. In 1912 \n         Mary Johnston and \n         Eloise Johnston bought land and built a\n         home, \"Three Hills,\" in \n         Warm Springs, Virginia; this remained the\n         Johnston family home until \n         Elizabeth Johnston's death in the\n         1960's.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n         Mary Johnston was not formally educated\n         but apparently did a great deal of undirected reading in her\n         youth, particularly of literature, history, philosophy, and\n         science. She loved nature and, as a young adult, travelled\n         frequently in \n         Europe. She began writing in 1893, and\n         her novel, \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003ePrisoner of Hope,\u003c/title\u003ewhich appeared\n         in 1898, was her first publication. \n         Houghton, Mifflin and Co. published her\n         novels until she changed to \n         Harpers in 1918; in 1922 she moved to \n         Little-Brown and Co. Her literary agent\n         was \n         Carl Brandt. \n         Mary Johnston published twenty-three\n         novels--the earlier ones such as \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eTo Have and To Hold,\u003c/title\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAudrey,\u003c/title\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eSir Mortimer,\u003c/title\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eLewis Rand,\u003c/title\u003eand  \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Long Roll\u003c/title\u003e were the most\n         popular--one play, \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Goddess of Reason;\u003c/title\u003e one\n         historical work, \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Pioneers of the Old\n         South;\u003c/title\u003e and numerous short stories.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to her literary and feminist activities, \n         Mary Johnston was a self-declared pacifist\n         in World War I and worked for peace through various\n         organizations. She also had a great interest in socialism,\n         although she never joined the \n         Socialist Party. In later years she\n         studied theosophy with much enthusiasm.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information\n"],"bioghist_tesim":["\n         Mary Johnston was born November 21, 1870 in \n         Buchanan, Virginia to \n         Elizabeth Alexander Johnston from \n         Moorefield, West Virginia and \n         John W. Johnston, lawyer and railway\n         executive, of \n         Botetourt County, Virginia. \n         Mary Johnston, the oldest of six\n         children, was followed by \n         Eloise Johnston, \n         Anne Johnston, \n         John Johnston, \n         Walter Johnston, and \n         Elizabeth Johnston; the first and last\n         two siblings lived most of their adult lives with \n         Mary Johnston until her death, and they\n         are mentioned frequently in these papers.","The family moved to \n         Birmingham, Alabama in 1886 and, except\n         for a brief period spent in \n         New York City around 1893 remained in \n         Birmingham until 1902 when they moved to \n         Richmond, Virginia. \n         Elizabeth Alexander Johnston died in 1889\n         soon after the birth of her last child. \n         John W. Johnston, a \n         Confederate soldier and cousin to General \n         Joseph E. Johnston, died in 1905, and\n         soon thereafter \n         Mary Johnston became critically ill,\n         hovering close to death for nearly a year. Although she\n         recovered and lived until 1936, she was plagued with horrible\n         headaches and ill health most of her life. In 1912 \n         Mary Johnston and \n         Eloise Johnston bought land and built a\n         home, \"Three Hills,\" in \n         Warm Springs, Virginia; this remained the\n         Johnston family home until \n         Elizabeth Johnston's death in the\n         1960's.","\n         Mary Johnston was not formally educated\n         but apparently did a great deal of undirected reading in her\n         youth, particularly of literature, history, philosophy, and\n         science. She loved nature and, as a young adult, travelled\n         frequently in \n         Europe. She began writing in 1893, and\n         her novel, \n          Prisoner of Hope, which appeared\n         in 1898, was her first publication. \n         Houghton, Mifflin and Co. published her\n         novels until she changed to \n         Harpers in 1918; in 1922 she moved to \n         Little-Brown and Co. Her literary agent\n         was \n         Carl Brandt. \n         Mary Johnston published twenty-three\n         novels--the earlier ones such as \n          To Have and To Hold, Audrey, Sir Mortimer, Lewis Rand, and  \n          The Long Roll  were the most\n         popular--one play, \n          The Goddess of Reason;  one\n         historical work, \n          The Pioneers of the Old\n         South;  and numerous short stories.","In addition to her literary and feminist activities, \n         Mary Johnston was a self-declared pacifist\n         in World War I and worked for peace through various\n         organizations. She also had a great interest in socialism,\n         although she never joined the \n         Socialist Party. In later years she\n         studied theosophy with much enthusiasm."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Papers of Mary Johnston consists of ca. 4000 items, including correspondence (both personal and professional), literary manuscripts, dramatic adaptations, diaries, accounts and cashbooks, photographs, speeches and news clippings.\n\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content\n"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Papers of Mary Johnston consists of ca. 4000 items, including correspondence (both personal and professional), literary manuscripts, dramatic adaptations, diaries, accounts and cashbooks, photographs, speeches and news clippings.