{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=8","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=7","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=9","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=62"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":8,"next_page":9,"prev_page":7,"total_pages":62,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":70,"total_count":614,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Cazenove","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01_c01","ref_ssm":["vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01_c01"],"id":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01_c01","ead_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_root_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_nest_parent_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01","parent_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01","parent_ssim":["vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Louis A. Cazenove","Correspondence"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Louis A. Cazenove","Correspondence"],"text":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Louis A. Cazenove","Correspondence","Cazenove","English"],"title_filing_ssi":"Cazenove","title_ssm":["Cazenove"],"title_tesim":["Cazenove"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1795-1925"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1795/1925"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Cazenove"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["Alexandria Library"],"collection_ssim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":35,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":95,"date_range_isim":[1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"language_ssim":["English"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#0/components#0","timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:09:56.186Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","ead_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_root_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_nest_parent_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ALEX/repositories_2_resources_27.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://alexlibraryva.libraryhost.com/repositories/2/resources/27","title_ssm":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"title_tesim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"unitdate_ssm":["1786-1970"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1786-1970"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS212","/repositories/2/resources/27"],"text":["MS212","/repositories/2/resources/27","Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Business -- Alexandria (Va.)","Business records","Families -- Alexandria (Va.)","Farquhar family.","Inventions","Passports","Correspondence","The collection is divided into two sub-fonds, the first consisting of records from James O'Hara Cazenove and his son and the second apparently collected by his father covering himself and the older part of the family.","\nThe correspondence and business records in both are divided into different subseries, reflecting an effort to keep business affairs separate from family correspondence. Much of the correspondence in the O'Hara part of the collection is arranged by correspondent or alphabetically and then chronologically. In the second sub-fonds most of the correspondence is chronological apart from the Stanard and Craig family correspondence having been separated from other family correspondence at some point in time.","\nCertain records deemed fragile or valuable were separated from the older material at some point and have been listed at the end of series but not necessarily in chronological order as that would have placed the items within separately listed folders.","\nSubfonds 1: James O'Hara Cazenove, 1873-1970","\nSeries 1: Correspondence, 1902-1970","    Subseries:\n    ","Family Correspondence\n    ","Personal Correspondence\n    ","Business Correspondence\n    ","Legal Correspondence\n    \nSeries 2: Financial Documents","Series 3: Legal Documents","Series 4: Inventions","Series 5: Personal Records","Series 6: Printed Material","Series 7: Miscellaneous","Series 8: Louis A. DeCazenove","\nSubfonds 2: Louis A. Cazenove, 1786-1946","\nSeries 1: Correspondence","Series 2: Business","  Subseries:\n    ","Business Records\n    ","Records Books","\nDeeds","\nEstates and Guardianships","Series 3: Legal Documents, 1786-1926","Series 4: Printed","Series 5: News Clippings","Series 6: Miscellaneous","Series 7: Photos","Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852) was born in Geneva, Switzerland. Imprisoned during the revolution, he immigrated to the United States in 1794 and went into business with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He married Ann Hogan of Philadelphia (1776-1843), and moved to Alexandria, Virginia where he established Cazenove and Co. The couple had 10 children.","\nPaul Charles Cazenove (1799-1801) died in childhood. Charles John Cazenove (1801-1834) married Sarah Greenleaf of Boston to whom a letter from A. C. Cazenove survives.  Paulina Cazenove (1806-1891) married John Fowle. Charlotte Cazenove (1812-1836) married North Carolina Congressman William B. Shepard. Octavius Anthony Cazenove (1813-1841). Harriet Cazenove (1817-1861) who married Gazaway Lamar of Georgia (1798-1874). ","\nAnn Maria Cazenove (1803-1859) married General Archibald Henderson. Their daughter Charlotte married into the DuPont family.","\nEliza Frances Cazenove (1798-1857) married William C. Gardner (1791-1844) their children included Constance T. Gardner  (1820-1849) who married Maryland Congressman Henry Winter Davis (1817-1865) and Anne Eliza Gardner (1819-1885), who married Cassius F. Lee (1808-1890). ","\nWilliam Gardner Cazenove (1819-1877) married Mary Elizabeth Stanard (1822-1892) and had a son named Anthony Charles Cazenove (1849-1897). William took over management of Cazenove and Co. in partnership with Lee and was later the guardian for one of the Gardner children.","\nLouis Albert Cazenove (1807-1852) married Frances Ansley (1820-1847) in 1837 and had Frances E. Cazenove (1838-1884) and Charlotte Louise Cazenove (1840-1914). He later remarried to Harriett Stuart Turberville (1823-1896) of the Lee family and had a son named Louis A. Cazenove (1851-1925). Cassius F. Lee became the guardian of these children after 1852.","\nLouis A. Cazenove (b 1851) married Mary O'Hara and had two sons. Louis A. DeCazenove (1878-1852) who changed his last name to an older Swiss version worked as a chemical Engineer at Dupont and married Edith Patton Cazenove. James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971) was an inventor, engineer, and investor, and was considered the last of the family.","MS293 contains a ledger from Cazenove and Co. dated 1857-1861 when it was managed by William Gardner Lee, the son of A. C. Cazenove, and Cassius F. Lee. Duke University holds records of Cazenove and Co for 1860-1868 including a list of debtors.","\nMS240 contains a number of Cazenove related documents including:","\nTwo letters of A.C. Cazenove, one undated detailing the surrender of Alexandria in August 1814 and the other to Sarah E. Greenleaf in 1826. (MS240, box 10).","\nAn 1874 certificate of Louis A. Cazenove (b. 1851) from the University of Virginia (MS240, oversize 2)","\n3 stock certificates of A.C. Cazenove for the Middle Turnpike Company (1831), Alexandria Steam Ferry Company (1839), and Alexandria Marine Railway Company (1849-1851) (MS240, box 6)","\nThere are also receipts for Mrs. Harriot E. Cazenove (1823-1896), the widow of Louis A. Cazenove (d. 1852), from Wise and Co Insurance Agents (1889) (MS240, box 5) and Smoot and Co (1894-1896) (MS240 box 4).","\nThe Winterthur Museum of Winterthur Delaware also holds the \"Cazenove-Lee Family Papers\" (Col. 83) which contains extensive records of A. C. Cazenove and the early history of the family. This primarily covers the 18th century including in Switzerland.","\nThe Library of Congress also holds a number of manuscript letters from A.C. Cazenove to President James Madison.","This collection covers the history of the Cazenove Family of Alexandria from the 1790s to the 1970s.\nThe first part of the collection features records from James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971), consisting primarily of correspondence and records relating to his business interests and investments, as well as legal documents and business related litigation. Some of the correspondence and notebooks relate to his role as an inventor including a patent for an improved eggbeater from the 1920s. It also includes records from his brother, Louis A. deCazenove (1851-1925), primarily related to his education at Cornell University.","\nThe Second part of the collection concerns the earlier generations of the family focusing on James O'Hara's father and grandfather, both named Louis A. Cazenove (1807-1852 and 1851-1925), and his great grandfather Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852). Researchers should be cautious about the reuse of family names, as there are two Anthony Charles' and three Louis A.s.","\nThe second part consists primarily of correspondence and early business records from Alexandria, including early ledgers and receipts as well as legal documents such as deeds. There are also early passports relating to international travel and documents about the consular positions held by A.C. Cazenove in the early 19th century. There is also a family history in French from 1872.","\nBoth parts of the collection include the records of estates, trusts, and guardianships, as wealth passed from one generation to the next.","Local History and Special Collections Branch, Alexandria Library","Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MS212","/repositories/2/resources/27"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"collection_title_tesim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"collection_ssim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"repository_ssm":["Alexandria Library"],"repository_ssim":["Alexandria Library"],"creator_ssm":["Cazenove Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"creator_ssim":["Cazenove Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"creators_ssim":["Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Business -- Alexandria (Va.)","Business records","Families -- Alexandria (Va.)","Farquhar family.","Inventions","Passports","Correspondence"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Business -- Alexandria (Va.)","Business records","Families -- Alexandria (Va.)","Farquhar family.","Inventions","Passports","Correspondence"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["8.06  Linear Feet 15 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["8.06  Linear Feet 15 boxes"],"genreform_ssim":["Inventions","Passports","Correspondence"],"date_range_isim":[1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is divided into two sub-fonds, the first consisting of records from James O'Hara Cazenove and his son and the second apparently collected by his father covering himself and the older part of the family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe correspondence and business records in both are divided into different subseries, reflecting an effort to keep business affairs separate from family correspondence. Much of the correspondence in the O'Hara part of the collection is arranged by correspondent or alphabetically and then chronologically. In the second sub-fonds most of the correspondence is chronological apart from the Stanard and Craig family correspondence having been separated from other family correspondence at some point in time.