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Acc. 2013.247 accessioned and minimally described by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in October 2013.","The Sheet Music Collection includes sheet music collected by the Special Collections Research Center.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Sheet Music Collection, 1827/1974"],"collection_ssim":["Sheet Music Collection, 1827/1974"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Mss. 1.07","/repositories/2/resources/8982"],"unitid_tesim":["Mss. 1.07","/repositories/2/resources/8982"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"creators_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Acc. 1997.054 was a gift received on 9/25/1997; Acc. 2007.87 was a gift from Mrs. Edmun C. Glover, III via Jim Deffenbaugh, Music Librarian. Acc. 2009.061 was purchased on 2/26/2009. Acc. 2009.070 was purchased on 2/21/2009. Acc. 2009.069 was purchased on 2/23/2009. Acquisition information for accessions received after February 2009 is not displayed for technical reasons. Consult a staff member for details."],"access_subjects_ssim":["African Americans--Music","Music--19th century.","Music--Virginia--19th century.","United States--History--World War, 1914-1918--Songs and music","World War, 1939-1945--United States--Songs and music","Scores","Sheet music"],"access_subjects_ssm":["African Americans--Music","Music--19th century.","Music--Virginia--19th century.","United States--History--World War, 1914-1918--Songs and music","World War, 1939-1945--United States--Songs and music","Scores","Sheet music"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["55.80 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["55.80 Linear Feet"],"genreform_ssim":["Scores","Sheet music"],"date_range_isim":[1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access:"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"accruals_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAdditions are being made to this collection on an ongoing basis.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accruals_heading_ssm":["Accruals:"],"accruals_tesim":["Additions are being made to this collection on an ongoing basis."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is currently being processed and new items will be added on an ongoing basis. For this reason the indicated extent and date range are approximate at this point.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series 1 (box 1-47) contains sheet music acquired prior to 2007.  Subseries 1 (box 1-38)  is arranged alphabetically by composer; Subseries  2 (box 39-40) are filed by arrangers and unknown composers; Subseries 3  (box 41-43) contains exercise books; Subseries 4 (box 44-45) contains portions of collections; Subseries 5 (boxe46) iscollections; and Subseries 6 (box 47) is librettos.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series 2 (from box 48 onward) consists of acquisitons made 2007 and later, filed in the order in which they are received.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series 3 is is not yet fully arranged and described. Researchers should consult with a staff member for further information in advance of using this series.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement of Materials:"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is currently being processed and new items will be added on an ongoing basis. For this reason the indicated extent and date range are approximate at this point.","Series 1 (box 1-47) contains sheet music acquired prior to 2007.  Subseries 1 (box 1-38)  is arranged alphabetically by composer; Subseries  2 (box 39-40) are filed by arrangers and unknown composers; Subseries 3  (box 41-43) contains exercise books; Subseries 4 (box 44-45) contains portions of collections; Subseries 5 (boxe46) iscollections; and Subseries 6 (box 47) is librettos.","Series 2 (from box 48 onward) consists of acquisitons made 2007 and later, filed in the order in which they are received.","Series 3 is is not yet fully arranged and described. Researchers should consult with a staff member for further information in advance of using this series."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSheet Music Collection, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Sheet Music Collection, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterial received from 2009 to 2010 were accessioned and minimally processed by Ute Schechter. The portion of the collection received prior to 2007 was keyed in by student assistants including Lauren Chapman, Alex Dodd beginning in September 2009. Acc. 2012.050 accessioned and minimally described by Steven Bookman, Univeristy Archives Specialist, in February 2012. Series 3 added in April 2012 by Benjamin Bromley. Acc. 2012.272 and Acc. 2012.360 accessioned and minimally described by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in November 2012. Acc. 2013.247 accessioned and minimally described by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in October 2013.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information:"],"processinfo_tesim":["Material received from 2009 to 2010 were accessioned and minimally processed by Ute Schechter. The portion of the collection received prior to 2007 was keyed in by student assistants including Lauren Chapman, Alex Dodd beginning in September 2009. Acc. 2012.050 accessioned and minimally described by Steven Bookman, Univeristy Archives Specialist, in February 2012. Series 3 added in April 2012 by Benjamin Bromley. Acc. 2012.272 and Acc. 2012.360 accessioned and minimally described by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in November 2012. Acc. 2013.247 accessioned and minimally described by Steven Bookman, University Archives Specialist, in October 2013."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Sheet Music Collection includes sheet music collected by the Special Collections Research Center.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Sheet Music Collection includes sheet music collected by the Special Collections Research Center."