\n"],"language_ssim":["English\n"],"total_component_count_is":423,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:43:45.219Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00040_c01_c18"}},{"id":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02_c195","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Ziegfeld Follies","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02_c195#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02_c195","ref_ssm":["vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02_c195"],"id":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02_c195","ead_ssi":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","_root_":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","_nest_parent_":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02","parent_ssi":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02","parent_ssim":["vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection","Series 2: New York City"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection","Series 2: New York City"],"text":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection","Series 2: New York City","Ziegfeld Follies","box 11","folder 25"],"title_filing_ssi":"Ziegfeld Follies","title_ssm":["Ziegfeld Follies"],"title_tesim":["Ziegfeld Follies"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1919-1927"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1919/1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Ziegfeld Follies"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["George Mason University"],"collection_ssim":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"sort_isi":307,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no access restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Materials created before 1925 are in the Public Domain. No known restrictions.","The copyright and related rights status of materials created or published after 1925 have not been evaluated (See http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/CNE/1.0/)"],"date_range_isim":[1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927],"containers_ssim":["box 11","folder 25"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#194","timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:27:54.262Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","ead_ssi":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","_root_":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","_nest_parent_":"vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/GMU/repositories_2_resources_113.xml","title_ssm":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection"],"title_tesim":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1879-2009"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1879-2009"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["C0184","/repositories/2/resources/113"],"text":["C0184","/repositories/2/resources/113","Charles Rodrigues playbill collection","Theater -- New York (State) -- New York","Theater -- United States","There are no access restrictions.","Arranged into three series, two of which are based on location, and a final series for film programs, music scores, ticket stubs, and advertisements.","Series Series 1: Outside New York City, 1879-2009 (boxes 1-5, 37) Series 2: New York City, 1885-2009 (boxes 6-34, 37-38) Series 3: Film Programs, music scores, and ticket stubs, 1909-2009 (boxes 34-38)","Charles Rodrigues was an avid theatre enthusiast who amassed a large collection of playbills and programs by attending shows, purchasing programs at yard sales and thrift stores, trading with other collectors, and inheriting collections from friends. Rodrigues began collecting playbills at performances he attended on and off Broadway in 1961. He would also attend performances around the United States and abroad and collect playbills from these shows. One sizable addition came from Richard W. Rowan who also collected playbills from shows he attended. Many of these playbills date from World War I to the 1930s. The oldest part of the Rodrigues collection dates to the late 19th century and is from a movie theatre that used the playbills as cushioning between the older vaudeville stage and the newer movie theatre stage.","Processed by Greta Kuriger in 2011. EAD markup completed by Greta Kuriger in 2011. Finding aid updated by Amanda Brent in April 2022.","The Special Collections Research Center holds many other collections on theatre and the performing arts.","The Charles Rodrigues playbill collection consists of playbills and programs from 1879-2009. The bulk of the collection material represents plays performed on and off Broadway, as well as theatres in Philadelphia, Boston, Connecticut, Long Island, New Jersey, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Los Angeles, Ohio, and Chicago. This collection represents a broad cross-section of programs with plays as the main source, but it also includes programs from burlesque houses, vaudeville performances, and concerts. Playbills can be important documents for researchers in that they depict the world of theatre changing over time and often provide rich information about prevailing cultural and social attitudes of the moment through articles and advertisements.","The collection consists of three series, two of which are based on geographic location, divided by date, and then arranged alphabetically by play title. Playbills from performances prior to 1934 are included at the beginning of each series in alphabetical order by play followed by playbills that date 1934 and onward. If the name of the play was not present the name of theatre is used instead. Series one consists of fourteen subseries each including playbills and programs from theatres outside of New York City. Subseries 1.1 to 1.14 consist of programs from Austria, Boston, California, Chicago, Connecticut, Florida, London, New York State, New Jersey, Ohio, Paris, Philadelphia, Toronto, and Washington D.C. respectively. Series two consists of programs from productions performed in New York City, on and off Broadway, and in Brooklyn. Plays are listed alphabetically within each series and often one play title represents more than one playbill. Many of the playbills have ticket stubs attached to the front cover or loose inside. Newspaper clippings relating to the play also accompany some of the programs. The final series includes programs from films, music scores, theatre advertisement mailings, and ticket stubs. Within this series music scores are listed first in alphabetical order followed by film programs and then mailings from theatres, newspaper and magazine clippings, pamphlets and advertisements, show announcements, and assorted ticket stubs. ","Materials created before 1925 are in the Public Domain. No known restrictions.","The copyright and related rights status of materials created or published after 