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nCertain records deemed fragile or valuable were separated from the older material at some point and have been listed at the end of series but not necessarily in chronological order as that would have placed the items within separately listed folders.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSubfonds 1: James O'Hara Cazenove, 1873-1970\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSeries 1: Correspondence, 1902-1970\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e    Subseries:\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFamily Correspondence\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePersonal Correspondence\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Correspondence\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eLegal Correspondence\n    \nSeries 2: Financial Documents\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 3: Legal Documents\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 4: Inventions\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 5: Personal Records\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 6: Printed Material\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 7: Miscellaneous\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 8: Louis A. DeCazenove\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSubfonds 2: Louis A. Cazenove, 1786-1946\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSeries 1: Correspondence\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 2: Business\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e  Subseries:\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Records\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRecords Books\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nDeeds\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nEstates and Guardianships\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 3: Legal Documents, 1786-1926\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 4: Printed\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 5: News Clippings\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 6: Miscellaneous\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 7: Photos\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is divided into two sub-fonds, the first consisting of records from James O'Hara Cazenove and his son and the second apparently collected by his father covering himself and the older part of the family.","\nThe correspondence and business records in both are divided into different subseries, reflecting an effort to keep business affairs separate from family correspondence. Much of the correspondence in the O'Hara part of the collection is arranged by correspondent or alphabetically and then chronologically. In the second sub-fonds most of the correspondence is chronological apart from the Stanard and Craig family correspondence having been separated from other family correspondence at some point in time.","\nCertain records deemed fragile or valuable were separated from the older material at some point and have been listed at the end of series but not necessarily in chronological order as that would have placed the items within separately listed folders.","\nSubfonds 1: James O'Hara Cazenove, 1873-1970","\nSeries 1: Correspondence, 1902-1970","    Subseries:\n    ","Family Correspondence\n    ","Personal Correspondence\n    ","Business Correspondence\n    ","Legal Correspondence\n    \nSeries 2: Financial Documents","Series 3: Legal Documents","Series 4: Inventions","Series 5: Personal Records","Series 6: Printed Material","Series 7: Miscellaneous","Series 8: Louis A. DeCazenove","\nSubfonds 2: Louis A. Cazenove, 1786-1946","\nSeries 1: Correspondence","Series 2: Business","  Subseries:\n    ","Business Records\n    ","Records Books","\nDeeds","\nEstates and Guardianships","Series 3: Legal Documents, 1786-1926","Series 4: Printed","Series 5: News Clippings","Series 6: Miscellaneous","Series 7: Photos"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAnthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852) was born in Geneva, Switzerland. Imprisoned during the revolution, he immigrated to the United States in 1794 and went into business with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He married Ann Hogan of Philadelphia (1776-1843), and moved to Alexandria, Virginia where he established Cazenove and Co. The couple had 10 children.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nPaul Charles Cazenove (1799-1801) died in childhood. Charles John Cazenove (1801-1834) married Sarah Greenleaf of Boston to whom a letter from A. C. Cazenove survives.  Paulina Cazenove (1806-1891) married John Fowle. Charlotte Cazenove (1812-1836) married North Carolina Congressman William B. Shepard. Octavius Anthony Cazenove (1813-1841). Harriet Cazenove (1817-1861) who married Gazaway Lamar of Georgia (1798-1874). \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAnn Maria Cazenove (1803-1859) married General Archibald Henderson. Their daughter Charlotte married into the DuPont family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nEliza Frances Cazenove (1798-1857) married William C. Gardner (1791-1844) their children included Constance T. Gardner  (1820-1849) who married Maryland Congressman Henry Winter Davis (1817-1865) and Anne Eliza Gardner (1819-1885), who married Cassius F. Lee (1808-1890). \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nWilliam Gardner Cazenove (1819-1877) married Mary Elizabeth Stanard (1822-1892) and had a son named Anthony Charles Cazenove (1849-1897). William took over management of Cazenove and Co. in partnership with Lee and was later the guardian for one of the Gardner children.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nLouis Albert Cazenove (1807-1852) married Frances Ansley (1820-1847) in 1837 and had Frances E. Cazenove (1838-1884) and Charlotte Louise Cazenove (1840-1914). He later remarried to Harriett Stuart Turberville (1823-1896) of the Lee family and had a son named Louis A. Cazenove (1851-1925). Cassius F. Lee became the guardian of these children after 1852.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nLouis A. Cazenove (b 1851) married Mary O'Hara and had two sons. Louis A. DeCazenove (1878-1852) who changed his last name to an older Swiss version worked as a chemical Engineer at Dupont and married Edith Patton Cazenove. James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971) was an inventor, engineer, and investor, and was considered the last of the family.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852) was born in Geneva, Switzerland. Imprisoned during the revolution, he immigrated to the United States in 1794 and went into business with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He married Ann Hogan of Philadelphia (1776-1843), and moved to Alexandria, Virginia where he established Cazenove and Co. The couple had 10 children.","\nPaul Charles Cazenove (1799-1801) died in childhood. Charles John Cazenove (1801-1834) married Sarah Greenleaf of Boston to whom a letter from A. C. Cazenove survives.  Paulina Cazenove (1806-1891) married John Fowle. Charlotte Cazenove (1812-1836) married North Carolina Congressman William B. Shepard. Octavius Anthony Cazenove (1813-1841). Harriet Cazenove (1817-1861) who married Gazaway Lamar of Georgia (1798-1874). ","\nAnn Maria Cazenove (1803-1859) married General Archibald Henderson. Their daughter Charlotte married into the DuPont family.","\nEliza Frances Cazenove (1798-1857) married William C. Gardner (1791-1844) their children included Constance T. Gardner  (1820-1849) who married Maryland Congressman Henry Winter Davis (1817-1865) and Anne Eliza Gardner (1819-1885), who married Cassius F. Lee (1808-1890). ","\nWilliam Gardner Cazenove (1819-1877) married Mary Elizabeth Stanard (1822-1892) and had a son named Anthony Charles Cazenove (1849-1897). William took over management of Cazenove and Co. in partnership with Lee and was later the guardian for one of the Gardner children.","\nLouis Albert Cazenove (1807-1852) married Frances Ansley (1820-1847) in 1837 and had Frances E. Cazenove (1838-1884) and Charlotte Louise Cazenove (1840-1914). He later remarried to Harriett Stuart Turberville (1823-1896) of the Lee family and had a son named Louis A. Cazenove (1851-1925). Cassius F. Lee became the guardian of these children after 1852.","\nLouis A. Cazenove (b 1851) married Mary O'Hara and had two sons. Louis A. DeCazenove (1878-1852) who changed his last name to an older Swiss version worked as a chemical Engineer at Dupont and married Edith Patton Cazenove. James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971) was an inventor, engineer, and investor, and was considered the last of the family."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Item idenfitication], Cazenove Family Papers, MS212, Alexandria Library, Local History/Special Collections, Alexandria, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Item idenfitication], Cazenove Family Papers, MS212, Alexandria Library, Local History/Special Collections, Alexandria, Va."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMS293 contains a ledger from Cazenove and Co. dated 1857-1861 when it was managed by William Gardner Lee, the son of A. C. Cazenove, and Cassius F. Lee. Duke University holds records of Cazenove and Co for 1860-1868 including a list of debtors.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nMS240 contains a number of Cazenove related documents including:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nTwo letters of A.C. Cazenove, one undated detailing the surrender of Alexandria in August 1814 and the other to Sarah E. Greenleaf in 1826. (MS240, box 10).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn 1874 certificate of Louis A. Cazenove (b. 1851) from the University of Virginia (MS240, oversize 2)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\n3 stock certificates of A.C. Cazenove for the Middle Turnpike Company (1831), Alexandria Steam Ferry Company (1839), and Alexandria Marine Railway Company (1849-1851) (MS240, box 6)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThere are also receipts for Mrs. Harriot E. Cazenove (1823-1896), the widow of Louis A. Cazenove (d. 1852), from Wise and Co Insurance Agents (1889) (MS240, box 5) and Smoot and Co (1894-1896) (MS240 box 4).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe Winterthur Museum of Winterthur Delaware also holds the \"Cazenove-Lee Family Papers\" (Col. 83) which contains extensive records of A. C. Cazenove and the early history of the family. This primarily covers the 18th century including in Switzerland.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe Library of Congress also holds a number of manuscript letters from A.C. Cazenove to President James Madison.