{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=23","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=22","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=24","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=62"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":23,"next_page":24,"prev_page":22,"total_pages":62,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":220,"total_count":614,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Letters","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c01#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eBox: 1 Folder: 1-5 Letters written and received by the Taylor Family chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c01","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c01"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03_c01","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03","parent_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_9031","viw_repositories_2_resources_9031_c03"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Taylor Family Papers","Series 3: Papers, 1907-1957, of the Taylor family Mss. 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Acc. 2001.42, 2004.45, 2006.35 and 2006.52","/repositories/2/resources/9031"],"text":["Mss. Acc. 2001.42, 2004.45, 2006.35 and 2006.52","/repositories/2/resources/9031","Taylor Family Papers","Urbanna (Va.)","College of William and Mary--History--20th century","College of William and Mary--Students","Country life--20th century","Correspondence","Newspapers","Newsletters","Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. 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Accessions 2006.35 and 2006.52 were combined when processed."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eInformation about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003cextref actuate=\"onRequest\" audience=\"external\" type=\"simple\" show=\"embed\" href=\"http://scdbwiki.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/Taylor_family\" title=\"Taylor family\"\u003e\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Family History:"],"bioghist_tesim":["Information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: "],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOther Information:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Additional information may be found at http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaead/published/wm/viw00117.frame\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Other Information:"," Additional information may be found at http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaead/published/wm/viw00117.frame"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTaylor Family Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Taylor Family Papers, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Taylor Family of Urbanna, Virginia.  Sons were graduates from the College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers of the Taylor Family of Urbanna, Virginia.  Sons were graduates from the College of William and Mary."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing 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Military papers are in a separate folder.","Lexie B. Fox was born February 15, 1896 in Roxboro, North Carolina, to John Younger Fox and Rosalie Alice Royster. Bessie (Oakley) Fox was born to Calvin Lester Oakley and Sarah Shelmoa Virginia Harris. Lexie and Bessie Oakley began corresponding in 1916. Throughout his service in World War I, he and Bessie kept in constant contact and were married on January 18, 1918. ","Family connections to the extended Turner family and ancestors for the earlier letters are somewhat unclear, but in the course of processing the collection, Special Collections staff completed some additional research, which is available at the end of Box 2. ","The processing, arrangement, and description of the Turner Family Papers was completed in May 2019.","The Turner Family Papers consists of multiple sets of correspondence to members of generations of the extended Turner family written between 1830 and 1944. 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These documents include a notice from the Treasury Department's Bureau of War Risk Insurance, a certificate of Farm War Service, a note from the Adjusted Service Bonds, and a letter from the Commander in Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces.","Permission to publish material from Turner Family Papers must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech.","The Turner Family Papers consists of multiple sets of correspondence to members of generations of the extended Turner family written between 1830 and 1944. The bulk of the collection is letters between Lexie Fox and his wife, Bessie, written during World War I.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Turner family (Franklin County, Virginia)","English \n.    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Throughout his service in World War I, he and Bessie kept in constant contact and were married on January 18, 1918. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFamily connections to the extended Turner family and ancestors for the earlier letters are somewhat unclear, but in the course of processing the collection, Special Collections staff completed some additional research, which is available at the end of Box 2. \u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Lexie B. Fox was born February 15, 1896 in Roxboro, North Carolina, to John Younger Fox and Rosalie Alice Royster. Bessie (Oakley) Fox was born to Calvin Lester Oakley and Sarah Shelmoa Virginia Harris. Lexie and Bessie Oakley began corresponding in 1916. Throughout his service in World War I, he and Bessie kept in constant contact and were married on January 18, 1918. ","Family connections to the extended Turner family and ancestors for the earlier letters are somewhat unclear, but in the course of processing the collection, Special Collections staff completed some additional research, which is available at the end of Box 2. "],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: Turner Family Papers, Ms2017-004], Special Collections, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: Turner Family Papers, Ms2017-004], Special Collections, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the Turner Family Papers was completed in May 2019.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the Turner Family Papers was completed in May 2019."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Turner Family Papers consists of multiple sets of correspondence to members of generations of the extended Turner family written between 1830 and 1944. The bulk of the collection is letters between Lexie Fox and his wife, Bessie, written during World War I. Late 19th century correspondence is written to Bessie's cousin, Minnie Rawlings. Minnie's letters describe the daily life of family, friends, and Miles Taylor, the man whom she would eventually marry. There is a small group of Civil War correspondence written to different people (Turner ancestors). \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn their love letters, Lexie and Bessie Fox frequently talked about how much they missed one another. Lexie remained homesick while in France, and discussed his health, longing for home, travels in France, and asked for news about family and friends. Bessie praised her husband in her letters and kept him updated on life at home. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition, the collection contains military documents and a notebook Lexie purchased in France. These documents include a notice from the Treasury Department's Bureau of War Risk Insurance, a certificate of Farm War Service, a note from the Adjusted Service Bonds, and a letter from the Commander in Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Turner Family Papers consists of multiple sets of correspondence to members of generations of the extended Turner family written between 1830 and 1944. The bulk of the collection is letters between Lexie Fox and his wife, Bessie, written during World War I. Late 19th century correspondence is written to Bessie's cousin, Minnie Rawlings. Minnie's letters describe the daily life of family, friends, and Miles Taylor, the man whom she would eventually marry. There is a small group of Civil War correspondence written to different people (Turner ancestors). ","In their love letters, Lexie and Bessie Fox frequently talked about how much they missed one another. Lexie remained homesick while in France, and discussed his health, longing for home, travels in France, and asked for news about family and friends. Bessie praised her husband in her letters and kept him updated on life at home. ","In addition, the collection contains military documents and a notebook Lexie purchased in France. These documents include a notice from the Treasury Department's Bureau of War Risk Insurance, a certificate of Farm War Service, a note from the Adjusted Service Bonds, and a letter from the Commander in Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish material from Turner Family Papers must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish material from Turner Family Papers must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_521e0c69c3b460858c9a7b53a6e8ab83\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe Turner Family Papers consists of multiple sets of correspondence to members of generations of the extended Turner family written between 1830 and 1944. The bulk of the collection is letters between Lexie Fox and his wife, Bessie, written during World War I.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Turner Family Papers consists of multiple sets of correspondence to members of generations of the extended Turner family written between 1830 and 1944. The bulk of the collection is letters between Lexie Fox and his wife, Bessie, written during World War I."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Turner family (Franklin County, Virginia)"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"names_coll_ssim":["Turner family (Franklin County, Virginia)"],"famname_ssim":["Turner family (Franklin County, Virginia)"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"total_component_count_is":13,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:39:19.532Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3175_c01"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Lily Tyler Wilson incoming correspondence","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01_c03","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01_c03"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01_c03","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection","Series X: Lily Tyler Wilson Family Papers","Subseries A: Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection","Series X: Lily Tyler Wilson Family Papers","Subseries A: Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson Papers"],"text":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection","Series X: Lily Tyler Wilson Family Papers","Subseries A: Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson Papers","Lily Tyler Wilson incoming correspondence","box 75","folder 1"],"title_filing_ssi":"Lily Tyler Wilson incoming correspondence","title_ssm":["Lily Tyler Wilson incoming correspondence"],"title_tesim":["Lily Tyler Wilson incoming correspondence"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1889-1942, n. d."],"normalized_date_ssm":["1889/1942"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Lily Tyler Wilson incoming correspondence"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":592,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942],"containers_ssim":["box 75","folder 1"],"_nest_path_":"/components#9/components#0/components#2","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:27:28.253Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1239.