1925 have not been evaluated (See http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/CNE/1.0/)","The Charles Rodrigues playbill collection consists of playbills and programs from 1879-2009. The bulk of the collection material represents plays performed on and off Broadway, but it also includes programs from theatres in Philadelphia, Boston, Connecticut, Long Island, New Jersey, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Los Angeles, Ohio, and Chicago. This collection represents a broad cross-section of programs with plays as the main source, as well as, programs from burlesque houses, vaudeville performances, and concerts. Playbills can be important documents for researchers in that they depict the world of theatre changing over time and often provide rich information about prevailing cultural and social attitudes of the moment through articles and advertisements.","George Mason University. Libraries. Special Collections Research Center","Rodrigues, Charles","English"],"unitid_tesim":["C0184","/repositories/2/resources/113"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection"],"collection_ssim":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection"],"repository_ssm":["George Mason University"],"repository_ssim":["George Mason University"],"creator_ssm":["Rodrigues, Charles"],"creator_ssim":["Rodrigues, Charles"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Rodrigues, Charles"],"creators_ssim":["Rodrigues, Charles"],"access_terms_ssm":["Materials created before 1925 are in the Public Domain. No known restrictions.","The copyright and related rights status of materials created or published after 1925 have not been evaluated (See http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/CNE/1.0/)"],"acqinfo_ssim":["Donated by Phil Rodrigues, brother of Charles Rodrigues, October 21, 2010."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Theater -- New York (State) -- New York","Theater -- United States"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Theater -- New York (State) -- New York","Theater -- United States"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["18 Linear Feet 38 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["18 Linear Feet 38 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no access restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no access restrictions."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eArranged into three series, two of which are based on location, and a final series for film programs, music scores, ticket stubs, and advertisements.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003chead\u003eSeries\u003c/head\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries 1: Outside New York City, 1879-2009 (boxes 1-5, 37)\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries 2: New York City, 1885-2009 (boxes 6-34, 37-38)\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries 3: Film Programs, music scores, and ticket stubs, 1909-2009 (boxes 34-38)\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Arranged into three series, two of which are based on location, and a final series for film programs, music scores, ticket stubs, and advertisements.","Series Series 1: Outside New York City, 1879-2009 (boxes 1-5, 37) Series 2: New York City, 1885-2009 (boxes 6-34, 37-38) Series 3: Film Programs, music scores, and ticket stubs, 1909-2009 (boxes 34-38)"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCharles Rodrigues was an avid theatre enthusiast who amassed a large collection of playbills and programs by attending shows, purchasing programs at yard sales and thrift stores, trading with other collectors, and inheriting collections from friends. Rodrigues began collecting playbills at performances he attended on and off Broadway in 1961. He would also attend performances around the United States and abroad and collect playbills from these shows. One sizable addition came from Richard W. Rowan who also collected playbills from shows he attended. Many of these playbills date from World War I to the 1930s. The oldest part of the Rodrigues collection dates to the late 19th century and is from a movie theatre that used the playbills as cushioning between the older vaudeville stage and the newer movie theatre stage.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Charles Rodrigues was an avid theatre enthusiast who amassed a large collection of playbills and programs by attending shows, purchasing programs at yard sales and thrift stores, trading with other collectors, and inheriting collections from friends. Rodrigues began collecting playbills at performances he attended on and off Broadway in 1961. He would also attend performances around the United States and abroad and collect playbills from these shows. One sizable addition came from Richard W. Rowan who also collected playbills from shows he attended. Many of these playbills date from World War I to the 1930s. The oldest part of the Rodrigues collection dates to the late 19th century and is from a movie theatre that used the playbills as cushioning between the older vaudeville stage and the newer movie theatre stage."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCharles Rodrigues playbill collection, C0184, Special Collections Research Center, George Mason University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Charles Rodrigues playbill collection, C0184, Special Collections Research Center, George Mason University Libraries."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eProcessed by Greta Kuriger in 2011. EAD markup completed by Greta Kuriger in 2011. Finding aid updated by Amanda Brent in April 2022.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Processed by Greta Kuriger in 2011. EAD markup completed by Greta Kuriger in 2011. Finding aid updated by Amanda Brent in April 2022."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Special Collections Research Center holds many other collections on theatre and the performing arts.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Material"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["The Special Collections Research Center holds many other collections on theatre and the performing arts."