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["MS293 contains a ledger from Cazenove and Co. dated 1857-1861 when it was managed by William Gardner Lee, the son of A. C. Cazenove, and Cassius F. Lee. Duke University holds records of Cazenove and Co for 1860-1868 including a list of debtors.","\nMS240 contains a number of Cazenove related documents including:","\nTwo letters of A.C. Cazenove, one undated detailing the surrender of Alexandria in August 1814 and the other to Sarah E. Greenleaf in 1826. (MS240, box 10).","\nAn 1874 certificate of Louis A. Cazenove (b. 1851) from the University of Virginia (MS240, oversize 2)","\n3 stock certificates of A.C. Cazenove for the Middle Turnpike Company (1831), Alexandria Steam Ferry Company (1839), and Alexandria Marine Railway Company (1849-1851) (MS240, box 6)","\nThere are also receipts for Mrs. Harriot E. Cazenove (1823-1896), the widow of Louis A. Cazenove (d. 1852), from Wise and Co Insurance Agents (1889) (MS240, box 5) and Smoot and Co (1894-1896) (MS240 box 4).","\nThe Winterthur Museum of Winterthur Delaware also holds the \"Cazenove-Lee Family Papers\" (Col. 83) which contains extensive records of A. C. Cazenove and the early history of the family. This primarily covers the 18th century including in Switzerland.","\nThe Library of Congress also holds a number of manuscript letters from A.C. Cazenove to President James Madison."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection covers the history of the Cazenove Family of Alexandria from the 1790s to the 1970s.\nThe first part of the collection features records from James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971), consisting primarily of correspondence and records relating to his business interests and investments, as well as legal documents and business related litigation. Some of the correspondence and notebooks relate to his role as an inventor including a patent for an improved eggbeater from the 1920s. It also includes records from his brother, Louis A. deCazenove (1851-1925), primarily related to his education at Cornell University.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe Second part of the collection concerns the earlier generations of the family focusing on James O'Hara's father and grandfather, both named Louis A. Cazenove (1807-1852 and 1851-1925), and his great grandfather Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852). Researchers should be cautious about the reuse of family names, as there are two Anthony Charles' and three Louis A.s.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe second part consists primarily of correspondence and early business records from Alexandria, including early ledgers and receipts as well as legal documents such as deeds. There are also early passports relating to international travel and documents about the consular positions held by A.C. Cazenove in the early 19th century. There is also a family history in French from 1872.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nBoth parts of the collection include the records of estates, trusts, and guardianships, as wealth passed from one generation to the next.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection covers the history of the Cazenove Family of Alexandria from the 1790s to the 1970s.\nThe first part of the collection features records from James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971), consisting primarily of correspondence and records relating to his business interests and investments, as well as legal documents and business related litigation. Some of the correspondence and notebooks relate to his role as an inventor including a patent for an improved eggbeater from the 1920s. It also includes records from his brother, Louis A. deCazenove (1851-1925), primarily related to his education at Cornell University.","\nThe Second part of the collection concerns the earlier generations of the family focusing on James O'Hara's father and grandfather, both named Louis A. Cazenove (1807-1852 and 1851-1925), and his great grandfather Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852). Researchers should be cautious about the reuse of family names, as there are two Anthony Charles' and three Louis A.s.","\nThe second part consists primarily of correspondence and early business records from Alexandria, including early ledgers and receipts as well as legal documents such as deeds. There are also early passports relating to international travel and documents about the consular positions held by A.C. Cazenove in the early 19th century. There is also a family history in French from 1872.","\nBoth parts of the collection include the records of estates, trusts, and guardianships, as wealth passed from one generation to the next."],"names_ssim":["Local History and Special Collections Branch, Alexandria Library","Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885"],"corpname_ssim":["Local History and Special Collections Branch, Alexandria Library"],"famname_ssim":["Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"persname_ssim":["Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":249,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:09:56.186Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c01_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c08_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"C. Coal Sales","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c08_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c08_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c08_c03"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c08_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c08","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c08","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c08"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c08"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Coal"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Coal"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Coal","C. Coal Sales","5 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"C. Coal Sales","title_ssm":["C. Coal Sales"],"title_tesim":["C. Coal Sales"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1904-1919"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1904/1919"],"normalized_title_ssm":["C. Coal Sales"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["5 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":31,"date_range_isim":[1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#7/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c08_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"C. Covington","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c03"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books","C. Covington","3 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"C. Covington","title_ssm":["C. Covington"],"title_tesim":["C. Covington"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1898-1902; 1920-1925"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1898/1925"],"normalized_title_ssm":["C. Covington"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["3 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":127,"date_range_isim":[1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#24/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c26_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"C. Covington Stock Receipts,\n                     3-5","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c26_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c26_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c26_c03"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c26_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c26","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c26","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c26"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c26"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Incoming"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Incoming"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Incoming","C. Covington Stock Receipts,\n                     3-5","3 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"C. Covington Stock Receipts,\n                     3-5","title_ssm":["C. Covington Stock Receipts,\n                     3-5"],"title_tesim":["C. Covington Stock Receipts,\n                     3-5"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1901-1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1901/1914"],"normalized_title_ssm":["C. Covington Stock Receipts,\n                     3-5"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["3 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":141,"date_range_isim":[1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#25/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c26_c03"}},{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01_c02","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Charles Pinkey Rexrode Papers","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01_c02","ref_ssm":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01_c02"],"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01_c02","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01","parent_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01","parent_ssim":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers","Family Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers","Family Papers"],"text":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers","Family Papers","Charles Pinkey Rexrode Papers"],"title_filing_ssi":"Charles Pinkey Rexrode Papers","title_ssm":["Charles Pinkey Rexrode Papers"],"title_tesim":["Charles Pinkey Rexrode Papers"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1902-1959"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1959"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charles Pinkey Rexrode Papers"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"collection_ssim":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":7,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":9,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collection Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#1","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:00:30.805Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_552","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/JMU/repositories_4_resources_552.xml","title_ssm":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1873-2005"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1873-2005"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["SC 0213","/repositories/4/resources/552"],"text":["SC 0213","/repositories/4/resources/552","Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History","Highland County (Va.) -- History","Virginia -- History, Local","Physicians -- Virginia -- Records and correspondence","Merchants -- Virginia -- Records and correspondence","Business records -- Virginia -- Sources","Ledgers (account books)","Letters (correspondence)","Family papers","Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.","The collection is arranged into four series. Series 1: Family Papers is arranged further into subseries.","Family Papers, 1873-1984 Photographs, 1923-1969 Community Organizations and Events, 1939-1998 Ephemera, 1913-2005","\"Attempted Suicide\"  Highland Recorder . 