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Tyler, J. Hoge, Family Collection","title_ssm":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection"],"title_tesim":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1802-1956"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1802-1956"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.1967.002"],"text":["Ms.1967.002","J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Politicians -- United States","The collection is open for research.","Subseries A: Executive Letter Books, 1898-1901. This subseries contains a compiled, bound set of Tyler's correspondence as governor. The correspondence does not seem to follow a strict arrangement. A set of notebooks, arranged in a rough alphabetical order, serves as an index to the letter books, with separate listings for incoming and outgoing correspondence. The numbering on the incoming letters has no relation to that on the outgoing letters. The index books are arranged alphabetically, while the letters themselves are divided between \"incoming\" and \"outgoing,\" then arranged numerically. (Note: Two books were originally bound in error, creating a mixed set of incoming and outgoing letters, which have been noted in the finding aid.)\n\nSubseries B: Subject Files, 1897-1901. Tyler's office seems to have maintained files relating to only a few issues with which he had to contend while governor. The series consists largely of files devoted to political appointments. These appointment files were not part of the original subject files but have been included here for convenience; they contain letters from applicants for appointment (or reappointment) to positions over which the governor had power of appointment, together with endorsements from interested parties. The subseries also contains files devoted to several controversies which arose during Tyler's administration and the use of the Virginia Volunteer Infantry to quell instances of civil unrest. These subject files have been assigned file titles and arranged in an artificial alphabetical order.\n\nSubseries C: Gubernatorial Campaign Canvass, 1897. The files in this subseries consist of political correspondence from contacts in various localities, arising from Tyler's 1897 gubernatorial campaign. Correspondents discuss local political activities, contacts, strategies, and outlooks. Arranged alphabetically by locality, with cities and counties inter-filed.\n\nSubseries D:l Senatorial Campaign Canvass, 1899. Like Subseries III, this subseries contains correspondence from Tyler's local contacts throughout Virginia. The correspondence relates to Tyler's failed United States Senate campaign of 1899, with letters regarding insight into local political affairs and leaders. Arranged alphabetically by locality, with cities and counties inter-filed.\n\nSubseries E: General political correspondence, 1870-1923. This subseries contains an extensive collection of Tyler's political correspondence. The letters originate from contacts throughout Virginia and beyond and relate to political activities and questions of the day (particularly bi-metallism in the late 19th century). The subseries also contains correspondence arising from Tyler's several political campaigns prior to 1897. (In these earlier contests, the correspondence was not sorted according to locality, but like the letters from those campaigns, these provide details on local political sentiments and leaders during the time period.) Letters relating to the 1897 and 1899 campaigns but not tied to any particular Virginia locality may also be found here, as may correspondence originating during Tyler's gubernatorial administration but not, for whatever reason, bound with the executive letter books. Apart from letters addressing the period's political questions, the letters also span the wide range of routine matters which one might expect to occupy the chief executive's time: invitations to address organizations, requests for personal favors, and pleas on behalf of prisoners. The political correspondence continues past Tyler's gubernatorial term, as he remained active in party politics and flirted with the idea of again running for office. Arranged chronologically, with copies of just a few pieces of Tyler's outgoing correspondences inter-filed with the incoming correspondence.\n\nSubseries F: Speeches, 1877-1907. Contained in this subseries is a collection of materials relating to political speeches delivered by Tyler. The speech drafts are largely undated and fairly illegible. Drafts of other speeches by Tyler may be found in Series II, Subseries VII and in Series III, Subseries II. Arranged chronologically.\n\nSubseries G: Printed Materials, 1874-1922. This subseries contains a number of pamphlets and speech texts relating to numerous state and political issues, particularly Virginia's state debt and the controversy over bi-metallism. Also relating to politics, particularly various political races, is a collection of newspaper clippings. The subseries also includes a few political broadsides and flyers, announcing such things as slates of political speakers. Arranged by document type.\n\nSubseries H: General Materials, 1865-1901. Completing the series, this small subseries contains materials relating to the 1889 Virginia Democratic Convention, various voter contact lists from 1899, Tyler's notebook from that same campaign, notebooks containing the names of Virginia notaries public and commissioners of deeds, and some miscellaneous political notes made by Tyler. Arranged by document type, then chronologically. \n\n","Subseries A: Presbyterian Church, 1866-1925. This subseries contains materials relating to Tyler's involvement in the Presbyterian Church, both locally and nationally, through his service as a church elder and his position on the boards of the Union Theological Seminary and the Synodical Orphans Home in Lynchburg, Virginia. Correspondence within the subseries relates to these activities and to Tyler's involvement with other church-related educational institutions within Virginia, the temperance movement, and participation in various church councils. The subseries also includes drafts of various church-related addresses made by Tyler, as well as printed material and ephemera. Also included are two unidentified church record books, probably from Radford Presbyterian Church. Arranged by document type.\n\nSubseries B: Genealogy, 1876-1948. The materials in this subseries relate to J. Hoge Tyler's interest in his family's history, including the Hoge, Tyler and other extended family lines. The subseries includes letters from other genealogists, as well as two genealogy manuscripts by Tyler and a collection of family history-related newspaper clippings and notes. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: General Correspondence, 1860-1924. This subseries contains the uncategorized personal correspondence of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence relates to many of Tyler's wide-ranging interests, so many of the letters contain references to politics and business activities. Included among the correspondence are requests for Tyler to use his influence on behalf of relatives and acquaintances, as well letters relating to his involvement with the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College. A large percentage of the letters here are from members of Tyler's large extended family. (Invitations received by the Tylers may be found in Subseries VII, and letters received from his children may be found in the various series devoted to each offspring.) The subseries contains a relatively small number of drafts of Tyler's outgoing correspondence, arranged chronologically. Incoming correspondence has been arranged alphabetically by surname.\n\nSubseries D: Sue Hammet Tyler Papers, 1865-1927. This subseries contains the correspondence of Sue Hammet Tyler, wife of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence is overwhelmingly personal in nature, though some of the letters touch upon Governor Tyler's political and business interests. Included here are letters written by Mrs. Tyler to her husband, children and others. Among the incoming letters are letters from extended family members, including the Heths, Prestons, Capertons and others. Also included among the incoming correspondence are the many letters of condolence she received upon the governor's death. (For a set of farm operation reports made to Mrs. Tyler, see Series III, Subseries II.)\n\nSubseries E: Scrapbooks, 1871-1925. The first two scrapbooks in this series, devoted entirely to newspaper clippings and covering the years 1871-1900, are invaluable in tracking Tyler's political career, containing as they do articles, editorials, letters to the editor, texts from speeches, and articles about his activities, campaigns and gubernatorial administration. The third scrapbook (1901-1919) details the latter part of Tyler's term as governor, while the remainder is devoted to his later political activities and to personal activities and interests. A fourth scrapbook features newspaper articles and tributes following Tyler's death (pasted in a ledger containing minutes (1896-1898) of the finance committee of an unidentified organization (possibly the Radford Trust Company)). The subseries also contains a number of loose items which were removed from scrapbooks 1-3. The four scrapbooks are arranged chronologically, with the loose materials completing the subseries.\n\nSubseries F: Printed Materials, 1887-1929. The printed materials included in this subseries relate to a wide range of Tyler's personal interests. Included are texts of speeches by others; several pamphlets regarding European railways; a booklet from the 1900 reunion of the Army of the Potomac; an 1888 promotional publication for Radford, Virginia; an 1899 issue of  The Goodson Gazette  (published by the Virginia School for the Deaf and the Blind); and a copy of the Radford newspaper detailing Tyler's death. The subseries also contains a collection of newspaper clippings which include poetry, obituaries and articles of general interest.\n\nSubseries G: General materials, 1868-1926. Contained within this subseries are other personal papers of the Tylers that did not belong in other subseries. Included here is a file of third-party correspondence belonging to individuals not represented elsewhere in the collection, including letters written by James Hoge, R. S. Hoge, Laura Fitzhugh Preston, Eliza Hoge Tyler, Henry Tyler and others. Also included here are the many invitations and calling cards received by the Tyler family. Tyler's service as food administrator for the Federal Food Administration in Radford and Montgomery County during World War I is represented in a collection of FDA forms and publications. Also included here are drafts of talks delivered by Tyler on a variety of subjects to various schools and organizations. A collection of miscellaneous materials completes the subseries and includes death notices, notes, Tyler's American Red Cross state board certificates, poetry, advertising matter, a broadside announcing the sale of Plumer Memorial Female College, and other ephemera.\n\n","Subseries A: Business Concerns, 1882-1922. This subseries contains papers originating from the many business ventures in which Tyler engaged but is devoted largely to his Belle Hampton Coal Company and the Radford Development Company. Also of particular interest are a set of ledgers from a store Tyler operated at Belle Hampton. The subseries is arranged alphabetically by name of company, then by document type, then chronologically. (Tyler also recorded business transactions in ledgers that had once belonged to members of the Hammet family. These ledgers may be found in Series XI, Subseries I and III.)\n\nSubseries B: Agriculture, 1874-1914. This subseries is devoted to Tyler's short-horn cattle business and other agricultural pursuits. It includes correspondence, cattle pedigrees and registrations. It also includes drafts of speeches delivered before agricultural organizations, business records from his farm, printed materials relating to agriculture and farming implements, and a few miscellaneous documents. (Papers relating to the 1902 Southwest Virginia Livestock Fair, with which Tyler was involved, may be found in Series IX.) Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: General Business and Personal Financial Papers, 1862-1923. Within this subseries is correspondence relating to other business activities of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence relates to financial transactions, property sales and rentals, the Hammet estate, bank accounts, business proposals (including a proposed railway from Charleston, South Carolina to Radford), letters of introduction, and others arising from Tyler's myriad business interests. The correspondence also includes letters regarding Tyler's household financial matters, including a number of letters regarding renovations to Halwick, the family home. Also relating to routine financial affairs of the household are receipts, account statements, personal checks, and a ledger. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\n","Sigma Chi Quarterly","Subseries A: Personal Papers, 1885-1941. Among the personal papers of Stockton Heth Tyler in this subseries is a collection of his correspondence, largely consisting of letters written to other members of the Tyler family. The subseries also contains letters written by his wife and children to their Tyler relatives. Arranged by correspondent, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: Spanish-American War Records, 1898-1899. This subseries contains military records retained by Major Stockton Heth Tyler while serving as an additional paymaster in the U. S. Army during the Spanish-American War. The subseries contains various forms relating to pay for individual officers and enlisted personnel in more than 30 different units and includes reimbursement vouchers, pay vouchers, discharge statements, and company payrolls. Also included are records of other paymaster transactions, official correspondence, and a collection of orders from the adjutant general's office. The subseries is arranged by document type, with documents relating to specific individuals or units being arranged alphabetically, while other documents are arranged chronologically. \n\n","Subseries A: Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson Papers, 1889-1954. This subseries includes Lily Tyler Wilson's personal correspondence, largely consisting of letters to other members of the Tyler family. Also among her personal papers are a 1909 diary and a typescript compilation of her poetry. Lily Wilson's interest in the theatre is documented in a scrapbook devoted to the stage stars and productions she had seen, while a second chronicles other general interests. The subseries includes a large number of dance cards, many from events held at Virginia Polytechnic Institute in the early 1900s. Also included here are a file of papers (correspondence and published writings) of Henry H. Wilson, as well as materials relating to Wilson's interest in genealogy and printed materials relating to civil engineering and road construction. Within the subseries may also be found a small set of the couple's legal papers; additional printed materials consisting of religious tracts and newspaper clippings of personal interest; and a folder of miscellaneous materials. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: James Hoge Tyler Wilson Papers, 1918-1950. Comprising this subseries is a small collection of the papers of James Hoge Tyler Wilson (1916-1994), son of Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson, graduate of the University of Virginia, World War II Army Air Services pilot, Virginia Tech instructor, and attorney. The subseries consists of two folders of miscellanea, including a devotional book for military personnel and a small selection of correspondence.\n\nSubseries C: Lily Norwood Wilson Papers, 1924-1956. This subseries contains the papers of Lily Norwood Tyler, daughter of Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson. Included among the papers is a collection of personal correspondence, as well as a baby book and memorabilia from Wilson's school years (at the Seiler School (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania); St. Catherine's School (Richmond, Virginia); and Episcopal High School (Alexandria, Virginia)) and a 1930s European tour. The subseries also contains event invitations and programs, together with papers relating to the British War Relief Society and Wilson's service as secretary of the Radford, Virginia chapter during the 1930s and 1940s. Also included is a folder of miscellaneous materials containing notes, reports, printed materials and ephemera.\n\n","Subseries A: William Henry Hammet Papers, 1832-1878. Contained within this small subseries are papers of W. H. Hammet, a Washington County, Mississippi plantation owner and congressman. The subseries includes personal and business correspondence, as well as other business papers, including an account book and account statements, estate documents, and lists of slaves on an unidentified plantation. In addition to the papers is a physician's account book, containing entries from Vicksburg and Lammermoor, Mississippi and dating from 1836 to 1851. (The ledger also contains day book account entries of J. Hoge Tyler from 1881 to 1885). Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: Edward Hammet Papers, 1832-1892. This subseries contains the papers of Col. Edward Hammet, a prominent landowner of Radford, Virginia, and heir of William H. Hammet's plantation, Lammermoor, in Mississippi. The series contains papers relating to financial affairs of Lammermoor as well as personal and business correspondence together with legal and financial documents (some of which relate to the lands of John Heavin (Haven) on Plum Creek in Montgomery County, Virginia). Also found here are documents retained by J. Hoge Tyler, acting as executor of Hammet's will. Arranged by subject matter, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: James Preston Hammet Papers, 1856-1879. Within this series may be found the papers of James Preston Hammet (son of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet), Montgomery County, Virginia physician and heir of William H. Hammet's plantation, Lammermoor, in Mississippi. The papers include correspondence relating to personal matters, medical patients, Lammermoor Plantation, and other financial and legal matters. The subseries also includes two pocket diaries containing miscellaneous notes, some seemingly related to the management of Lammermoor Plantation. A separate ledger contains additional records of Lammermoor and appears to document the daily work of the plantation's slaves and freedmen (much of the information in the ledger has been obscured by newspaper clippings relating to Virginia politics later pasted into the book, probably by J. Hoge Tyler). Other papers within the subseries detail the plantation's accounts, including those with freedmen. The subseries also includes papers relating Hammet's other business, legal and personal financial matters. Hammet's medical practice is detailed in two ledgers and a folder of papers containing account and patient records (including calls on freedmen patients). Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries D: Isabella Hammet Heth Family Papers, 1861-1913. This subseries contains the letters of Isabella Hammet (\"Belle\") Heth (daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet) and her husband, Major Stockton Heth. The subseries includes both incoming and outgoing correspondence of both Heths. Divided by correspondent, then arranged chronologically.\n\n","James Hoge Tyler, Virginia governor from 1898 to 1902, was born at the Tyler family farm, \"Blenheim,\" in Caroline County, Virginia on August 11, 1846. He was the son of George Tyler (1817-1889), a representative of Caroline County, and Eliza Hoge (1815-1846), daughter of General James Hoge. His mother having died during his birth, the young James Hoge Tyler was reared by his grandparents, James and Eleanor Howe Hoge at \"Hayfield,\" their Pulaski County home. Tyler was educated in Pulaski County before attending the school of Franklin Minor in Albermarle County. ","(George Tyler (1817-1889), father of James H., married four times: First to Jane De Jarnette (1820-1841)--the couple's only child died in childhood. Eliza Hoge (1815-1846) was Tyler's second wife, the future governor being their only child. Tyler married third Jane Quisenberry. The couple had two children: George William Tyler (married Mary Stuart Carter) and Nannie Brown Tyler (married John Washington). By his fourth wife, Julia Magruder (1837-1873), Tyler fathered six children: Henry Magruder Tyler, Mary Adams Taylor, Julia Magruder Tyler (married James Armistead Otey), Lucinda Coleman Tyler, Evelyn Tyler (married John J. Miller), John Tyler and William Elliot (married Burnley Redd).)","Tyler left school at the age of 16 to join the Confederate army and served as a private in the Signal Corps throughout the Civil War. (His later rank of \"major\" was apparently a post-war honorific.) After the war, Tyler returned to Pulaski County, where he had inherited the Hoge farm. He would rename the farm \"Belle Hampton\" and become a successful farmer, raising Durham cattle and serving as president of the Virginia Stock Farmers' Institute and of the Southwest Virginia Live Stock Association. His other business interests would come to include a store, a gristmill, a sawmill, the Belle Hampton Coal Mining Company (sold in 1902 to a New York company), and the Radford Development Company. ","Tyler married Sue Montgomery Hammet (daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet, who built the first home in what it now Radford, Virginia), a native of Radford, on November 16, 1868. While living at Belle Hampton, the Tylers had eight children: Edward H., James H. Jr., Stockton H., Lucy Belle, Sue H., Henry C. (\"Hal\"), Eliza (\"Lily\") and Eleanor Howe, who died in infancy. In 1891, the family moved to \"Halwick,\" their home in Radford.","In 1877, Tyler was elected to the state senate, serving one term and advocating retrenchment and reform. He maintained an active role in civic affairs, serving on the board of visitors and as rector of the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (now Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University) and on the state debt commission. During the 1880s, he mounted two unsuccessful congressional campaigns. Tyler also launched an unsuccessful bid for governor in 1889 but secured the second place on the Democratic ticket that year and served as lieutenant governor from 1890 to 1894. While serving as lieutenant governor, Tyler again ran for the governorship in 1893, losing to Charles T. O'Ferrall. In 1897, Tyler successfully campaigned for governor and served from 1898 to 1902.","Tyler's gubernatorial administration was marked by a concern with adjustment of Virginia's state debt. He was a strong supporter of bi-metallism, and was a personal friend of William Jennings Bryan. The American Historical Society's  History of Virginia  (1926) summarized Tyler's governorship thus: ","Governor Tyler's administration was marked by the settlement of the long vexed oyster question, for it was largely through his efforts that the LeCato bill was made effective and the oyster beds of the state made to yield an income to the state instead of an annual deficit. As governor he secured the reduction of taxes and the state debt and the increase of the public school fund and the literary fund. Other measures credited to his administration are the establishment of the Farm Bureau, the reorganization of the agricultural department, a conditional pardon system and the settlement of the Virginia-Tennessee boundary question.","While serving as governor, Tyler launched an unsuccessful campaign for the U. S. Senate seat of incumbent Thomas S. Martin. His unsuccessful 1899 campaign would be Tyler's last, though he would continue to be somewhat active in state politics, playing the role of elder statesman and considering various pleas that he again seek office. During World War I, he served as food administrator for Radford and Montgomery County.","A Presbyterian, Tyler served as a ruling elder