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use:"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3666,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:52:09.987Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8982_c02_c27"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. Contracts, 1903/1919","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Iron, Ore \u0026 Pig"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c12"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. Contracts","title_ssm":["A. Contracts"],"title_tesim":["A. Contracts"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. Contracts, 1903/1919"],"text":["A. Contracts, 1903/1919","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Iron, Ore \u0026 Pig","13 volumes; numbered sequence,\n                     2-12"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Iron, Ore \u0026 Pig"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Iron, Ore \u0026 Pig"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1903/1919"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1903-1919"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":51,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["13 volumes; numbered sequence,\n                     2-12"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#11/components#0","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c01"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c03","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"Added Notes and Letters September 28, 2006, 1903/1924","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c03","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c03"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c03","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03","parent_ssim":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957","Series 3: Papers, 1907-1957, of the Taylor family Mss. Acc. 2006.35 Addition, 1907/1957"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Added Notes and Letters September 28, 2006","title_ssm":["Added Notes and Letters September 28, 2006"],"title_tesim":["Added Notes and Letters September 28, 2006"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Added Notes and Letters September 28, 2006, 1903/1924"],"text":["Added Notes and Letters September 28, 2006, 1903/1924","Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957","Series 3: Papers, 1907-1957, of the Taylor family Mss. Acc. 2006.35 Addition, 1907/1957"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957","Series 3: Papers, 1907-1957, of the Taylor family Mss. Acc. 2006.35 Addition, 1907/1957"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957","Series 3: Papers, 1907-1957, of the Taylor family Mss. Acc. 2006.35 Addition, 1907/1957"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1903/1924"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1903-1924"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":50,"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":1,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"date_range_isim":[1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#2","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:52:13.556Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_9031.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Taylor Family Papers","title_ssm":["Taylor Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Taylor Family Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1903-1957"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1903-1957"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1903/1957"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957"],"text":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957","Mss. Acc. 2001.42, 2004.45, 2006.35 and 2006.52","/repositories/2/resources/9031","Urbanna (Va.)","College of William and Mary--History--20th century","College of William and Mary--Students","Country life--20th century","Correspondence","Newspapers","Newsletters","Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.","Accessions 2001.42 and 2004.45 were combined when processed. Accessions 2006.35 and 2006.52 were combined when processed.","Information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:","Other Information:","Additional information may be found at http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaead/published/wm/viw00117.frame","Papers of the Taylor Family of Urbanna, Virginia.  Sons were graduates from the College of William and Mary.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary--Alumni and alumnae","Theta Delta Xi","Taylor family","Taylor, Charlie","Taylor, Christian","Taylor, Preston","Taylor, Silas Edgar","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957"],"collection_ssim":["Taylor Family Papers, 1903/1957"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Mss. 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Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access:"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAccessions 2001.42 and 2004.45 were combined when processed. Accessions 2006.35 and 2006.52 were combined when processed.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement of Materials:"],"arrangement_tesim":["Accessions 2001.42 and 2004.45 were combined when processed. Accessions 2006.35 and 2006.52 were combined when processed."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eInformation about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003cextref actuate=\"onRequest\" audience=\"external\" type=\"simple\" show=\"embed\" href=\"http://scdbwiki.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/Taylor_family\" title=\"Taylor family\"\u003e\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Family History:"],"bioghist_tesim":["Information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:"],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOther Information:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Additional information may be found at http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaead/published/wm/viw00117.frame\u003c/p\u003e  "],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Other Information:","Additional information may be found at http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaead/published/wm/viw00117.frame"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTaylor Family Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["Taylor Family Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Taylor Family of Urbanna, Virginia.  Sons were graduates from the College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers of the Taylor Family of Urbanna, Virginia.  Sons were graduates from the College of William and Mary."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use:"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary--Alumni and alumnae","Theta Delta Xi"],"names_coll_ssim":["College of William and Mary--Alumni and alumnae","Theta Delta Xi","Taylor family"],"famname_ssim":["Taylor family"],"persname_ssim":["Taylor, Charlie","Taylor, Christian","Taylor, Preston","Taylor, Silas Edgar"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","College of William and Mary--Alumni and alumnae","Theta Delta Xi","Taylor family","Taylor, Charlie","Taylor, Christian","Taylor, Preston","Taylor, Silas Edgar"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":70,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:52:13.556Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c03"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c07","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Buffalo Creek (BC), 1908/2009","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c07#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis series consists of research materials, notes, clippings, and correspondence related to the Buffalo Creek and Monongah Mine Disasters.