1903 December 18. p.3.","Blair, Charles William.  A History of Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church . Bridgewater Beacon Printing, Inc. Bridgewater, VA. 2000.","\"Edward A. Dudley\"  Staunton News Leader . 1927 May 31. p.4.","\"History\" Kwangju Christian Hospital Website. Accessed 2012 Dec. 5. http://kch.or.kr/eng/history.html.","\"M.Dudley Rexrode\"  Daily News-Record . 2006 January 30. p.10.","\"Nonagenarian Rexrode is Ruritans' Citizen of Year.\"  Daily News-Record . 1995 October 23. p.16","\"Staunton Man Dies in Korea\"  Daily News-Record . 1938 March 2. p.8.","The papers were acquired from the estate of Marshall Dudley Rexrode (1905-2006). Rexrode graduated from Bridgewater College and attended Virginia Tech. He was a prominent farmer and member of the community in Mt. Solon, Virginia. He was a charter member of the North River Ruritan Club and served as their treasurer for 45 years. Rexrode was an elder, deacon, and chairman of the board of trustees for Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church (a historic church established in 1768 in Augusta County). Rexrode was also the secretary-treasurer of the Rockingham County Land Bank Association and assistant secretary-treasurer of Staunton Production Credit Association. He served on the Augusta County Planning Commission three times. Additionally, he was director and president of the Augusta County Farm Bureau Federation, as well as director and president of the Augusta County Petroleum Co-op. His work on various boards, social organizations, and church related activities is evidence of his active community involvement.","Marshall Dudley Rexrode was in possession of his family's papers including those of his father, Dr. Charles Pinkey Rexrode (1871-1929), and his maternal grandfather, Edward Alexander Dudley (1850-1927), and Arthur B. Dudley (1870-1946). Charles P. Rexrode, M.D. was a physician and pharmacist in Crab Bottom, Highland County, Virginia (now Blue Grass, Virginia). The Highland Recorder contains references to Dr. Rexrode treating patients and making house calls during times of emergency.  Edward A. Dudley was a prominent farmer and cattle raiser in Highland County and Augusta County, Virginia. Dudley was living in the Churchville area of Augusta County at the time of his death in May 1927.","Also included in this collection are photographs and correspondence relating to Marshall Dudley Rexrode's aunt, Mary Alberta Dudley Brand (1894-1973). Brand and her husband Dr. Louis Christian Brand were Presbyterian Missionaries in Korea from 1924-1938, during the time that Korea was occupied by Japan. Dr. Brand was a physician and third director of the Ellen-Lavine Graham Hospital (now the Kwangju Christian Hospital) in Kwangju, Korea, where he was devoted to the elimination of tuberculosis. The Brand's daughter, Mary Alice Brand Boyle 1924-2006), and son-in-law, Lewis Venable Boyle (1923-2005), are also documented in this collection.","In order to streamline the process of applying collection numbers, Special Collections staff completed a large-scale renumbering campaign in 2017-2018.  This collection was previously cataloged as SC 5039.  During this time, the collection was minimally reprocessed in order to simplify the arrangement and description, and rehoused to remove unnecessary oversize boxes. The collection was originally processed in 2012 and described in minute detail, often at the item-level (e.g. obituaries). Some of this description was retained. Description that was deemed irrelevant or superfluous was not retained during reprocessing. Photographs were grouped according to identifications made by the original processor and were housed in plastic sleeves. During reprocessing in 2019, the photographs were removed and housed in archival folders.","The Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers contain personal and financial records, photographs, and ephemera related to the Dudely and Rexrode families of Augusta County, Virginia, as well as the related Brand and Boyle families. Tax records, insurance records, and ledgers of family businesses, including C.P. Rexrode's medical practice and A.B and E.A. Dudley's agricultural business, are present. This collection also includes Rexrode, Dudley, and Brand family photographs including photographs of Virginia Tech and the Dudley-Brand family in Korea in the 1930s. Many are unidentified or presumed to be identified. Additionally, the collection contains documents related to community organizations including local ruritan clubs and the Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church in Mt. Solon, Virginia where M. Dudley Rexrode served as a deacon and elder. Printed ephemera in the collection includes a postcard with the label \"The summer resort of foreigner at Katsuma Peninsula (Korea),\" newspaper clippings of local interest articles and obituaries, and ticket stubs for Magic Kingdom and Disney World.","The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collection Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).","Personal papers and ledgers relating to the Dudley and Rexrode families of Augusta County, Virginia. Included in this collection are the receipts, invoices, and tax documents of Edward Alexander Dudley; ledgers from the practice and pharmacy of Dr. Charles Pinkey Rexrode; ledgers from the agricultural business of Arthur B. Dudley; family photographs; and documents from the Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church in Mt. Solon, Virginia.","James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church (Mr. Solon, Va.) -- Records and correspondence","Dudley family","Rexrode family","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021","Rexrode, M. Dudley (Marshall Dudley), 1905-2006","English"],"unitid_tesim":["SC 0213","/repositories/4/resources/552"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers"],"repository_ssm":["James Madison University"],"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"geogname_ssm":["Rockingham County (Va.) -- History","Highland County (Va.) -- History","Virginia -- History, Local"],"geogname_ssim":["Rockingham County (Va.) -- History","Highland County (Va.) -- History","Virginia -- History, Local"],"creator_ssm":["Dudley family","Rexrode family","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"creator_ssim":["Dudley family","Rexrode family","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Dudley family","Rexrode family"],"creators_ssim":["Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021","Dudley family","Rexrode family"],"places_ssim":["Rockingham County (Va.) -- History","Highland County (Va.) -- History","Virginia -- History, Local"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collection Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The materials in this collection were purchased by Special Collections at the March 24, 2008 estate sale of Marshall Dudley Rexrode. The sale took place in Mt. Solon, Virginia and was auctioneered by Charley Whetzel."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Physicians -- Virginia -- Records and correspondence","Merchants -- Virginia -- Records and correspondence","Business records -- Virginia -- Sources","Ledgers (account books)","Letters (correspondence)","Family papers"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Physicians -- Virginia -- Records and correspondence","Merchants -- Virginia -- Records and correspondence","Business records -- Virginia -- Sources","Ledgers (account books)","Letters (correspondence)","Family papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["1.26 cubic feet 4 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["1.26 cubic feet 4 boxes"],"genreform_ssim":["Ledgers (account books)","Letters (correspondence)","Family papers"],"date_range_isim":[1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged into four series. Series 1: Family Papers is arranged further into subseries.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist numeration=\"arabic\" type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFamily Papers, 1873-1984\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhotographs, 1923-1969\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCommunity Organizations and Events, 1939-1998\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eEphemera, 1913-2005\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged into four series. Series 1: Family Papers is arranged further into subseries.","Family Papers, 1873-1984 Photographs, 1923-1969 Community Organizations and Events, 1939-1998 Ephemera, 1913-2005"],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibref\u003e\"Attempted Suicide\" \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eHighland Recorder\u003c/emph\u003e. 1903 December 18. p.3.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eBlair, Charles William. \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eA History of Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church\u003c/emph\u003e. Bridgewater Beacon Printing, Inc. Bridgewater, VA. 2000.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Edward A. Dudley\" \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStaunton News Leader\u003c/emph\u003e. 1927 May 31. p.4.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"History\" Kwangju Christian Hospital Website. Accessed 2012 Dec. 5. http://kch.or.kr/eng/history.html.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"M.Dudley Rexrode\" \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e. 2006 January 30. p.10.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Nonagenarian Rexrode is Ruritans' Citizen of Year.\" \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e. 1995 October 23. p.16\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003e\"Staunton Man Dies in Korea\" \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e. 1938 March 2. p.8.\u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography"],"bibliography_tesim":["\"Attempted Suicide\"  Highland Recorder . 1903 December 18. p.3.","Blair, Charles William.  A History of Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church . Bridgewater Beacon Printing, Inc. Bridgewater, VA. 2000.","\"Edward A. Dudley\"  Staunton News Leader . 1927 May 31. p.4.","\"History\" Kwangju Christian Hospital Website. Accessed 2012 Dec. 5. http://kch.or.kr/eng/history.html.","\"M.Dudley Rexrode\"  Daily News-Record . 2006 January 30. p.10.","\"Nonagenarian Rexrode is Ruritans' Citizen of Year.\"  Daily News-Record . 1995 October 23. p.16","\"Staunton Man Dies in Korea\"  Daily News-Record . 1938 March 2. p.8."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers were acquired from the estate of Marshall Dudley Rexrode (1905-2006). Rexrode graduated from Bridgewater College and attended Virginia Tech. He was a prominent farmer and member of the community in Mt. Solon, Virginia. He was a charter member of the North River Ruritan Club and served as their treasurer for 45 years. Rexrode was an elder, deacon, and chairman of the board of trustees for Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church (a historic church established in 1768 in Augusta County). Rexrode was also the secretary-treasurer of the Rockingham County Land Bank Association and assistant secretary-treasurer of Staunton Production Credit Association. He served on the Augusta County Planning Commission three times. Additionally, he was director and president of the Augusta County Farm Bureau Federation, as well as director and president of the Augusta County Petroleum Co-op. His work on various boards, social organizations, and church related activities is evidence of his active community involvement.