and moderator of the Synod of Virginia. He founded the Presbyterian church in East Radford, the area's first brick church. Three times he represented his church in the Presbyterian General Assembly. He also served twice as a delegate to the Pan-Presbyterian Council--once in Toronto, Canada and once in Glasgow, Scotland. He also served on the boards of trustees of the church-affiliated Hampden-Sidney College, Union Theological Seminary, and Synodical Orphans Home at Lynchburg. ","James Hoge Tyler died on January 3, 1925; Sue Hammet Tyler, born July 16, 1845, died on April 24, 1927.","Eldest child of James H. and Sue Hammet Tyler, Edward Hammet (\"Ned\") Tyler was born on December 15, 1869. He graduated from Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (now Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University) and served in Radford's local defense regiment, the Radford Rifles, during the late 19th century. Tyler remained a bachelor throughout his life and managed the family farm at Belle Hampton and also owned Kirkland Farm near Dublin (Pulaski County, Virginia). He died on March 22, 1939 in Radford. ","James Hoge Tyler Jr. was born on December 8, 1871. He attended Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and graduated from Hampden-Sidney College, where he was a member of the Sigma Sigma chapter of Sigma Chi fraternity. He worked in the governor's office during his father's administration and later for the Virginia-Carolina Chemical Company. He married Evelyn Gray Bell (daughter of A. O. Bell) on June 23, 1908, and the couple lived in Roanoke. The Tylers had no children. Evelyn died in Wilmington (Fluvanna County), Virginia around 1924. At the time of his wife's death, Tyler was living in Radford, paralyzed by a stroke; he died in 1937. ","Born on September 13, 1874, Stockton Heth Tyler was a graduate of the Washington and Lee School of Law. During the Spanish-American War, he was a major in the U. S. Army, serving as an additional paymaster. He married Nelle Louise Serpell (born June 10, 1878) on November 16, 1904; the couple had five children: Goldsborough Serpell, James Hoge III, Sue Hammet, Nell Serpell, Stockton Jr., and Gulielma Serpell. Tyler served as mayor of Norfolk, Virginia from 1924 to 1932. He died on September 5, 1943.","Lucy Belle Norwood Tyler was born March 9, 1876. She married Colonel Frank Percy McConnell (born July 1, 1870) of Talladega, Alabama on November 16, 1908. The couple, with their son, James Hoge Tyler McConnell, lived initially in Fort Smith, Arkansas, where McConnell was engaged in several business enterprises (including a Bonanza, Arkansas newspaper), before returning by 1927 to Radford. The son of Confederate Colonel William Kennedy McConnell, Frank McConnell commanded the Alabama National Guard's Third Regiment for four years. He was also an active member of Kappa Alpha fraternity, serving as general purser. Frank McConnell died on September 21, 1941; Lucy Belle McConnell on February 4, 1955.","Sue Hampton Tyler was born April 9, 1877. She married Rev. Robert Ware Jopling (1865-1944), a Presbyterian minister, on December 16, 1915. The couple had two children, Sue Tyler and James Robert (1918-1920), and they resided in Texas and South Carolina. Following her husband's death, Sue Jopling made her home in Norfolk, Virginia, where she died in 1949.","Henry Clement (\"Hal\") Tyler was born in Pulaski County, Virginia on December 10, 1878. He attended St. Alban's Academy in Radford and Richmond College before graduating from the University of Virginia School of Law in 1901. Admitted to the Virginia bar that same year, Tyler returned to Radford, where he established a law practice. In 1906, Tyler was appointed Radford's commonwealth attorney. He continued in that position through successive elections until 1922. In 1909, he was elected city attorney and served in that position until his death. In private practice, Tyler generally handled corporate law, including the legal affairs of the Belle Hampton Coal Company. Tyler also engaged in other businesses, being president of the Radford Hotel Corporation and the Radford Real Estate and Development Company. A Democrat, he served in the Virginia House of Delegates from 1924 to 1925 and on the Radford School Board. He was a member of the American, Virginia and several county bar associations; Phi Delta Phi; Kappa Sigma; and Radford's rotary and golf clubs. He was also a superintendent of the Old Brick Presbyterian Church in Radford and later an elder in Radford's Central Presbyterian Church. Unmarried, Tyler died in Radford on December 1, 1941.","Known to her family and friends as \"Lily,\" Eliza Lillian Tyler was born on September 7, 1882; she married Henry Harrison Wilson (born January 15, 1885) on June 16, 1915. The couple eventually made their home in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania and had three children: James Hoge Tyler, Lily Norwood and Henry Harrison II. Born in Cumberland County, Virginia on January 15, 1882, Wilson graduated from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in 1906 with a BS in engineering. He served as an instructor in civil engineering at the university while earning a civil engineering degree the following year. Wilson worked on various projects before being employed from 1908 to 1911 by Winston \u0026 Company, contractors for the Ashokan dams in New York. In 1914, he became a special partner in the company's highway and railway construction and in operation of its crushed stone business. Specializing in bridge and other construction work, Wilson became managing partner in 1925 of Winston Brothers Company \u0026 H. H. Wilson. He was also president and treasurer of the Lime Bluff Company, director of All States Life Insurance and the Peoples Bank of Radford, Virginia. He was elected president of the Associated Pennsylvania Constructors in 1924 and vice-president of the Association of General Contractors of America in 1922. A member of the American Society of Civil Engineers, Wilson published several articles on highway construction and edited  Highway Builder . A descendant of Declaration of Independence signer Benjamin Harrison, Wilson maintained an interest in genealogy. He died in Baltimore, Maryland on May 31, 1933. Following his death, Lily Wilson returned to Virginia and by 1948 was living at the Tyler family home. ","Colonel Edward Hammet was the father of Sue Hammet Tyler. Arriving in the area of what is now Radford, Virginia in the 1830s, Hammet married Clementina Craig, who had inherited the Norwood property, near (or on) what is now Radford University, from her father, James Craig. Edward and Clementina had several children, including James Preston, Isabella (married Stockton Heth), John Radford, and Susan (married James Hoge Tyler). The Hammets maintained ownership of lands in Washington and Issaquena counties, Mississippi.","William Henry Hammet / Hammett (1799-1865), brother of Edward Hammet, was born in County Cork, Ireland. He served as chaplain of the University of Virginia (1832-1834) and the Virginia House of Delegates before moving to Princeton, Mississippi. In 1837, he married the widow of Dr. James Metcalfe and became owner of the Lammermoor plantation. A Democrat, Hammet served in Congress from 1843-1845. Evidence within the collection suggests that Hammet was a physician. He died in Washington County, Mississippi and was buried on Lammermoor Plantation.","James Preston Hammet (1832-1829), son of Edward Hammet and a graduate of Virginia Military Institute (class of 1853) studied medicine at the University of Virginia and in Philadelphia. He married Katherine Markham Spiller in 1856; their daughter would marry Judge G. E. Cassel of Radford, Virginia. At the commencement of the Civil War, Hammet organized the \"New River Grays,\" which became Company H, 24th Virginia Infantry, but resigned early in the war. By 1864, he was a Montgomery County, Virginia surgeon, serving on the county's committee of public safety.","Isabella Hammet (\"Belle\") Heth, daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet, was born in 1842. She married Captain Stockton Heth, who had served in the 18th Virginia Infantry. Heth, president of the Exchange Bank of Radford, also owned Whitethorne Plantation in Montgomery County, Virginia. The couple's children included Virginia C., Stockton Jr., Sally P., and Sue H. Isabella died in 1910 and is buried in Radford, Virginia. ","Very little information could be found on the Sifford family, and it remains unclear why the family's papers were within those of the Tylers. The Siffords were Pulaski County farmers, so it may be assumed there was a relationship with the Hoge family. In 1818, Harman Sifford and John Hoge purchased from Cornelius Brown lands on Back and Neck creeks. George W. H. Sifford, perhaps the son of Harman Sifford, married Elizabeth Loukes on September 8, 1838, and the couple had four children: Henry, Rufus, Joseph, and Mary. During the Civil War, Sifford served in the 4th Regiment of the Virginia Reserves, probably in Company C, the Pulaski Reserves. Several other family members also seem to have served in the Confederate Army, including Henry S. and Joseph (sons of George W. H.), who both served in the 54th Virginia Infantry.","Sources:","Howe, Daniel Dunbar,  Listen to the mockingbird: the life and times of a pioneer Virginia family  (Boyce, VA: Carr, 1961).","Tyler, James Hoge,  The family of Hoge: a genealogy  ([Greensboro, NC: J. J. Stone and Co.], 1927).","The guide to the J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement and description of the J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection commenced in January 2004 and was completed in August 2007. Some earlier work on the collection had been performed from 1967 to 1969 and 1971 to 1972.","This collection contains the papers of James Hoge Tyler, Virginia state senator (1877-1879), lieutenant governor (1890-1894), governor (1898-1902), businessman, church elder, genealogist, and resident of Radford, Virginia. The collection includes Tyler's correspondence as governor, including a set of bound letter books. Also among the political correspondence are a set of subject files, largely relating to political appointments directly under the governor's control but also touching on some of the issues with which Tyler's administration was concerned. Complementing this official correspondence is a voluminous collection of incoming political correspondence, spanning the latter 19th and early 20th centuries, much of it devoted to Tyler's 1897 and 1899 campaigns, but also including references to the political atmosphere in Virginia and the national political issues of the day. ","Within Tyler's personal papers are files relating to his involvement in the Presbyterian Church, particularly his service on the boards of various church-related institutions and in various church councils, as well as his leadership in Radford's Presbyterian Church. Tyler's interest in genealogy is documented in a small set of correspondence from other researchers, together with two of his own typescript manuscripts and printed materials. Also within the personal papers is a large collection of incoming correspondence to both J. Hoge and Sue Hammet Tyler. Much of this correspondence is from members of his very large extended Hoge and Tyler families and relates to personal matters, though many of the letters also touch on political and business matters. Though housed among the personal papers, a collection of scrapbooks provides an exhaustive chronicle of Tyler's political career, largely through newspaper clippings.","Tyler's business pursuits are well documented in a collection of correspondence, ledgers, and legal papers. Among these records are those of the Belle Hampton Coal Company and the Radford Development Company, together with records of Tyler's agricultural interests. Also among the business papers are documents relating to Tyler's personal financial activities, including such routine documents as personal checks and receipts.","Of the papers of Tyler's children, perhaps the most significant are those of Stockton Heth Tyler, an army