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Charles Rodrigues playbill collection consists of playbills and programs from 1879-2009. The bulk of the collection material represents plays performed on and off Broadway, as well as theatres in Philadelphia, Boston, Connecticut, Long Island, New Jersey, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Los Angeles, Ohio, and Chicago. This collection represents a broad cross-section of programs with plays as the main source, but it also includes programs from burlesque houses, vaudeville performances, and concerts. Playbills can be important documents for researchers in that they depict the world of theatre changing over time and often provide rich information about prevailing cultural and social attitudes of the moment through articles and advertisements.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection consists of three series, two of which are based on geographic location, divided by date, and then arranged alphabetically by play title. Playbills from performances prior to 1934 are included at the beginning of each series in alphabetical order by play followed by playbills that date 1934 and onward. If the name of the play was not present the name of theatre is used instead. Series one consists of fourteen subseries each including playbills and programs from theatres outside of New York City. Subseries 1.1 to 1.14 consist of programs from Austria, Boston, California, Chicago, Connecticut, Florida, London, New York State, New Jersey, Ohio, Paris, Philadelphia, Toronto, and Washington D.C. respectively. Series two consists of programs from productions performed in New York City, on and off Broadway, and in Brooklyn. Plays are listed alphabetically within each series and often one play title represents more than one playbill. Many of the playbills have ticket stubs attached to the front cover or loose inside. Newspaper clippings relating to the play also accompany some of the programs. The final series includes programs from films, music scores, theatre advertisement mailings, and ticket stubs. Within this series music scores are listed first in alphabetical order followed by film programs and then mailings from theatres, newspaper and magazine clippings, pamphlets and advertisements, show announcements, and assorted ticket stubs. \u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Charles Rodrigues playbill collection consists of playbills and programs from 1879-2009. The bulk of the collection material represents plays performed on and off Broadway, as well as theatres in Philadelphia, Boston, Connecticut, Long Island, New Jersey, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Los Angeles, Ohio, and Chicago. This collection represents a broad cross-section of programs with plays as the main source, but it also includes programs from burlesque houses, vaudeville performances, and concerts. Playbills can be important documents for researchers in that they depict the world of theatre changing over time and often provide rich information about prevailing cultural and social attitudes of the moment through articles and advertisements.","The collection consists of three series, two of which are based on geographic location, divided by date, and then arranged alphabetically by play title. Playbills from performances prior to 1934 are included at the beginning of each series in alphabetical order by play followed by playbills that date 1934 and onward. If the name of the play was not present the name of theatre is used instead. Series one consists of fourteen subseries each including playbills and programs from theatres outside of New York City. Subseries 1.1 to 1.14 consist of programs from Austria, Boston, California, Chicago, Connecticut, Florida, London, New York State, New Jersey, Ohio, Paris, Philadelphia, Toronto, and Washington D.C. respectively. Series two consists of programs from productions performed in New York City, on and off Broadway, and in Brooklyn. Plays are listed alphabetically within each series and often one play title represents more than one playbill. Many of the playbills have ticket stubs attached to the front cover or loose inside. Newspaper clippings relating to the play also accompany some of the programs. The final series includes programs from films, music scores, theatre advertisement mailings, and ticket stubs. Within this series music scores are listed first in alphabetical order followed by film programs and then mailings from theatres, newspaper and magazine clippings, pamphlets and advertisements, show announcements, and assorted ticket stubs. "],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials created before 1925 are in the Public Domain. No known restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe copyright and related rights status of materials created or published after 1925 have not been evaluated (See http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/CNE/1.0/)\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["Materials created before 1925 are in the Public Domain. No known restrictions.","The copyright and related rights status of materials created or published after 1925 have not been evaluated (See http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/CNE/1.0/)"],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_d46ac9a9e4e3a7b9dc6e8e0b7d7a8d53\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe Charles Rodrigues playbill collection consists of playbills and programs from 1879-2009. The bulk of the collection material represents plays performed on and off Broadway, but it also includes programs from theatres in Philadelphia, Boston, Connecticut, Long Island, New Jersey, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Los Angeles, Ohio, and Chicago. This collection represents a broad cross-section of programs with plays as the main source, as well as, programs from burlesque houses, vaudeville performances, and concerts. Playbills can be important documents for researchers in that they depict the world of theatre changing over time and often provide rich information about prevailing cultural and social attitudes of the moment through articles and advertisements.