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMarshall Dudley Rexrode was in possession of his family's papers including those of his father, Dr. Charles Pinkey Rexrode (1871-1929), and his maternal grandfather, Edward Alexander Dudley (1850-1927), and Arthur B. Dudley (1870-1946). Charles P. Rexrode, M.D. was a physician and pharmacist in Crab Bottom, Highland County, Virginia (now Blue Grass, Virginia). The Highland Recorder contains references to Dr. Rexrode treating patients and making house calls during times of emergency.  Edward A. Dudley was a prominent farmer and cattle raiser in Highland County and Augusta County, Virginia. Dudley was living in the Churchville area of Augusta County at the time of his death in May 1927.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAlso included in this collection are photographs and correspondence relating to Marshall Dudley Rexrode's aunt, Mary Alberta Dudley Brand (1894-1973). Brand and her husband Dr. Louis Christian Brand were Presbyterian Missionaries in Korea from 1924-1938, during the time that Korea was occupied by Japan. Dr. Brand was a physician and third director of the Ellen-Lavine Graham Hospital (now the Kwangju Christian Hospital) in Kwangju, Korea, where he was devoted to the elimination of tuberculosis. The Brand's daughter, Mary Alice Brand Boyle 1924-2006), and son-in-law, Lewis Venable Boyle (1923-2005), are also documented in this collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Bio/Historical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["The papers were acquired from the estate of Marshall Dudley Rexrode (1905-2006). Rexrode graduated from Bridgewater College and attended Virginia Tech. He was a prominent farmer and member of the community in Mt. Solon, Virginia. He was a charter member of the North River Ruritan Club and served as their treasurer for 45 years. Rexrode was an elder, deacon, and chairman of the board of trustees for Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church (a historic church established in 1768 in Augusta County). Rexrode was also the secretary-treasurer of the Rockingham County Land Bank Association and assistant secretary-treasurer of Staunton Production Credit Association. He served on the Augusta County Planning Commission three times. Additionally, he was director and president of the Augusta County Farm Bureau Federation, as well as director and president of the Augusta County Petroleum Co-op. His work on various boards, social organizations, and church related activities is evidence of his active community involvement.","Marshall Dudley Rexrode was in possession of his family's papers including those of his father, Dr. Charles Pinkey Rexrode (1871-1929), and his maternal grandfather, Edward Alexander Dudley (1850-1927), and Arthur B. Dudley (1870-1946). Charles P. Rexrode, M.D. was a physician and pharmacist in Crab Bottom, Highland County, Virginia (now Blue Grass, Virginia). The Highland Recorder contains references to Dr. Rexrode treating patients and making house calls during times of emergency.  Edward A. Dudley was a prominent farmer and cattle raiser in Highland County and Augusta County, Virginia. Dudley was living in the Churchville area of Augusta County at the time of his death in May 1927.","Also included in this collection are photographs and correspondence relating to Marshall Dudley Rexrode's aunt, Mary Alberta Dudley Brand (1894-1973). Brand and her husband Dr. Louis Christian Brand were Presbyterian Missionaries in Korea from 1924-1938, during the time that Korea was occupied by Japan. Dr. Brand was a physician and third director of the Ellen-Lavine Graham Hospital (now the Kwangju Christian Hospital) in Kwangju, Korea, where he was devoted to the elimination of tuberculosis. The Brand's daughter, Mary Alice Brand Boyle 1924-2006), and son-in-law, Lewis Venable Boyle (1923-2005), are also documented in this collection."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[identification of item], [box #, folder #], Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers, SC 0213, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[identification of item], [box #, folder #], Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers, SC 0213, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIn order to streamline the process of applying collection numbers, Special Collections staff completed a large-scale renumbering campaign in 2017-2018. \u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eThis collection was previously cataloged as SC 5039.\u003c/emph\u003e During this time, the collection was minimally reprocessed in order to simplify the arrangement and description, and rehoused to remove unnecessary oversize boxes. The collection was originally processed in 2012 and described in minute detail, often at the item-level (e.g. obituaries). Some of this description was retained. Description that was deemed irrelevant or superfluous was not retained during reprocessing. Photographs were grouped according to identifications made by the original processor and were housed in plastic sleeves. During reprocessing in 2019, the photographs were removed and housed in archival folders.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["In order to streamline the process of applying collection numbers, Special Collections staff completed a large-scale renumbering campaign in 2017-2018.  This collection was previously cataloged as SC 5039.  During this time, the collection was minimally reprocessed in order to simplify the arrangement and description, and rehoused to remove unnecessary oversize boxes. The collection was originally processed in 2012 and described in minute detail, often at the item-level (e.g. obituaries). Some of this description was retained. Description that was deemed irrelevant or superfluous was not retained during reprocessing. Photographs were grouped according to identifications made by the original processor and were housed in plastic sleeves. During reprocessing in 2019, the photographs were removed and housed in archival folders."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers contain personal and financial records, photographs, and ephemera related to the Dudely and Rexrode families of Augusta County, Virginia, as well as the related Brand and Boyle families. Tax records, insurance records, and ledgers of family businesses, including C.P. Rexrode's medical practice and A.B and E.A. Dudley's agricultural business, are present. This collection also includes Rexrode, Dudley, and Brand family photographs including photographs of Virginia Tech and the Dudley-Brand family in Korea in the 1930s. Many are unidentified or presumed to be identified. Additionally, the collection contains documents related to community organizations including local ruritan clubs and the Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church in Mt. Solon, Virginia where M. Dudley Rexrode served as a deacon and elder. Printed ephemera in the collection includes a postcard with the label \"The summer resort of foreigner at Katsuma Peninsula (Korea),\" newspaper clippings of local interest articles and obituaries, and ticket stubs for Magic Kingdom and Disney World.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Dudley and Rexrode Family Papers contain personal and financial records, photographs, and ephemera related to the Dudely and Rexrode families of Augusta County, Virginia, as well as the related Brand and Boyle families. Tax records, insurance records, and ledgers of family businesses, including C.P. Rexrode's medical practice and A.B and E.A. Dudley's agricultural business, are present. This collection also includes Rexrode, Dudley, and Brand family photographs including photographs of Virginia Tech and the Dudley-Brand family in Korea in the 1930s. Many are unidentified or presumed to be identified. Additionally, the collection contains documents related to community organizations including local ruritan clubs and the Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church in Mt. Solon, Virginia where M. Dudley Rexrode served as a deacon and elder. Printed ephemera in the collection includes a postcard with the label \"The summer resort of foreigner at Katsuma Peninsula (Korea),\" newspaper clippings of local interest articles and obituaries, and ticket stubs for Magic Kingdom and Disney World."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collection Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collection Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_c13e03ea522acc67ad26287ff1de9f0c\"\u003ePersonal papers and ledgers relating to the Dudley and Rexrode families of Augusta County, Virginia. Included in this collection are the receipts, invoices, and tax documents of Edward Alexander Dudley; ledgers from the practice and pharmacy of Dr. Charles Pinkey Rexrode; ledgers from the agricultural business of Arthur B. Dudley; family photographs; and documents from the Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church in Mt. Solon, Virginia.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Personal papers and ledgers relating to the Dudley and Rexrode families of Augusta County, Virginia. Included in this collection are the receipts, invoices, and tax documents of Edward Alexander Dudley; ledgers from the practice and pharmacy of Dr. Charles Pinkey Rexrode; ledgers from the agricultural business of Arthur B. Dudley; family photographs; and documents from the Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church in Mt. Solon, Virginia."],"names_coll_ssim":["Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church (Mr. Solon, Va.) -- Records and correspondence","Rexrode, M. Dudley (Marshall Dudley), 1905-2006","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"names_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church (Mr. Solon, Va.) -- Records and correspondence","Dudley family","Rexrode family","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021","Rexrode, M. Dudley (Marshall Dudley), 1905-2006"],"corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church (Mr. Solon, Va.) -- Records and correspondence"],"famname_ssim":["Dudley family","Rexrode family"],"persname_ssim":["Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021","Rexrode, M. Dudley (Marshall Dudley), 1905-2006"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":57,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:00:30.805Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_552_c01_c02"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Charleston Gazette Scrapbooks","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13_c01#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis sub-series consists of scrapbooks featuring clippings from the Charleston Gazette, arranged by the Chilton family into binders organized by publication date.