paymaster during the Spanish-American War. In addition to S. Heth Tyler's personal papers are paymaster records which he retained after the war. The papers include payroll records for a number of units and individuals.","Also among the papers of Tyler's children are those of Edward H. Tyler, a Pulaski County, Virginia farmer; Belle Tyler McConnell, whose husband, Frank, was a prominent banker and businessman of Arkansas and Virginia; and Lily Tyler Wilson, whose husband, Henry, was a civil engineer and road contractor in Pennsylvania. ","The collection also includes the papers of members of the Hammet family of Mississippi and Virginia. Among these papers are a number of items relating to the affairs of Lammermoor Plantation in Mississippi, including materials concerning the ante bellum operation of the plantation, and later, accounts with the freedmen employed there. Also included among the Hammet papers are the account books of James P. Hammet, a physician of Montgomery County, Virginia.","A small collection of papers belonging to the Sifford family of Pulaski County, Virginia, are included as well and relate to the family's personal activities and business/legal interests. Included among the papers is a small notebook providing the names and birth dates of slaves on an unidentified farm.","Completing the collection is a large collection of photos, including both studio portraits and snapshots of the Tylers, extended family members and friends.","The following items were transferred to the Rare Book Collection:  Clark, Champ,  The Philippine problem  (Washington, D.C.: [Government Printing Office], 1900). Goodwin, W. P.,  Experience of an old soldier in the Army of Northern Virginia, 1862 to 1865  (Bowling Green, VA: Echo Printing, 1907). Gray, Horace,  An Address on the life character and influence of Chief Justice Marshall  (Washington, D.C.: Pearson Printing Office, 1901). Haggard, H. Rider,  King Solomon's mines  (New York: F. M. Lupton, [19--?]). Jamestown Official Photograph Corporation,  The Jamestown Exposition illustrated  (New York: Press of I. H. Blanchard Co., 1907). John Warwick Daniel, late a senator from Virginia : memorial addresses delivered in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States  (Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1911). Johnston, Mattie Reed,   Six prayers; or, the soul's reflector  (Richmond, VA: Whittet \u0026 Shepperson, 1899). Mann, William Hodges,   Proclamation by the Governor of Virginia, 1910 . McBride, J. F.,  The Higher officials of the United States and buildings where all laws are made  (Chicago: J. F. McBride \u0026 Co., 1894). Memorial addresses on the life and character of William H. F. Lee (a representative from Virginia) delivered in the House of Representatives and in the Senate ...  (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1892). Military show: program and guide to exhibits  ([Fort Snelling, MN: Fort Snelling, 1928]). Official Army Register for 1899  (Washington: Adjutant General's Office, 1899). People and Politics  ([Roanoke, VA: Stone Printing and Manufacturing, 19--?]). Settlement of the debt of the state of Virginia : under the bondholders' agreement of May 12, 1890 ...  ([New York : Bondholders' Committee, 1892]). Smith, Orlando,  The Agreement between science and religion   (New York: C. P. Farrell, [c1906]). Society of the Army of the Potomac,   Proceedings of the thirty-first annual reunion, held at Fredericksburg, May 25th \u0026 26th, 1900   (New York: McGowan \u0026 Slipper, 1900). Southworth, Emma D. E. N.   Sybil Brotherton  (New York: F. M. Lupton, [19--?]). Thomas Staples Martin (late a senator from Virginia): memorial addresses delivered in the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States...  (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1922). Tyler, James Hoge,   The Family of Hoge : a genealogy  ([Greensboro, NC]: James Fulton Hoge, 1927). Virginia: its agricultural and industrial resources  ([Richmond: Virginia Dept. of Agriculture and Immigration, 1914]). Young, Isabel N.,   The Hawaiian Islands; and, the story of pineapple  (New York : Home Economics Dept., American Can Co., [1935]).","The following items were transferred to the Newspapers Collection: The Alexandria Times  (Alexandria, Virginia), May 29, 1897. Midland Virginian  (Palmyra, Virginia), April 7, 1898.","The following item was transferred to the Historical Maps Collection: A Historical map of Virginia  (Richmond, VA: GHQ Committee, Kappa Alpha Order, 1925).","An oil painting of J. Hoge Tyler and his daughter Lily (Eliza Tyler Wilson) is part of this collection. See Art-359. Due to its size, it is housed separately in the art collection.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","This collection contains the papers of Virginia Governor James Hoge Tyler, including official, business and personal correspondence, printed materials, scrapbooks, and ledgers; papers of Tyler's children (Edward H., James H. Jr., Stockton H., Belle Tyler McConnell, Sue Tyler Jopling, Hal C. and Lily Tyler Wilson); business records (including records of the Belle Hampton Coal Company and Radford Development Company), genealogical materials, Spanish-American War army pay records, and photographs. Also includes papers of members of the Hammet and Sifford families.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","J. Hoge Tyler family","J. Hoge Tyler, Jr. family","Sue Tyler Jopling family","Stockton Heth Tyler family","Belle Tyler McConnell family","Sifford family","Lily Tyler Wilson family","Hammet family","Tyler, Edward H. (Edward Hammet), 1869-1939","Tyler, Henry C. (Hal) (Henry Clement), 1878-1941","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925","The materials in the collection are in English."],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.1967.002"],"normalized_title_ssm":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection"],"collection_ssim":["J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["J. Hoge Tyler family","Tyler, Edward H. (Edward Hammet), 1869-1939","J. Hoge Tyler, Jr. family","Sue Tyler Jopling family","Tyler, Henry C. (Hal) (Henry Clement), 1878-1941","Stockton Heth Tyler family","Belle Tyler McConnell family","Sifford family","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925","Lily Tyler Wilson family","Hammet family"],"creator_ssim":["J. Hoge Tyler family","Tyler, Edward H. (Edward Hammet), 1869-1939","J. Hoge Tyler, Jr. family","Sue Tyler Jopling family","Tyler, Henry C. (Hal) (Henry Clement), 1878-1941","Stockton Heth Tyler family","Belle Tyler McConnell family","Sifford family","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925","Lily Tyler Wilson family","Hammet family"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Tyler, Edward H. (Edward Hammet), 1869-1939","Tyler, Henry C. (Hal) (Henry Clement), 1878-1941","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925"],"creator_famname_ssim":["J. Hoge Tyler family","J. Hoge Tyler, Jr. family","Sue Tyler Jopling family","Stockton Heth Tyler family","Belle Tyler McConnell family","Sifford family","Lily Tyler Wilson family","Hammet family"],"creators_ssim":["Tyler, Edward H. (Edward Hammet), 1869-1939","Tyler, Henry C. (Hal) (Henry Clement), 1878-1941","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925","J. Hoge Tyler family","J. Hoge Tyler, Jr. family","Sue Tyler Jopling family","Stockton Heth Tyler family","Belle Tyler McConnell family","Sifford family","Lily Tyler Wilson family","Hammet family"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection was acquired by Newman Library in several installments. The nucleus of the collection, including the early correspondence of the Hammet and Tyler families and the business correspondence and ledgers of J. Hoge Tyler, was donated by Mrs. Sue Tyler Thomas in 1967. In 1972, J. Hoge Tyler Wilson donated approximately two thousand pieces of political and other correspondence dating from 1890 to 1901. Later in 1972, Mr. Wilson withdrew from temporary deposit at the University of Virginia Library a sizeable collection of Tyler papers, including gubernatorial correspondence, and donated them to Virginia Tech. Additions to the collection were made through several dealer purchases in the 1970s and 1980s."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Politicians -- United States"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Politicians -- United States"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["42 Cubic Feet 85 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["42 Cubic Feet 85 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Subseries A: Executive Letter Books, 1898-1901. This subseries contains a compiled, bound set of Tyler's correspondence as governor. The correspondence does not seem to follow a strict arrangement. A set of notebooks, arranged in a rough alphabetical order, serves as an index to the letter books, with separate listings for incoming and outgoing correspondence. The numbering on the incoming letters has no relation to that on the outgoing letters. The index books are arranged alphabetically, while the letters themselves are divided between \"incoming\" and \"outgoing,\" then arranged numerically. (Note: Two books were originally bound in error, creating a mixed set of incoming and outgoing letters, which have been noted in the finding aid.)\n\nSubseries B: Subject Files, 1897-1901. Tyler's office seems to have maintained files relating to only a few issues with which he had to contend while governor. The series consists largely of files devoted to political appointments. These appointment files were not part of the original subject files but have been included here for convenience; they contain letters from applicants for appointment (or reappointment) to positions over which the governor had power of appointment, together with endorsements from interested parties. The subseries also contains files devoted to several controversies which arose during Tyler's administration and the use of the Virginia Volunteer Infantry to quell instances of civil unrest. These subject files have been assigned file titles and arranged in an artificial alphabetical order.\n\nSubseries C: Gubernatorial Campaign Canvass, 1897. The files in this subseries consist of political correspondence from contacts in various localities, arising from Tyler's 1897 gubernatorial campaign. Correspondents discuss local political activities, contacts, strategies, and outlooks. Arranged alphabetically by locality, with cities and counties inter-filed.\n\nSubseries D:l Senatorial Campaign Canvass, 1899. Like Subseries III, this subseries contains correspondence from Tyler's local contacts throughout Virginia. The correspondence relates to Tyler's failed United States Senate campaign of 1899, with letters regarding insight into local political affairs and leaders. Arranged alphabetically by locality, with cities and counties inter-filed.\n\nSubseries E: General political correspondence, 1870-1923. This subseries contains an extensive collection of Tyler's political correspondence. The letters originate from contacts throughout Virginia and beyond and relate to political activities and questions of the day (particularly bi-metallism in the late 19th century). The subseries also contains correspondence arising from Tyler's several political campaigns prior to 1897. (In these earlier contests, the correspondence was not sorted according to locality, but like the letters from those campaigns, these provide details on local political sentiments and leaders during the time period.) Letters relating to the 1897 and 1899 campaigns but not tied to any particular Virginia locality may also be found here, as may correspondence originating during Tyler's gubernatorial administration but not, for whatever reason, bound with the executive letter books. Apart from letters addressing the period's political questions, the letters also span the wide range of routine matters which one might expect to occupy the chief executive's time: invitations to address organizations, requests for personal favors, and pleas on behalf of prisoners. The political correspondence continues past Tyler's gubernatorial term, as he remained active in party politics and flirted with the idea of again running for office. Arranged chronologically, with copies of just a few pieces of Tyler's outgoing correspondences inter-filed with the incoming correspondence.