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Charles Rodrigues playbill collection consists of playbills and programs from 1879-2009. The bulk of the collection material represents plays performed on and off Broadway, but it also includes programs from theatres in Philadelphia, Boston, Connecticut, Long Island, New Jersey, Washington D.C., San Francisco, Los Angeles, Ohio, and Chicago. This collection represents a broad cross-section of programs with plays as the main source, as well as, programs from burlesque houses, vaudeville performances, and concerts. Playbills can be important documents for researchers in that they depict the world of theatre changing over time and often provide rich information about prevailing cultural and social attitudes of the moment through articles and advertisements."],"names_ssim":["George Mason University. Libraries. Special Collections Research Center","Rodrigues, Charles"],"corpname_ssim":["George Mason University. Libraries. Special Collections Research Center"],"persname_ssim":["Rodrigues, Charles"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":563,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:27:54.262Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vifgm_repositories_2_resources_113_c02_c195"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Zinn Family Genealogy","creator":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513#creator","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"Zinn family","label":"Creator"}},"abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eGenealogical information compiled by the donor and documents of the Zinn family of north central West Virginia. The family is traced back to George Zinn, a German immigrant from Darstadt and a Revolutionary War veteran who settled after the American Revolution in Monongalia County. There is mention of various of his descendents, mainly West Virginians, but most of the information is on the line of the Civil War veteran George Harrison Zinn and his son Frank Garfield Zinn. Most of the documents are the financial records of George D. Zinn and his business transactions in the vicinity of Morgantown. There are a few other items on Morgantown history and a letter from John Malcom to William and Jane Wilson about land in the frontier Mid-West.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1513","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_1513.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/195792","title_ssm":["Zinn Family Genealogy"],"title_tesim":["Zinn Family Genealogy"],"unitdate_ssm":["1808-1994","1832-1888"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1832-1888"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1808-1994"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 3213","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1513"],"text":["A\u0026M 3213","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1513","Zinn Family Genealogy","Monongalia County (W. Va.)","Genealogy","Frontier and pioneer life","No special access restriction applies.","Genealogical information compiled by the donor and documents of the Zinn family of north central West Virginia. The family is traced back to George Zinn, a German immigrant from Darstadt and a Revolutionary War veteran who settled after the American Revolution in Monongalia County. There is mention of various of his descendents, mainly West Virginians, but most of the information is on the line of the Civil War veteran George Harrison Zinn and his son Frank Garfield Zinn. Most of the documents are the financial records of George D. Zinn and his business transactions in the vicinity of Morgantown. There are a few other items on Morgantown history and a letter from John Malcom to William and Jane Wilson about land in the frontier Mid-West.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Zinn family","Malcom, John.","Wilson, Jane.","Wilson, William.","Zinn, Frank Garfield.","Zinn, George D.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 3213","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1513"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Zinn Family Genealogy"],"collection_title_tesim":["Zinn Family Genealogy"],"collection_ssim":["Zinn Family Genealogy"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Monongalia County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Monongalia County (W. 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For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. 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Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Genealogy","No special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized and born digital materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc.","To book collection:","Paper copy of \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" by Thomas E. Zinn, CDR, USNR (Ret.), regarding service during 1957-1966, printed from electronic file. Electronic file is archived within this collection.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Digital copies of papers of the Zinn family of Preston County, West Virginia, including legal documents and genealogical records. 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Zinn, CDR, USNR (Ret.), regarding service during 1957-1966, printed from electronic file. Electronic file is archived within this collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["To book collection:","Paper copy of \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" by Thomas E. Zinn, CDR, USNR (Ret.), regarding service during 1957-1966, printed from electronic file. Electronic file is archived within this collection."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_3b0516e6ab3d82571d3501b27988d49f\"\u003eDigital copies of papers of the Zinn family of Preston County, West Virginia, including legal documents and genealogical records. Legal documents include a letter of attorney, indentures, deeds, stock certificates, and surveys of property. 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Genealogical records include a handwritten record of births, a page from a family bible recording births and marriages, and a typescript regarding the history of the Zinn family. Frequently mentioned names include Isaac Dean and George Zinn. The collection also includes an 1867 letter of commendation to George Zinn; it accompanied a medal awarded for service in the Civil War. This collection consists only of digital scans of the original documents. The collection also includes a digital version of an autobiographical account by Thomas E. Zinn titled \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" regarding his experiences as a naval and commercial pilot in the period ca. 1950s-1970s."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_5a7f4e17ce52112d186e0a14cd210769\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. 