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13_c01","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13_c01"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13_c01","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13","parent_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers","Addendum of 2018 July 24 -- Charleston Gazette Business and Commemorative Materials"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers","Addendum of 2018 July 24 -- Charleston Gazette Business and Commemorative Materials"],"text":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers","Addendum of 2018 July 24 -- Charleston Gazette Business and Commemorative Materials","Charleston Gazette Scrapbooks","This sub-series consists of scrapbooks featuring clippings from the Charleston Gazette, arranged by the Chilton family into binders organized by publication date."],"title_filing_ssi":"Charleston Gazette Scrapbooks","title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Scrapbooks"],"title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Scrapbooks"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1900-2017"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1900/2017"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Scrapbooks"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":2,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":443,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.","Researchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis sub-series consists of scrapbooks featuring clippings from the Charleston Gazette, arranged by the Chilton family into binders organized by publication date.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This sub-series consists of scrapbooks featuring clippings from the Charleston Gazette, arranged by the Chilton family into binders organized by publication date."],"_nest_path_":"/components#12/components#0","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:11:43.268Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_1202.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/195570","title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1884-2018"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1884-2018"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202"],"text":["A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202","Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers","Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors","The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned. \nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc.","William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","\nWilliam Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.  ","Source:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","\nElizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University. ","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000. http://wvutoday-archive.wvu.edu/n/2000/05/01/2862.htm.","Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office. ","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items. ","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 3020","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/1202"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"creator_ssm":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"creators_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty"],"places_ssim":["Braxton County (W. Va.)","Webster County (W. Va.)"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Multiple gifts of Chilton, Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early, 1992 April 9, 2001 July 24, 2004 November 16, 2018 April 4, 2018 July 24, and 2018 November 29."],"access_subjects_ssim":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"access_subjects_ssm":["World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","Newspaper publishing","Newspaper editors"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["18.75 Linear Feet 18 ft. 9 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 document case, 2 1/2 in.); (8 records cartons, 15 in. each); (3 records carton, 17 in. each); (4 flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (2 flat storage boxes, 4 in. each); (1 flat storage box, 1 in.); (1 clamshell box, 3 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned.\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\n\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The coloring book in box 23 is restricted until it can be cleaned. \nResearchers may access audiovisual and digitized materials by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWilliam Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSource:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nWilliam Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSource:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nElizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSource: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000. http://wvutoday-archive.wvu.edu/n/2000/05/01/2862.htm.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["William Edwin Chilton, Sr. (1858-1939), US Senator and publisher of the Charleston Gazette, was born in St. Albans, West Virginia.  Educated by private tutors, and later attending Shelton College, St. Albans, he began teaching school at the age of 16.  He later studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1880, settling in Charleston shortly afterwards, and becoming associated with John E. Kenna, US Senator from West Virginia, who served from 1883 to 1893.  He later became a member of Chilton, MacCorkle and Chilton, involved himself with Democratic politics, and attained recognition as an able leader in public affairs.  He was appointed prosecuting attorney in 1883, was admitted to the Supreme Court in 1891, was chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee in 1892, Secretary of the State from 1893 to 1897, and United State Senator from 1911 to 1917.  He was recognized as an orator and writer of unusual power and force.  After a defeated nomination to the United States Senate in 1924, he retired from his law practice and concerned himself with the editorship of the Charleston Gazette.  He married Mary Louise Tarr in 1892, and had four children:  William Edwin Chilton, Jr., J. Eustace Chilton, Eleanor Chilton, and Elizabeth Chilton Lowery Murray.  Eleanor achieved recognition as a writer, authoring Shadows Waiting and Follow the Furies.","William Edwin Chilton, Jr. (1893-1950) President of the Daily Gazette Company and managing editor of the Charleston Gazette, was born in Charleston, West Virginia.  He graduated from Yale in 1917, and then served during the World War, primarily in convoy flying based in North Sydney, Nova Scotia.  He became managing editor of the Charleston Gazette in 1924.  He married Louise Schoonmaker in 1920, and had two children:  William Edwin (Ned) Chilton, III, and Mary Carroll Chilton Abbott.","Source:  West Virginia Heritage Encyclopedia, ed. Jim Comstock (Richwood, WV: Jim Comstock, 1976), Vol. 5.","\nWilliam Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton (November 26, 1921 - February 7, 1987) was born in Kingston, New York, the son of Louise C. Schoonmaker and William Edwin Chilton, Jr.  He grew up in Charleston, West Virginia, and was educated in the public schools.  After serving in the United States Army and Army Air Corp, he graduated from Yale University in 1950.  Chilton married Elizabeth \"Betty\" Early in 1952.  They have one daughter, Susan Carroll.  He was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates from Kanawha County in 1952 and was re-elected in 1954, 1956, and 1958.  He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960 and again in 1964, when he served on the party's platform committee.  In 1967, Mr. Chilton served as a member of the Citizen's Advisory Commission on the West Virginia Legislature.   After working in the promotions department, Ned Chilton served as publisher of the Charleston Gazette from 1961 until his death in 1987.  The newspaper gained distinction under his direction through innovative editorial policies including \"right of reply\" and front page corrections. In 1982, he received the Colby College Elijah Parish Lovejoy Award for courage and integrity in journalism, and in 1985 he was named to the newspaper advisory board of United Press International.  He also served as a member of the Pulitzer Prize Awards committee.  Although active in the newspaper business and politics, Mr. Chilton gave his time and support to numerous civic, social and public organizations.  ","Source:  State of West Virginia House Resolution No. 15 \"A House Resolution Commemorating the Passing of William E. \"Ned\" Chilton, III, publisher of the Charleston Gazette and former member of the House of Delegates\" adopted February 16, 1987.","\nElizabeth \"Betty\" Early Chilton was born in Williamson, West Virginia. She married William Edwin \"Ned\" Chilton in 1952. Mrs. Chilton has worked in various roles at the Charleston Gazette Co. and its related entities, working in public relations and later serving as president and an editorial board member of the Gazette, serving as vice president and treasurer of the Daily Gazette Co., and serving as the director of Charleston Newspapers. She attended both Hollins College and Marjorie Webster College and has been an active member in local and regional organizations dedicated to advancing journalism, education, and the humanities broadly. Mrs. Chilton has received awards for her work in the field of journalism and her service to her community, including the President's Distinguished Service Award from West Virginia University. ","Source: \"Charleston Gazette Co. president to receive WVU Distinguished Service Award,\" WVU Today, May 1, 2000. http://wvutoday-archive.wvu.edu/n/2000/05/01/2862.htm."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026amp;M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Charleston Gazette Publishing Company Records and Chilton Family Papers, A\u0026M 3020, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eScrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Scrapbooks, correspondence, business papers, and memorabilia of a prominent Charleston family that were long time owners of the Charleston Gazette.  There are papers of W. E. Chilton, Sr., and for his son and grandson, W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III.  The papers of Chilton senior include some correspondence, but mostly land papers documenting the coal mining district in Webster and Braxton Counties. There are also scrapbooks, and contracts pertaining to the family newspaper business; and volumes on the education of W. E. Chilton, Jr. at Woodberry, VA Forest School, and at Yale. The military service of the Chiltons is documented by the service papers, photographs, and other material for W. E. Chilton, Jr. and W. E. Chilton, III in World War (WWI) I and World War II (WWII) respectively.","The initial acquisition of 1992 includes eight boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton senior (1858-1939), including series for:  general correspondence; rare signatures; subjects; land titles and abstracts; legal records; newspapers and pictures; scrapbooks; and artifacts.