\n\nSubseries F: Speeches, 1877-1907. Contained in this subseries is a collection of materials relating to political speeches delivered by Tyler. The speech drafts are largely undated and fairly illegible. Drafts of other speeches by Tyler may be found in Series II, Subseries VII and in Series III, Subseries II. Arranged chronologically.\n\nSubseries G: Printed Materials, 1874-1922. This subseries contains a number of pamphlets and speech texts relating to numerous state and political issues, particularly Virginia's state debt and the controversy over bi-metallism. Also relating to politics, particularly various political races, is a collection of newspaper clippings. The subseries also includes a few political broadsides and flyers, announcing such things as slates of political speakers. Arranged by document type.\n\nSubseries H: General Materials, 1865-1901. Completing the series, this small subseries contains materials relating to the 1889 Virginia Democratic Convention, various voter contact lists from 1899, Tyler's notebook from that same campaign, notebooks containing the names of Virginia notaries public and commissioners of deeds, and some miscellaneous political notes made by Tyler. Arranged by document type, then chronologically. \n\n","Subseries A: Presbyterian Church, 1866-1925. This subseries contains materials relating to Tyler's involvement in the Presbyterian Church, both locally and nationally, through his service as a church elder and his position on the boards of the Union Theological Seminary and the Synodical Orphans Home in Lynchburg, Virginia. Correspondence within the subseries relates to these activities and to Tyler's involvement with other church-related educational institutions within Virginia, the temperance movement, and participation in various church councils. The subseries also includes drafts of various church-related addresses made by Tyler, as well as printed material and ephemera. Also included are two unidentified church record books, probably from Radford Presbyterian Church. Arranged by document type.\n\nSubseries B: Genealogy, 1876-1948. The materials in this subseries relate to J. Hoge Tyler's interest in his family's history, including the Hoge, Tyler and other extended family lines. The subseries includes letters from other genealogists, as well as two genealogy manuscripts by Tyler and a collection of family history-related newspaper clippings and notes. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: General Correspondence, 1860-1924. This subseries contains the uncategorized personal correspondence of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence relates to many of Tyler's wide-ranging interests, so many of the letters contain references to politics and business activities. Included among the correspondence are requests for Tyler to use his influence on behalf of relatives and acquaintances, as well letters relating to his involvement with the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College. A large percentage of the letters here are from members of Tyler's large extended family. (Invitations received by the Tylers may be found in Subseries VII, and letters received from his children may be found in the various series devoted to each offspring.) The subseries contains a relatively small number of drafts of Tyler's outgoing correspondence, arranged chronologically. Incoming correspondence has been arranged alphabetically by surname.\n\nSubseries D: Sue Hammet Tyler Papers, 1865-1927. This subseries contains the correspondence of Sue Hammet Tyler, wife of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence is overwhelmingly personal in nature, though some of the letters touch upon Governor Tyler's political and business interests. Included here are letters written by Mrs. Tyler to her husband, children and others. Among the incoming letters are letters from extended family members, including the Heths, Prestons, Capertons and others. Also included among the incoming correspondence are the many letters of condolence she received upon the governor's death. (For a set of farm operation reports made to Mrs. Tyler, see Series III, Subseries II.)\n\nSubseries E: Scrapbooks, 1871-1925. The first two scrapbooks in this series, devoted entirely to newspaper clippings and covering the years 1871-1900, are invaluable in tracking Tyler's political career, containing as they do articles, editorials, letters to the editor, texts from speeches, and articles about his activities, campaigns and gubernatorial administration. The third scrapbook (1901-1919) details the latter part of Tyler's term as governor, while the remainder is devoted to his later political activities and to personal activities and interests. A fourth scrapbook features newspaper articles and tributes following Tyler's death (pasted in a ledger containing minutes (1896-1898) of the finance committee of an unidentified organization (possibly the Radford Trust Company)). The subseries also contains a number of loose items which were removed from scrapbooks 1-3. The four scrapbooks are arranged chronologically, with the loose materials completing the subseries.\n\nSubseries F: Printed Materials, 1887-1929. The printed materials included in this subseries relate to a wide range of Tyler's personal interests. Included are texts of speeches by others; several pamphlets regarding European railways; a booklet from the 1900 reunion of the Army of the Potomac; an 1888 promotional publication for Radford, Virginia; an 1899 issue of  The Goodson Gazette  (published by the Virginia School for the Deaf and the Blind); and a copy of the Radford newspaper detailing Tyler's death. The subseries also contains a collection of newspaper clippings which include poetry, obituaries and articles of general interest.\n\nSubseries G: General materials, 1868-1926. Contained within this subseries are other personal papers of the Tylers that did not belong in other subseries. Included here is a file of third-party correspondence belonging to individuals not represented elsewhere in the collection, including letters written by James Hoge, R. S. Hoge, Laura Fitzhugh Preston, Eliza Hoge Tyler, Henry Tyler and others. Also included here are the many invitations and calling cards received by the Tyler family. Tyler's service as food administrator for the Federal Food Administration in Radford and Montgomery County during World War I is represented in a collection of FDA forms and publications. Also included here are drafts of talks delivered by Tyler on a variety of subjects to various schools and organizations. A collection of miscellaneous materials completes the subseries and includes death notices, notes, Tyler's American Red Cross state board certificates, poetry, advertising matter, a broadside announcing the sale of Plumer Memorial Female College, and other ephemera.\n\n","Subseries A: Business Concerns, 1882-1922. This subseries contains papers originating from the many business ventures in which Tyler engaged but is devoted largely to his Belle Hampton Coal Company and the Radford Development Company. Also of particular interest are a set of ledgers from a store Tyler operated at Belle Hampton. The subseries is arranged alphabetically by name of company, then by document type, then chronologically. (Tyler also recorded business transactions in ledgers that had once belonged to members of the Hammet family. These ledgers may be found in Series XI, Subseries I and III.)\n\nSubseries B: Agriculture, 1874-1914. This subseries is devoted to Tyler's short-horn cattle business and other agricultural pursuits. It includes correspondence, cattle pedigrees and registrations. It also includes drafts of speeches delivered before agricultural organizations, business records from his farm, printed materials relating to agriculture and farming implements, and a few miscellaneous documents. (Papers relating to the 1902 Southwest Virginia Livestock Fair, with which Tyler was involved, may be found in Series IX.) Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: General Business and Personal Financial Papers, 1862-1923. Within this subseries is correspondence relating to other business activities of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence relates to financial transactions, property sales and rentals, the Hammet estate, bank accounts, business proposals (including a proposed railway from Charleston, South Carolina to Radford), letters of introduction, and others arising from Tyler's myriad business interests. The correspondence also includes letters regarding Tyler's household financial matters, including a number of letters regarding renovations to Halwick, the family home. Also relating to routine financial affairs of the household are receipts, account statements, personal checks, and a ledger. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\n","Sigma Chi Quarterly","Subseries A: Personal Papers, 1885-1941. Among the personal papers of Stockton Heth Tyler in this subseries is a collection of his correspondence, largely consisting of letters written to other members of the Tyler family. The subseries also contains letters written by his wife and children to their Tyler relatives. Arranged by correspondent, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: Spanish-American War Records, 1898-1899. This subseries contains military records retained by Major Stockton Heth Tyler while serving as an additional paymaster in the U. S. Army during the Spanish-American War. The subseries contains various forms relating to pay for individual officers and enlisted personnel in more than 30 different units and includes reimbursement vouchers, pay vouchers, discharge statements, and company payrolls. Also included are records of other paymaster transactions, official correspondence, and a collection of orders from the adjutant general's office. The subseries is arranged by document type, with documents relating to specific individuals or units being arranged alphabetically, while other documents are arranged chronologically. \n\n","Subseries A: Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson Papers, 1889-1954. This subseries includes Lily Tyler Wilson's personal correspondence, largely consisting of letters to other members of the Tyler family. Also among her personal papers are a 1909 diary and a typescript compilation of her poetry. Lily Wilson's interest in the theatre is documented in a scrapbook devoted to the stage stars and productions she had seen, while a second chronicles other general interests. The subseries includes a large number of dance cards, many from events held at Virginia Polytechnic Institute in the early 1900s. Also included here are a file of papers (correspondence and published writings) of Henry H. Wilson, as well as materials relating to Wilson's interest in genealogy and printed materials relating to civil engineering and road construction. Within the subseries may also be found a small set of the couple's legal papers; additional printed materials consisting of religious tracts and newspaper clippings of personal interest; and a folder of miscellaneous materials. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: James Hoge Tyler Wilson Papers, 1918-1950. Comprising this subseries is a small collection of the papers of James Hoge Tyler Wilson (1916-1994), son of Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson, graduate of the University of Virginia, World War II Army Air Services pilot, Virginia Tech instructor, and attorney. The subseries consists of two folders of miscellanea, including a devotional book for military personnel and a small selection of correspondence.