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c07#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c07","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c07"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c07","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10","parent_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10"],"title_filing_ssi":"Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Buffalo Creek (BC)","title_ssm":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Buffalo Creek (BC)"],"title_tesim":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Buffalo Creek (BC)"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Buffalo Creek (BC), 1908/2009"],"text":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Buffalo Creek (BC), 1908/2009","J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010","This series consists of research materials, notes, clippings, and correspondence related to the Buffalo Creek and Monongah Mine Disasters."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1908/2009"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1908-2009"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":2957,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":23,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis series consists of research materials, notes, clippings, and correspondence related to the Buffalo Creek and Monongah Mine Disasters.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This series consists of research materials, notes, clippings, and correspondence related to the Buffalo Creek and Monongah Mine Disasters."],"_nest_path_":"/components#9/components#6","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:40.403Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_6253.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/206911","title_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety"],"title_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1860-2013","circa 1970-2013"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1860-2013"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["circa 1970-2013"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"normalized_title_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"text":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253","Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents","Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation.","J. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.","In April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.","Mr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.","(Adapted from \"Coal: Powering Our Future.\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)","Due to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection.","The Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at Upper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company.","Papers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.","Topics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.","Series Include:\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt","English\n."],"collection_title_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"collection_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"creator_ssm":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_persname_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"creators_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt","West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of McAteer, J. Davitt, 2017-2024."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["325.35 Linear Feet (181 records cartons, 15 in. each); (10 records cartons, 17 in. each); (27 map boxes, 6 in. each); (1 map box, 5 in.); (1 map box, 6.5 in.); (6 document cases, 2.5 in. each); (26 document cases, 5 in. each); (1 document case, 4 in.); (7 flat storage boxes, 1.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 2 in.); (1 flat storage box, 2.5 in.); (2 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 3.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (3 artifact boxes, 6.5 in. each); (1 oversize artifact box, 12 in.); (4 unboxed oversize posters, 0.5 in. total); (12 unboxed oversize mining implements, 48 ft. 10.25 in. total); (1 unboxed oversize office chair, 1 ft. 7.5 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["325.35 Linear Feet (181 records cartons, 15 in. each); (10 records cartons, 17 in. each); (27 map boxes, 6 in. each); (1 map box, 5 in.); (1 map box, 6.5 in.); (6 document cases, 2.5 in. each); (26 document cases, 5 in. each); (1 document case, 4 in.); (7 flat storage boxes, 1.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 2 in.); (1 flat storage box, 2.5 in.); (2 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 3.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (3 artifact boxes, 6.5 in. each); (1 oversize artifact box, 12 in.); (4 unboxed oversize posters, 0.5 in. total); (12 unboxed oversize mining implements, 48 ft. 10.25 in. total); (1 unboxed oversize office chair, 1 ft. 7.5 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePart of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the \u003ca href=\"https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSpecial access restrictions apply to the following boxes:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJ. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Adapted from \"\u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20180823180538/https://www.bowlesrice.com/media/vision/23_vv_Summer10_LR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eCoal: Powering Our Future.\u003c/a\u003e\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.","In April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.","Mr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.","(Adapted from \"Coal: Powering Our Future.\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, A\u0026amp;M 4219, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, A\u0026M 4219, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDue to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Due to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at \u003ca href=\"https://www.msha.gov/data-reports/upper-big-branch-mine-south-performance-coal-company\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eUpper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["The Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at Upper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTopics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries Include:\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007 \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.","Topics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.","Series Include:\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_968905e970286eb403a618071657af45\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n    "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"names_coll_ssim":["United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt"],"persname_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3959,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:40.403Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c07"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c02","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Miscellaneous Assortment, 1908/2011","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c02#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis series, labelled Miscellaneous Assortment by the donor, includes various correspondence sent from and received by J. Davitt McAteer, collected articles, newsletters, and clippings related to his professional and personal activities, and other miscellaneous papers.