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Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Genealogy","No special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized and born digital materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc.","To book collection:","Paper copy of \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" by Thomas E. Zinn, CDR, USNR (Ret.), regarding service during 1957-1966, printed from electronic file. Electronic file is archived within this collection.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Digital copies of papers of the Zinn family of Preston County, West Virginia, including legal documents and genealogical records. 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Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Zinn family","Dean family","Zinn, George D.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 3994","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/3210"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Zinn Family Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Zinn Family Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Zinn Family Papers"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Monongalia County (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Monongalia County (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)"],"creator_ssm":["Zinn family"],"creator_ssim":["Zinn family"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Zinn family"],"creators_ssim":["Zinn family"],"places_ssim":["Monongalia County (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Genealogy"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Genealogy"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["2.07 Gigabytes 46 files, formats include .tif and .docx"],"extent_tesim":["2.07 Gigabytes 46 files, formats include .tif and .docx"],"date_range_isim":[1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo special access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eResearchers may access digitized and born digital materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized and born digital materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Zinn Family Papers, A\u0026amp;M 3994, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Zinn Family Papers, A\u0026M 3994, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTo book collection:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePaper copy of \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" by Thomas E. Zinn, CDR, USNR (Ret.), regarding service during 1957-1966, printed from electronic file. Electronic file is archived within this collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["To book collection:","Paper copy of \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" by Thomas E. Zinn, CDR, USNR (Ret.), regarding service during 1957-1966, printed from electronic file. Electronic file is archived within this collection."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_3b0516e6ab3d82571d3501b27988d49f\"\u003eDigital copies of papers of the Zinn family of Preston County, West Virginia, including legal documents and genealogical records. Legal documents include a letter of attorney, indentures, deeds, stock certificates, and surveys of property. Genealogical records include a handwritten record of births, a page from a family bible recording births and marriages, and a typescript regarding the history of the Zinn family. Frequently mentioned names include Isaac Dean and George Zinn. The collection also includes an 1867 letter of commendation to George Zinn; it accompanied a medal awarded for service in the Civil War. This collection consists only of digital scans of the original documents. The collection also includes a digital version of an autobiographical account by Thomas E. Zinn titled \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" regarding his experiences as a naval and commercial pilot in the period ca. 1950s-1970s.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Digital copies of papers of the Zinn family of Preston County, West Virginia, including legal documents and genealogical records. Legal documents include a letter of attorney, indentures, deeds, stock certificates, and surveys of property. Genealogical records include a handwritten record of births, a page from a family bible recording births and marriages, and a typescript regarding the history of the Zinn family. Frequently mentioned names include Isaac Dean and George Zinn. The collection also includes an 1867 letter of commendation to George Zinn; it accompanied a medal awarded for service in the Civil War. This collection consists only of digital scans of the original documents. The collection also includes a digital version of an autobiographical account by Thomas E. Zinn titled \"Sea Stories From My Time in the United States Navy\" regarding his experiences as a naval and commercial pilot in the period ca. 1950s-1970s."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_5a7f4e17ce52112d186e0a14cd210769\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. 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Ambler.","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_419#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_419","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_419","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_419","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_419","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_419.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/195034","title_ssm":["Zion Episcopal Church of Charles Town, Papers"],"title_tesim":["Zion Episcopal Church of Charles Town, Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1879-1954"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1879-1954"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 2448","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/419"],"text":["A\u0026M 2448","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/419","Zion Episcopal Church of Charles Town, Papers","Charles Town (W. 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For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_ffe7bc5f91652c966a1ee03403ec7e58\"\u003ePapers of the Zion Episcopal Church of Charles Town, WV, including church budgets, programs, and religious pamphlets. There is a minute book (1878-1890) of the Ladies Mexican League of the Zion Episcopal Church and an account book (1904-1943) listing contributions to the Mexican Scholarship. There are also ten postcards of West Virginia scenes addressed to Letitia C. 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