\n\nSubseries C: Lily Norwood Wilson Papers, 1924-1956. This subseries contains the papers of Lily Norwood Tyler, daughter of Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson. Included among the papers is a collection of personal correspondence, as well as a baby book and memorabilia from Wilson's school years (at the Seiler School (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania); St. Catherine's School (Richmond, Virginia); and Episcopal High School (Alexandria, Virginia)) and a 1930s European tour. The subseries also contains event invitations and programs, together with papers relating to the British War Relief Society and Wilson's service as secretary of the Radford, Virginia chapter during the 1930s and 1940s. Also included is a folder of miscellaneous materials containing notes, reports, printed materials and ephemera.\n\n","Subseries A: William Henry Hammet Papers, 1832-1878. Contained within this small subseries are papers of W. H. Hammet, a Washington County, Mississippi plantation owner and congressman. The subseries includes personal and business correspondence, as well as other business papers, including an account book and account statements, estate documents, and lists of slaves on an unidentified plantation. In addition to the papers is a physician's account book, containing entries from Vicksburg and Lammermoor, Mississippi and dating from 1836 to 1851. (The ledger also contains day book account entries of J. Hoge Tyler from 1881 to 1885). Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: Edward Hammet Papers, 1832-1892. This subseries contains the papers of Col. Edward Hammet, a prominent landowner of Radford, Virginia, and heir of William H. Hammet's plantation, Lammermoor, in Mississippi. The series contains papers relating to financial affairs of Lammermoor as well as personal and business correspondence together with legal and financial documents (some of which relate to the lands of John Heavin (Haven) on Plum Creek in Montgomery County, Virginia). Also found here are documents retained by J. Hoge Tyler, acting as executor of Hammet's will. Arranged by subject matter, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: James Preston Hammet Papers, 1856-1879. Within this series may be found the papers of James Preston Hammet (son of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet), Montgomery County, Virginia physician and heir of William H. Hammet's plantation, Lammermoor, in Mississippi. The papers include correspondence relating to personal matters, medical patients, Lammermoor Plantation, and other financial and legal matters. The subseries also includes two pocket diaries containing miscellaneous notes, some seemingly related to the management of Lammermoor Plantation. A separate ledger contains additional records of Lammermoor and appears to document the daily work of the plantation's slaves and freedmen (much of the information in the ledger has been obscured by newspaper clippings relating to Virginia politics later pasted into the book, probably by J. Hoge Tyler). Other papers within the subseries detail the plantation's accounts, including those with freedmen. The subseries also includes papers relating Hammet's other business, legal and personal financial matters. Hammet's medical practice is detailed in two ledgers and a folder of papers containing account and patient records (including calls on freedmen patients). Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries D: Isabella Hammet Heth Family Papers, 1861-1913. This subseries contains the letters of Isabella Hammet (\"Belle\") Heth (daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet) and her husband, Major Stockton Heth. The subseries includes both incoming and outgoing correspondence of both Heths. Divided by correspondent, then arranged chronologically.\n\n"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJames Hoge Tyler, Virginia governor from 1898 to 1902, was born at the Tyler family farm, \"Blenheim,\" in Caroline County, Virginia on August 11, 1846. He was the son of George Tyler (1817-1889), a representative of Caroline County, and Eliza Hoge (1815-1846), daughter of General James Hoge. His mother having died during his birth, the young James Hoge Tyler was reared by his grandparents, James and Eleanor Howe Hoge at \"Hayfield,\" their Pulaski County home. Tyler was educated in Pulaski County before attending the school of Franklin Minor in Albermarle County. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e(George Tyler (1817-1889), father of James H., married four times: First to Jane De Jarnette (1820-1841)--the couple's only child died in childhood. Eliza Hoge (1815-1846) was Tyler's second wife, the future governor being their only child. Tyler married third Jane Quisenberry. The couple had two children: George William Tyler (married Mary Stuart Carter) and Nannie Brown Tyler (married John Washington). By his fourth wife, Julia Magruder (1837-1873), Tyler fathered six children: Henry Magruder Tyler, Mary Adams Taylor, Julia Magruder Tyler (married James Armistead Otey), Lucinda Coleman Tyler, Evelyn Tyler (married John J. Miller), John Tyler and William Elliot (married Burnley Redd).)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eTyler left school at the age of 16 to join the Confederate army and served as a private in the Signal Corps throughout the Civil War. (His later rank of \"major\" was apparently a post-war honorific.) After the war, Tyler returned to Pulaski County, where he had inherited the Hoge farm. He would rename the farm \"Belle Hampton\" and become a successful farmer, raising Durham cattle and serving as president of the Virginia Stock Farmers' Institute and of the Southwest Virginia Live Stock Association. His other business interests would come to include a store, a gristmill, a sawmill, the Belle Hampton Coal Mining Company (sold in 1902 to a New York company), and the Radford Development Company. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eTyler married Sue Montgomery Hammet (daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet, who built the first home in what it now Radford, Virginia), a native of Radford, on November 16, 1868. While living at Belle Hampton, the Tylers had eight children: Edward H., James H. Jr., Stockton H., Lucy Belle, Sue H., Henry C. (\"Hal\"), Eliza (\"Lily\") and Eleanor Howe, who died in infancy. In 1891, the family moved to \"Halwick,\" their home in Radford.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn 1877, Tyler was elected to the state senate, serving one term and advocating retrenchment and reform. He maintained an active role in civic affairs, serving on the board of visitors and as rector of the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (now Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University) and on the state debt commission. During the 1880s, he mounted two unsuccessful congressional campaigns. Tyler also launched an unsuccessful bid for governor in 1889 but secured the second place on the Democratic ticket that year and served as lieutenant governor from 1890 to 1894. While serving as lieutenant governor, Tyler again ran for the governorship in 1893, losing to Charles T. O'Ferrall. In 1897, Tyler successfully campaigned for governor and served from 1898 to 1902.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eTyler's gubernatorial administration was marked by a concern with adjustment of Virginia's state debt. He was a strong supporter of bi-metallism, and was a personal friend of William Jennings Bryan. The American Historical Society's \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eHistory of Virginia\u003c/emph\u003e (1926) summarized Tyler's governorship thus: \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003cblockquote\u003eGovernor Tyler's administration was marked by the settlement of the long vexed oyster question, for it was largely through his efforts that the LeCato bill was made effective and the oyster beds of the state made to yield an income to the state instead of an annual deficit. As governor he secured the reduction of taxes and the state debt and the increase of the public school fund and the literary fund. Other measures credited to his administration are the establishment of the Farm Bureau, the reorganization of the agricultural department, a conditional pardon system and the settlement of the Virginia-Tennessee boundary question.\u003c/blockquote\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWhile serving as governor, Tyler launched an unsuccessful campaign for the U. S. Senate seat of incumbent Thomas S. Martin. His unsuccessful 1899 campaign would be Tyler's last, though he would continue to be somewhat active in state politics, playing the role of elder statesman and considering various pleas that he again seek office. During World War I, he served as food administrator for Radford and Montgomery County.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA Presbyterian, Tyler served as a ruling elder and moderator of the Synod of Virginia. He founded the Presbyterian church in East Radford, the area's first brick church. Three times he represented his church in the Presbyterian General Assembly. He also served twice as a delegate to the Pan-Presbyterian Council--once in Toronto, Canada and once in Glasgow, Scotland. He also served on the boards of trustees of the church-affiliated Hampden-Sidney College, Union Theological Seminary, and Synodical Orphans Home at Lynchburg. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJames Hoge Tyler died on January 3, 1925; Sue Hammet Tyler, born July 16, 1845, died on April 24, 1927.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eEldest child of James H. and Sue Hammet Tyler, Edward Hammet (\"Ned\") Tyler was born on December 15, 1869. He graduated from Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (now Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University) and served in Radford's local defense regiment, the Radford Rifles, during the late 19th century. Tyler remained a bachelor throughout his life and managed the family farm at Belle Hampton and also owned Kirkland Farm near Dublin (Pulaski County, Virginia). He died on March 22, 1939 in Radford. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJames Hoge Tyler Jr. was born on December 8, 1871. He attended Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and graduated from Hampden-Sidney College, where he was a member of the Sigma Sigma chapter of Sigma Chi fraternity. He worked in the governor's office during his father's administration and later for the Virginia-Carolina Chemical Company. He married Evelyn Gray Bell (daughter of A. O. Bell) on June 23, 1908, and the couple lived in Roanoke. The Tylers had no children. Evelyn died in Wilmington (Fluvanna County), Virginia around 1924. At the time of his wife's death, Tyler was living in Radford, paralyzed by a stroke; he died in 1937. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBorn on September 13, 1874, Stockton Heth Tyler was a graduate of the Washington and Lee School of Law. During the Spanish-American War, he was a major in the U. S. Army, serving as an additional paymaster. He married Nelle Louise Serpell (born June 10, 1878) on November 16, 1904; the couple had five children: Goldsborough Serpell, James Hoge III, Sue Hammet, Nell Serpell, Stockton Jr., and Gulielma Serpell. Tyler served as mayor of Norfolk, Virginia from 1924 to 1932. He died on September 5, 1943.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eLucy Belle Norwood Tyler was born March 9, 1876. She married Colonel Frank Percy McConnell (born July 1, 1870) of Talladega, Alabama on November 16, 1908. The couple, with their son, James Hoge Tyler McConnell, lived initially in Fort Smith, Arkansas, where McConnell was engaged in several business enterprises (including a Bonanza, Arkansas newspaper), before returning by 1927 to Radford. The son of Confederate Colonel William Kennedy McConnell, Frank McConnell commanded the Alabama National Guard's Third Regiment for four years. He was also an active member of Kappa Alpha fraternity, serving as general purser. Frank McConnell died on September 21, 1941; Lucy Belle McConnell on February 4, 1955.