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c02","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c02"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c02","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10","parent_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10"],"title_filing_ssi":"Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Miscellaneous Assortment","title_ssm":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Miscellaneous Assortment"],"title_tesim":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Miscellaneous Assortment"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Miscellaneous Assortment, 1908/2011"],"text":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Miscellaneous Assortment, 1908/2011","J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010","This series, labelled Miscellaneous Assortment by the donor, includes various correspondence sent from and received by J. Davitt McAteer, collected articles, newsletters, and clippings related to his professional and personal activities, and other miscellaneous papers."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1908/2011"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1908-2011"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":2883,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":27,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis series, labelled Miscellaneous Assortment by the donor, includes various correspondence sent from and received by J. Davitt McAteer, collected articles, newsletters, and clippings related to his professional and personal activities, and other miscellaneous papers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This series, labelled Miscellaneous Assortment by the donor, includes various correspondence sent from and received by J. Davitt McAteer, collected articles, newsletters, and clippings related to his professional and personal activities, and other miscellaneous papers."],"_nest_path_":"/components#9/components#1","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:40.403Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_6253.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/206911","title_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety"],"title_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1860-2013","circa 1970-2013"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1860-2013"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["circa 1970-2013"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"normalized_title_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"text":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253","Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents","Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation.","J. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.","In April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.","Mr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.","(Adapted from \"Coal: Powering Our Future.\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)","Due to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection.","The Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at Upper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company.","Papers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.","Topics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.","Series Include:\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt","English\n."],"collection_title_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"collection_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"creator_ssm":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_persname_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"creators_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt","West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of McAteer, J. Davitt, 2017-2024."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["325.35 Linear Feet (181 records cartons, 15 in. each); (10 records cartons, 17 in. each); (27 map boxes, 6 in. each); (1 map box, 5 in.); (1 map box, 6.5 in.); (6 document cases, 2.5 in. each); (26 document cases, 5 in. each); (1 document case, 4 in.); (7 flat storage boxes, 1.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 2 in.); (1 flat storage box, 2.5 in.); (2 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 3.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (3 artifact boxes, 6.5 in. each); (1 oversize artifact box, 12 in.); (4 unboxed oversize posters, 0.5 in. total); (12 unboxed oversize mining implements, 48 ft. 10.25 in. total); (1 unboxed oversize office chair, 1 ft. 7.5 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["325.35 Linear Feet (181 records cartons, 15 in. each); (10 records cartons, 17 in. each); (27 map boxes, 6 in. each); (1 map box, 5 in.); (1 map box, 6.5 in.); (6 document cases, 2.5 in. each); (26 document cases, 5 in. each); (1 document case, 4 in.); (7 flat storage boxes, 1.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 2 in.); (1 flat storage box, 2.5 in.); (2 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 3.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (3 artifact boxes, 6.5 in. each); (1 oversize artifact box, 12 in.); (4 unboxed oversize posters, 0.5 in. total); (12 unboxed oversize mining implements, 48 ft. 10.25 in. total); (1 unboxed oversize office chair, 1 ft. 7.5 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePart of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the \u003ca href=\"https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSpecial access restrictions apply to the following boxes:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJ. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Adapted from \"\u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20180823180538/https://www.bowlesrice.com/media/vision/23_vv_Summer10_LR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eCoal: Powering Our Future.\u003c/a\u003e\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.","In April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.","Mr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.","(Adapted from \"Coal: Powering Our Future.