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","Rare signatures in the initial acquisition of W. E. Chilton, Sr., include:  Louis \"Satchmo\" Armstrong, Newton D. Baker, Alben W. Barkley, \"Count\" Basie, Lester Young, Louis D. Brandeis, Richard E. Byrd, Cab Calloway, Dale Carnegie, Tom Clark, Grover Cleveland, Charles Curtis, Josephus Daniels, John W. Davis, \"Dizzy\" Dean, Jack Dempsey, Thomas E. Dewey, J. DiMaggio, James A. Farley, Bob Feller, Ella Fitzgerald, John N. Garner, Lou Gehrig, Carter Glass, Hank Greenberg, W. C. Handy, Averell Harriman, Herbert Hoover, J. Edgar Hoover, Harold L. Ickes, Helen Keller, Guy Lombardo, Joe Louis, William G. McAdoo, Glenn Miller, Dwight Morrow, C. W. Nimitz, G. W. Norris, Westbrook Pegler, Gifford Pinchot, Drew Pearson, Sam Rayburn, Eddie V. Rickenbacker, Paul Robeson, Edward G. Robinson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, \"Babe\" Ruth, J. D. Salinger, Margaret Sanger, Sam Snead, Felix B. Stump, Fred M. Vinson, \"Fats\" Waller, W. A. White, Jess Willard, Ted Williams, Wendell Willkie, Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, and Cy Young.","The addendum of 2001 includes five boxes documenting primarily William Edwin Chilton, III (1921-1987), including series for:  biographical information; incoming letters; photographs; ephemera; clippings; subjects; legal records; writings, speeches, and publications; and oversize.  For details see inventory in control folder at the library.","The addendum of 2004 includes one folder containing a book owned by Ned Chilton titled \"Mr. Dooley In Peace and in War\" by Finley Peter Dunne, published in 1899 by Small, Maynard and Company.  The author's name does not appear in this book.  Dunne was a newspaper columnist, and this book features 49 of his writings.","The addendum of 2018 April 4 includes 3 boxes consisting of material related to the Charleston Gazette and W.E. (Ned) Chilton III including publications, artwork, and historic certificates that were presumably collected for display in his home or office. ","The addendum of 2018 July 24 includes 10 boxes consisting of material related to the Chilton family and their activities and involvement with the Charleston Gazette, its employees, notable figures, business contacts, and other related entities. Formats include scrapbooks, clippings and facsimiles of articles, publications, print and digital photographs, correspondence, records of court proceedings, art prints, receipts, financial documents, certificates and other forms of achievement recognition, and additional miscellaneous related items. ","The addendum of 2018 November 29 includes 1 folder featuring a selection of ephemera related to the personal achievements of W.E. (Ned) Chilton III and Elizabeth (Betty) Chilton."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_4833b10941e14ac77c2df571c3b6fe38\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"names_coll_ssim":["Pearson, Drew.","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, Betty"],"famname_ssim":["Pearson, Drew."],"persname_ssim":["Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1858-1939","Chilton, Betty","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1893-1950","Chilton, William E. (William Edwin), 1921-1987","Roosevelt, Eleanor, 1884-1962","Roosevelt, Franklin D. (Franklin Delano), 1882-1945","Salinger, J. D. (Jerome David), 1919-2010"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":461,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:11:43.268Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_1202_c13_c01"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c04","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Checks","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c04","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c04"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c04","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","Series III: Family Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","Series III: Family Papers"],"text":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","Series III: Family Papers","Checks","box 1","folder 21"],"title_filing_ssi":"Checks","title_ssm":["Checks"],"title_tesim":["Checks"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1908-1920"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1908/1920"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Checks"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":25,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of individual items in this collection may vary. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using\nour reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction.","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"containers_ssim":["box 1","folder 21"],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#3","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:31:40.149Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_4151.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","title_ssm":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection"],"title_tesim":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1872-1977"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1872-1977"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.2023.097"],"text":["Ms.2023.097","Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","Montgomery County (Va.)","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","University History","Religion","Confederate States of America","Correspondence","Pamphlets","Advertisements","Advertising cards","Trade cards","Postcards","Photographs","The collection is open for research.","The collection is organized by material type and in chronological order, if applicable.","The guide to the Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection was completed in September 2023.","This collection also included more than 10 books. As part of processing, these were removed and cataloged for the Rare Book Collection. Catalog records include the manuscript collection name and number (Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection, Ms2023-097) and can be located by searching for that phrase","The copyright status of individual items in this collection may vary. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using\nour reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction .","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection consists of a variety of materials, which range in dates from 1872 to 1977. The collection includes photographs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute memorabilia, printed materials, such as coupons, advertisements, and pamphlets, ledgers, scrapbooks, correspondences, diplomas, certificates, family papers, ephemera, publications, newspaper pages, newspaper clippings, calling cards, pay stubs, church offering stubs, and additional materials collected by the family. The collection also has a copied written piece by Dewey M. 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Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using\nour reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of individual items in this collection may vary. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using\nour reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction .","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_872eafafca4e69e80b449be2427b0dfc\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection consists of a variety of materials, which range in dates from 1872 to 1977. 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Shaver recalling her life in Blacksburg, Virginia. \n\nThe collection includes five series: Correspondences, Ephemera, Family Papers, Photographs, and Printed Materials."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"language_ssim":["Materials in this collection are in English."],"total_component_count_is":47,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:31:40.149Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c04"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c05","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Church Offerings","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c05#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c05","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c05"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03_c05","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_4151_c03"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","Series III: Family Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","Series III: Family Papers"],"text":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection","Series III: Family Papers","Church Offerings","box 1","folder 22"],"title_filing_ssi":"Church Offerings","title_ssm":["Church Offerings"],"title_tesim":["Church Offerings"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1903-1919"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1903/1919"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Church Offerings"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":26,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of individual items in this collection may vary. 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As part of processing, these were removed and cataloged for the Rare Book Collection. Catalog records include the manuscript collection name and number (Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection, Ms2023-097) and can be located by searching for that phrase","The copyright status of individual items in this collection may vary. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using\nour reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction .","Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection consists of a variety of materials, which range in dates from 1872 to 1977. The collection includes photographs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute memorabilia, printed materials, such as coupons, advertisements, and pamphlets, ledgers, scrapbooks, correspondences, diplomas, certificates, family papers, ephemera, publications, newspaper pages, newspaper clippings, calling cards, pay stubs, church offering stubs, and additional materials collected by the family. The collection also has a copied written piece by Dewey M. 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Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The collection was gifted to Special Collections in May 2016."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Montgomery County (Va.)","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","University History","Religion","Confederate States of America","Correspondence","Pamphlets","Advertisements","Advertising cards","Trade cards","Postcards","Photographs"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Montgomery County (Va.)","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","University History","Religion","Confederate States of America","Correspondence","Pamphlets","Advertisements","Advertising cards","Trade cards","Postcards","Photographs"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["3.5 Cubic Feet 5 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["3.5 Cubic Feet 5 boxes"],"genreform_ssim":["Correspondence","Pamphlets","Advertisements","Advertising cards","Trade cards","Postcards","Photographs"],"date_range_isim":[1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is organized by material type and in chronological order, if applicable.