\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, A\u0026amp;M 4219, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, A\u0026M 4219, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDue to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Due to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at \u003ca href=\"https://www.msha.gov/data-reports/upper-big-branch-mine-south-performance-coal-company\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eUpper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["The Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at Upper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTopics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries Include:\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007 \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.","Topics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.","Series Include:\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_968905e970286eb403a618071657af45\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n    "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"names_coll_ssim":["United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt"],"persname_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3959,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:40.403Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c02"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c08","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Monongah, 1908/2013","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c08#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c08","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c08"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c08","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10","parent_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10"],"title_filing_ssi":"Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Monongah","title_ssm":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Monongah"],"title_tesim":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Monongah"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Monongah, 1908/2013"],"text":["Addendum of 2021 July 16 -- Monongah, 1908/2013","J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","Series 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (boxes 116-120), 1900/2010"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1908/2013"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1908-2013"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":2981,"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":11,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013],"_nest_path_":"/components#9/components#7","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:40.403Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_6253.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/206911","title_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety"],"title_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1860-2013","circa 1970-2013"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1860-2013"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["circa 1970-2013"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"normalized_title_ssm":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"text":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010","A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253","Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents","Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation.","J. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.","In April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.","Mr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.","(Adapted from \"Coal: Powering Our Future.\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)","Due to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection.","The Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at Upper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company.","Papers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.","Topics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.","Series Include:\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center","West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt","English\n."],"collection_title_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"collection_ssim":["J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, 1860/2013, bulk 1970/2010"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 4219","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6253"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"creator_ssm":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_persname_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"creators_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt","West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of McAteer, J. Davitt, 2017-2024."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Coal mining - Safety.","Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster, W. Va., 2010","Industrial safety","Coal mines and mining -- Safety measures","Coal mines and mining -- Safety regulations","Industrial accidents","Coal mine accidents"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["325.35 Linear Feet (181 records cartons, 15 in. each); (10 records cartons, 17 in. each); (27 map boxes, 6 in. each); (1 map box, 5 in.); (1 map box, 6.5 in.); (6 document cases, 2.5 in. each); (26 document cases, 5 in. each); (1 document case, 4 in.); (7 flat storage boxes, 1.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 2 in.); (1 flat storage box, 2.5 in.); (2 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 3.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (3 artifact boxes, 6.5 in. each); (1 oversize artifact box, 12 in.); (4 unboxed oversize posters, 0.5 in. total); (12 unboxed oversize mining implements, 48 ft. 10.25 in. total); (1 unboxed oversize office chair, 1 ft. 7.5 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["325.35 Linear Feet (181 records cartons, 15 in. each); (10 records cartons, 17 in. each); (27 map boxes, 6 in. each); (1 map box, 5 in.); (1 map box, 6.5 in.); (6 document cases, 2.5 in. each); (26 document cases, 5 in. each); (1 document case, 4 in.); (7 flat storage boxes, 1.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 2 in.); (1 flat storage box, 2.5 in.); (2 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 3.5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 5 in. each); (3 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (3 artifact boxes, 6.5 in. each); (1 oversize artifact box, 12 in.); (4 unboxed oversize posters, 0.5 in. total); (12 unboxed oversize mining implements, 48 ft. 10.25 in. total); (1 unboxed oversize office chair, 1 ft. 7.5 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePart of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the \u003ca href=\"https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSpecial access restrictions apply to the following boxes:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBox 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Part of this collection is stored offsite. Please make an appointment before visiting.","This collection includes audiovisual and born-digital content that has not yet been reformatted. Researchers may access these materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department.","Special access restrictions apply to the following boxes:","Box 59b is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (thru 2086).","Box 121 is restricted for 75 years from date of creation (latest 2086), except for the health records which will be open after 100 years of creation (2086 and 3011), per WVRHC policy, which is as follows:","\"Records containing Personally Identifiable Information (PII) that do not have separate donor restrictions will be restricted until the death of the donor, assumed to be 75 years from date of record creation. Users may complete the Agreement for the Use of Restricted Materials to request access to these materials prior to the expiration of the restriction.","The WVRHC restricts medical records in all collections, regardless of whether that collection was created by a covered entity, according to HIPAA Privacy Rule guidelines.  Records will be restricted 100 years from the date of creation unless an individual grants permission to access the record or the WVRHC is given proof of death that occurred in excess of 50 years prior to the date of request. Researchers collecting summary data may be granted limited access to personal medical information if they submit an Access Request Form and are approved.\"","Box 136, Center for Law and Social Policy Chronological Files, contains at least one Social Security Number (in folder 2); please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center in advance to request access.","Box 150, Miscellaneous Material from McAteer's MSHA Work (Part 1), contains restricted material, possibly including PII and financial information. Please contact the West Virginia and Regional History Center to request access.","Box 190, Sago box 2 of 4, contains PII in the folder labeled Sago Family Lists. Researchers can sign our Agreement for the Use of Sensitive Materials to use the material in aggregate; the restriction can be lifted 75 years from the date of creation."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJ. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e(Adapted from \"\u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20180823180538/https://www.bowlesrice.com/media/vision/23_vv_Summer10_LR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eCoal: Powering Our Future.\u003c/a\u003e\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["J. Davitt McAteer has devoted much of his professional efforts to mine health and safety issues, including efforts to enact the landmark 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Acts. In the 1970s, Mr. McAteer led the safety and health programs of the United Mine Workers and founded the Occupational Safety and Health Law Center. He is a former assistant secretary for Mine Safety and Health at the United States Department of Labor (1993-2000) and also served nearly two years as the Acting Solicitor for the Department of Labor. He has also served as Vice President of Sponsored Programs and Interim President at Wheeling Jesuit University, where he lead several national centers that impact economic development, education and mine safety.","In April 2010, West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin appointed Mr. McAteer to conduct an investigation into the explosion that killed 29 miners at Massey Energy's Upper Big Branch Mine in Raleigh County, West Virginia. Governor Manchin also appointed Mr. McAteer to investigate the Sago Mine Disaster and the Aracoma Alma No. 1 Mine Fire in 2006. Two of the produced reports included recommendations to improve mine safety in West Virginia and across the nation.","Mr. McAteer is the author of Monongah: The Tragic Story of the 1907 Monongah Mine Disaster, The Worst Industrial Accident in  U.S. History, which was awarded the 2008 Bronze Prize for history in the Independent Publishers Book Awards. He is the recipient of the 2008 David P. Rall Award for Advocacy in Public Health by the American Public Health Association.","(Adapted from \"Coal: Powering Our Future.\" Views and Visions: A publication of Bowles Rice McDavid Graff and Love LLP. Summer 2010. Accessed January 22, 2020.)"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, A\u0026amp;M 4219, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], J. Davitt McAteer Papers regarding Mining Safety, A\u0026M 4219, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDue to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Due to returning material to the donor, boxes 80a-c and 115 are no longer in the collection."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at \u003ca href=\"https://www.msha.gov/data-reports/upper-big-branch-mine-south-performance-coal-company\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eUpper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["The Mine Safety and Health Administration has made available data and reports pertaining to the Upper Big Branch mine disaster investigation at Upper Big Branch Mine-South, Performance Coal Company."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTopics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries Include:\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007 \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers of J. Davitt McAteer documenting his advocacy for mining and other occupational safety.  A lawyer and expert on mine safety and health issues, he served as an Assistant Labor Secretary for the Mine Safety and Health Administration from 1993 to 2000. McAteer was also appointed lead investigator into the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster by Governor Manchin in 2010. The collection includes accident investigation reports, conference files, correspondence, health and safety manuals, mine disaster historical files, press clippings, publications, and reports, among other material.","Topics include mine disasters (such as the Upper Big Branch Mine Disaster [2010], Aracoma Alma Mine Accident [2006], Farmington Mine Disaster [1968], etc.), occupational safety (including black lung and white lung, accidents, United States rules and regulations, etc.), international occupational safety and regulations, project proposals (including a trip to South Africa to work with the National Union of Mineworkers), mining history, and other similar topics.","Series Include:\nSeries 1. Papers Arranged by Subject (Boxes 1-49), 1903-1912, 1932-2020\nSeries 2. Mine Disasters (Boxes 50-59b), 1869, 1907-1936, 1972-2015\nSeries 3. Books (Boxes 60a-69), 1906–2015\nSeries 4. Audio/Visual (Boxes 70-73), 1973–2015\nSeries 5. Artifacts (Boxes 74a-81), 1918, 1960s-2010\nSeries 6. Oversize, General (Box 82 and unboxed), late 19th century-2010\nSeries 7. Oversize, Maps (Boxes 83-85), 1960–1972\nSeries 8. Oversize, Upper Big Branch Maps (Boxes 86-110), 2005–2010\nSeries 9. Wheeling Jesuit University Files (Boxes 111a-114), 2002–2012\nSeries 10. Addendum of 2021 July 16 (Boxes 116-120), 1900s-2013\nSeries 11. Addendum of 2022 June 20 (Boxes 122-131), 1920s-1998\nSeries 12. Addendum of 2021 August 12, Miner's Shirt (Box 132), circa 1978\nSeries 13. Addendum of 2021 December 21, Letter (Box 59a, folder 46), 2017 May 16\nSeries 14. Addendum of 2022 August 01, Letters (Box 127, folder 18), 1971 January 22 to 1973 February 21, undated\nSeries 15. Addendum of 2024 February (Boxes 133-253), 1889-2007"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_968905e970286eb403a618071657af45\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\"\u003eWest Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n    "],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy"],"names_coll_ssim":["United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt"],"persname_ssim":["McAteer, J. Davitt"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","United States. Occupational Safety and Health Administration","United States. Mine Safety and Health Administration","Occupational Safety and Health Law Center","Center for Law and Social Policy","McAteer, J. Davitt"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3959,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:58:40.403Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6253_c10_c08"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1881/1922","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1881/1922"],"text":["A. General, 1881/1922","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books","17 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1881/1922"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1881-1922"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":125,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["17 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#24/components#0","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1893/1920","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c27","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c27"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1893/1920"],"text":["A. General, 1893/1920","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing","9 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Outgoing"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1893/1920"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1893-1920"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":145,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["9 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#26/components#0","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c27_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c05_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1916/1920","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c05_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c05_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c05_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c05_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c05","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Boarding House Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1916/1920"],"text":["A. General, 1916/1920","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Boarding House Books","3 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Boarding House Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Boarding House Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1916/1920"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1916-1920"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":19,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["3 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#4/components#0","timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-07-23T21:43:37.384Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c05_c01"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Alexandria Library","value":"Alexandria Library","hits":9},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Alexandria+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"College of William and Mary","value":"College of William and Mary","hits":151},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=College+of+William+and+Mary"}},{"attributes":{"label":"George Mason University","value":"George Mason University","hits":22},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=George+Mason+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"James Madison University","value":"James Madison University","hits":10},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=James+Madison+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Longwood University","value":"Longwood University","hits":12},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Longwood+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Old Dominion University","value":"Old Dominion University","hits":94},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Old+Dominion+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Roanoke Public Libraries","value":"Roanoke Public Libraries","hits":2},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Roanoke+Public+Libraries"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Shenandoah County Library","value":"Shenandoah County Library","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Shenandoah+County+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","value":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","hits":19},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=The+George+Washington+Presidential+Library+at+Mount+Vernon"}},{"attributes":{"label":"University of Mary Washington","value":"University of Mary Washington","hits":2},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Mary+Washington"}},{"attributes":{"label":"University of Richmond","value":"University of Richmond","hits":7},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Richmond"}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series"}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Adele Blow Chatfield-Taylor family papers, 1899/1977","value":"Adele Blow Chatfield-Taylor family papers, 1899/1977","hits":3},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Adele+Blow+Chatfield-Taylor+family+papers%2C+1899%2F1977\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978","value":"Adele Goodman Clark papers, 1849/1978","hits":11},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Adele+Goodman+Clark+papers%2C+1849%2F1978\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1919\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Sub-series"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albert L. 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