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is organized by material type and in chronological order, if applicable."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003cextref href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/extref\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection, 1872-1977, Ms2023-097, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection, 1872-1977, Ms2023-097, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection was completed in September 2023.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the Shaver and Schaeffer Family Collection was completed in September 2023."],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection also included more than 10 books. 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Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using\nour reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of individual items in this collection may vary. 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","Published books and comics can be found in our Rare Books collection.","Richard Wright (1946-2019) grew up in New York and attended college at Bradley University in Peoria, IL on an academic scholarship. He originally planned to study chemistry but graduated with a Bachelor of Political Science instead. ","\nWright moved to Stamford, Connecticut, where he met and married Minister Deborah V. P. Wright (1953-2012). They had three children together: Aaron Person, Joslynn S. Hamlet, and Porchia M. W. Smith.","\nWright spent the bulk of his career working as a court officer in the social services Department of Child Support in Connecticut until his retirement in 2013. He then moved to Williamsburg, Virgina, where he lived until his passing in 2019.","\nHe was an active member of Faith Tabernacle Missionary Baptist Church in Stamford, Connecticut. He served as a member of the trustee board, and sang in the Male Chorus and Inspirational Choir. Upon relocating to Williamsburg, VA, he joined Colossian Baptist Church in Newport News, and once again served as a choir member. ","\nOutside of the church, Wright also served as the president of the Stamford Chapter of the NAACP, was a member of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity Inc., and worked as a volunteer and mentor for a substance abuse rehabilitation program called Liberation House.","\nWhile living in Stamford, Wright began collecting Black comic books in 1986 because \"he wanted to have a hobby.\" His collection eventually grew beyond comics to include books, art works, photographs, and audio visual materials on the same topic. He saw the images that he collected over the years as a way to better tell the story of the depiction of Black Americans in visual media. In 2019, Wright donated his collection to William \u0026 Mary so that it might be \"a helpful resource to students\" in the future.","William \u0026 Mary Libraries' archival, digital and physical collections may contain content with harmful language or difficult subject matters. We strive for transparency in making these materials available for teaching and research, but we do not endorse the attitudes, prejudices or behaviors found within them.","William \u0026 Mary Libraries' perspective on harmful content and language aligns with the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Digital Public Library of America (DPLA) and university libraries around the world.","Comic book volumes and other published materials included with this collection have been transfered to Rare Books and cataloged individually.","This collection, compiled by Richard Wright, focuses on the evolution of the Black American image in print media, cartoons and comics. Wright organized his own historical timeline titled \"Good Clean Fun: Blacks in Comics,\" also referred to as \"Clean Fun: Blacks in Comics,\" in a series of binders with artist biographies and time period summaries. Item titles have been retained from the original labels.","Materials in this collection include: books, comic books, magazines, prints, reference books, slides, photographs, CDs, DVDs, sheet music, newspaper strips, lithographs, and artwork. 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Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is arranged into nine series: Research files, Collecting records, Minstrel shows, Scrapbooks and portfolios, Original artwork, Print and poster reproductions, Newspapers, Printed materials, and Audiovisual materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePublished books and comics can be found in our Rare Books collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection is arranged into nine series: Research files, Collecting records, Minstrel shows, Scrapbooks and portfolios, Original artwork, Print and poster reproductions, Newspapers, Printed materials, and Audiovisual materials. ","Published books and comics can be found in our Rare Books collection."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eRichard Wright (1946-2019) grew up in New York and attended college at Bradley University in Peoria, IL on an academic scholarship. He originally planned to study chemistry but graduated with a Bachelor of Political Science instead. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nWright moved to Stamford, Connecticut, where he met and married Minister Deborah V. P. Wright (1953-2012). They had three children together: Aaron Person, Joslynn S. Hamlet, and Porchia M. W. Smith.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nWright spent the bulk of his career working as a court officer in the social services Department of Child Support in Connecticut until his retirement in 2013. He then moved to Williamsburg, Virgina, where he lived until his passing in 2019.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nHe was an active member of Faith Tabernacle Missionary Baptist Church in Stamford, Connecticut. He served as a member of the trustee board, and sang in the Male Chorus and Inspirational Choir. Upon relocating to Williamsburg, VA, he joined Colossian Baptist Church in Newport News, and once again served as a choir member. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nOutside of the church, Wright also served as the president of the Stamford Chapter of the NAACP, was a member of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity Inc., and worked as a volunteer and mentor for a substance abuse rehabilitation program called Liberation House.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nWhile living in Stamford, Wright began collecting Black comic books in 1986 because \"he wanted to have a hobby.\" His collection eventually grew beyond comics to include books, art works, photographs, and audio visual materials on the same topic. He saw the images that he collected over the years as a way to better tell the story of the depiction of Black Americans in visual media. In 2019, Wright donated his collection to William \u0026amp; Mary so that it might be \"a helpful resource to students\" in the future.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Richard Wright (1946-2019) grew up in New York and attended college at Bradley University in Peoria, IL on an academic scholarship. He originally planned to study chemistry but graduated with a Bachelor of Political Science instead. ","\nWright moved to Stamford, Connecticut, where he met and married Minister Deborah V. P. Wright (1953-2012). They had three children together: Aaron Person, Joslynn S. Hamlet, and Porchia M. W. Smith.","\nWright spent the bulk of his career working as a court officer in the social services Department of Child Support in Connecticut until his retirement in 2013. He then moved to Williamsburg, Virgina, where he lived until his passing in 2019.","\nHe was an active member of Faith Tabernacle Missionary Baptist Church in Stamford, Connecticut. He served as a member of the trustee board, and sang in the Male Chorus and Inspirational Choir. Upon relocating to Williamsburg, VA, he joined Colossian Baptist Church in Newport News, and once again served as a choir member. ","\nOutside of the church, Wright also served as the president of the Stamford Chapter of the NAACP, was a member of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity Inc., and worked as a volunteer and mentor for a substance abuse rehabilitation program called Liberation House.","\nWhile living in Stamford, Wright began collecting Black comic books in 1986 because \"he wanted to have a hobby.\" His collection eventually grew beyond comics to include books, art works, photographs, and audio visual materials on the same topic. He saw the images that he collected over the years as a way to better tell the story of the depiction of Black Americans in visual media. In 2019, Wright donated his collection to William \u0026 Mary so that it might be \"a helpful resource to students\" in the future."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam \u0026amp; Mary Libraries' archival, digital and physical collections may contain content with harmful language or difficult subject matters. We strive for transparency in making these materials available for teaching and research, but we do not endorse the attitudes, prejudices or behaviors found within them.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWilliam \u0026amp; Mary Libraries' perspective on harmful content and language aligns with the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Digital Public Library of America (DPLA) and university libraries around the world.\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["William \u0026 Mary Libraries' archival, digital and physical collections may contain content with harmful language or difficult subject matters. We strive for transparency in making these materials available for teaching and research, but we do not endorse the attitudes, prejudices or behaviors found within them.","William \u0026 Mary Libraries' perspective on harmful content and language aligns with the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Digital Public Library of America (DPLA) and university libraries around the world."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eRichard Wright Collection of Graphic Images of African Americans, Special Collections Research Center, William \u0026amp; Mary Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Richard Wright Collection of Graphic Images of African Americans, Special Collections Research Center, William \u0026 Mary Libraries."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eComic book volumes and other published materials included with this collection have been transfered to Rare Books and cataloged individually.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Comic book volumes and other published materials included with this collection have been transfered to Rare Books and cataloged individually."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection, compiled by Richard Wright, focuses on the evolution of the Black American image in print media, cartoons and comics. 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