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSue Hampton Tyler was born April 9, 1877. She married Rev. Robert Ware Jopling (1865-1944), a Presbyterian minister, on December 16, 1915. The couple had two children, Sue Tyler and James Robert (1918-1920), and they resided in Texas and South Carolina. Following her husband's death, Sue Jopling made her home in Norfolk, Virginia, where she died in 1949.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHenry Clement (\"Hal\") Tyler was born in Pulaski County, Virginia on December 10, 1878. He attended St. Alban's Academy in Radford and Richmond College before graduating from the University of Virginia School of Law in 1901. Admitted to the Virginia bar that same year, Tyler returned to Radford, where he established a law practice. In 1906, Tyler was appointed Radford's commonwealth attorney. He continued in that position through successive elections until 1922. In 1909, he was elected city attorney and served in that position until his death. In private practice, Tyler generally handled corporate law, including the legal affairs of the Belle Hampton Coal Company. Tyler also engaged in other businesses, being president of the Radford Hotel Corporation and the Radford Real Estate and Development Company. A Democrat, he served in the Virginia House of Delegates from 1924 to 1925 and on the Radford School Board. He was a member of the American, Virginia and several county bar associations; Phi Delta Phi; Kappa Sigma; and Radford's rotary and golf clubs. He was also a superintendent of the Old Brick Presbyterian Church in Radford and later an elder in Radford's Central Presbyterian Church. Unmarried, Tyler died in Radford on December 1, 1941.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eKnown to her family and friends as \"Lily,\" Eliza Lillian Tyler was born on September 7, 1882; she married Henry Harrison Wilson (born January 15, 1885) on June 16, 1915. The couple eventually made their home in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania and had three children: James Hoge Tyler, Lily Norwood and Henry Harrison II. Born in Cumberland County, Virginia on January 15, 1882, Wilson graduated from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in 1906 with a BS in engineering. He served as an instructor in civil engineering at the university while earning a civil engineering degree the following year. Wilson worked on various projects before being employed from 1908 to 1911 by Winston \u0026amp; Company, contractors for the Ashokan dams in New York. In 1914, he became a special partner in the company's highway and railway construction and in operation of its crushed stone business. Specializing in bridge and other construction work, Wilson became managing partner in 1925 of Winston Brothers Company \u0026amp; H. H. Wilson. He was also president and treasurer of the Lime Bluff Company, director of All States Life Insurance and the Peoples Bank of Radford, Virginia. He was elected president of the Associated Pennsylvania Constructors in 1924 and vice-president of the Association of General Contractors of America in 1922. A member of the American Society of Civil Engineers, Wilson published several articles on highway construction and edited \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eHighway Builder\u003c/title\u003e. A descendant of Declaration of Independence signer Benjamin Harrison, Wilson maintained an interest in genealogy. He died in Baltimore, Maryland on May 31, 1933. Following his death, Lily Wilson returned to Virginia and by 1948 was living at the Tyler family home. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eColonel Edward Hammet was the father of Sue Hammet Tyler. Arriving in the area of what is now Radford, Virginia in the 1830s, Hammet married Clementina Craig, who had inherited the Norwood property, near (or on) what is now Radford University, from her father, James Craig. Edward and Clementina had several children, including James Preston, Isabella (married Stockton Heth), John Radford, and Susan (married James Hoge Tyler). The Hammets maintained ownership of lands in Washington and Issaquena counties, Mississippi.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWilliam Henry Hammet / Hammett (1799-1865), brother of Edward Hammet, was born in County Cork, Ireland. He served as chaplain of the University of Virginia (1832-1834) and the Virginia House of Delegates before moving to Princeton, Mississippi. In 1837, he married the widow of Dr. James Metcalfe and became owner of the Lammermoor plantation. A Democrat, Hammet served in Congress from 1843-1845. Evidence within the collection suggests that Hammet was a physician. He died in Washington County, Mississippi and was buried on Lammermoor Plantation.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJames Preston Hammet (1832-1829), son of Edward Hammet and a graduate of Virginia Military Institute (class of 1853) studied medicine at the University of Virginia and in Philadelphia. He married Katherine Markham Spiller in 1856; their daughter would marry Judge G. E. Cassel of Radford, Virginia. At the commencement of the Civil War, Hammet organized the \"New River Grays,\" which became Company H, 24th Virginia Infantry, but resigned early in the war. By 1864, he was a Montgomery County, Virginia surgeon, serving on the county's committee of public safety.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIsabella Hammet (\"Belle\") Heth, daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet, was born in 1842. She married Captain Stockton Heth, who had served in the 18th Virginia Infantry. Heth, president of the Exchange Bank of Radford, also owned Whitethorne Plantation in Montgomery County, Virginia. The couple's children included Virginia C., Stockton Jr., Sally P., and Sue H. Isabella died in 1910 and is buried in Radford, Virginia. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eVery little information could be found on the Sifford family, and it remains unclear why the family's papers were within those of the Tylers. The Siffords were Pulaski County farmers, so it may be assumed there was a relationship with the Hoge family. In 1818, Harman Sifford and John Hoge purchased from Cornelius Brown lands on Back and Neck creeks. George W. H. Sifford, perhaps the son of Harman Sifford, married Elizabeth Loukes on September 8, 1838, and the couple had four children: Henry, Rufus, Joseph, and Mary. During the Civil War, Sifford served in the 4th Regiment of the Virginia Reserves, probably in Company C, the Pulaski Reserves. Several other family members also seem to have served in the Confederate Army, including Henry S. and Joseph (sons of George W. H.), who both served in the 54th Virginia Infantry.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSources:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHowe, Daniel Dunbar, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eListen to the mockingbird: the life and times of a pioneer Virginia family\u003c/emph\u003e (Boyce, VA: Carr, 1961).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eTyler, James Hoge, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe family of Hoge: a genealogy\u003c/emph\u003e ([Greensboro, NC: J. J. Stone and Co.], 1927).\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Family History"],"bioghist_tesim":["James Hoge Tyler, Virginia governor from 1898 to 1902, was born at the Tyler family farm, \"Blenheim,\" in Caroline County, Virginia on August 11, 1846. He was the son of George Tyler (1817-1889), a representative of Caroline County, and Eliza Hoge (1815-1846), daughter of General James Hoge. His mother having died during his birth, the young James Hoge Tyler was reared by his grandparents, James and Eleanor Howe Hoge at \"Hayfield,\" their Pulaski County home. Tyler was educated in Pulaski County before attending the school of Franklin Minor in Albermarle County. ","(George Tyler (1817-1889), father of James H., married four times: First to Jane De Jarnette (1820-1841)--the couple's only child died in childhood. Eliza Hoge (1815-1846) was Tyler's second wife, the future governor being their only child. Tyler married third Jane Quisenberry. The couple had two children: George William Tyler (married Mary Stuart Carter) and Nannie Brown Tyler (married John Washington). By his fourth wife, Julia Magruder (1837-1873), Tyler fathered six children: Henry Magruder Tyler, Mary Adams Taylor, Julia Magruder Tyler (married James Armistead Otey), Lucinda Coleman Tyler, Evelyn Tyler (married John J. Miller), John Tyler and William Elliot (married Burnley Redd).)","Tyler left school at the age of 16 to join the Confederate army and served as a private in the Signal Corps throughout the Civil War. (His later rank of \"major\" was apparently a post-war honorific.) After the war, Tyler returned to Pulaski County, where he had inherited the Hoge farm. He would rename the farm \"Belle Hampton\" and become a successful farmer, raising Durham cattle and serving as president of the Virginia Stock Farmers' Institute and of the Southwest Virginia Live Stock Association. His other business interests would come to include a store, a gristmill, a sawmill, the Belle Hampton Coal Mining Company (sold in 1902 to a New York company), and the Radford Development Company. ","Tyler married Sue Montgomery Hammet (daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet, who built the first home in what it now Radford, Virginia), a native of Radford, on November 16, 1868. While living at Belle Hampton, the Tylers had eight children: Edward H., James H. Jr., Stockton H., Lucy Belle, Sue H., Henry C. (\"Hal\"), Eliza (\"Lily\") and Eleanor Howe, who died in infancy. In 1891, the family moved to \"Halwick,\" their home in Radford.","In 1877, Tyler was elected to the state senate, serving one term and advocating retrenchment and reform. He maintained an active role in civic affairs, serving on the board of visitors and as rector of the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (now Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University) and on the state debt commission. During the 1880s, he mounted two unsuccessful congressional campaigns. Tyler also launched an unsuccessful bid for governor in 1889 but secured the second place on the Democratic ticket that year and served as lieutenant governor from 1890 to 1894. While serving as lieutenant governor, Tyler again ran for the governorship in 1893, losing to Charles T. O'Ferrall. In 1897, Tyler successfully campaigned for governor and served from 1898 to 1902.","Tyler's gubernatorial administration was marked by a concern with adjustment of Virginia's state debt. He was a strong supporter of bi-metallism, and was a personal friend of William Jennings Bryan. The American Historical Society's  History of Virginia  (1926) summarized Tyler's governorship thus: ","Governor Tyler's administration was marked by the settlement of the long vexed oyster question, for it was largely through his efforts that the LeCato bill was made effective and the oyster beds of the state made to yield an income to the state instead of an annual deficit. As governor he secured the reduction of taxes and the state debt and the increase of the public school fund and the literary fund. Other measures credited to his administration are the establishment of the Farm Bureau, the reorganization of the agricultural department, a conditional pardon system and the settlement of the Virginia-Tennessee boundary question.","While serving as governor, Tyler launched an unsuccessful campaign for the U. S. Senate seat of incumbent Thomas S. Martin. His unsuccessful 1899 campaign would be Tyler's last, though he would continue to be somewhat active in state politics, playing the role of elder statesman and considering various pleas that he again seek office. During World War I, he served as food administrator for Radford and Montgomery County.","A Presbyterian, Tyler served as a ruling elder and moderator of the Synod of Virginia. He founded the Presbyterian church in East Radford, the area's first brick church. Three times he represented his church in the Presbyterian General Assembly. He also served twice as a delegate to the Pan-Presbyterian Council--once in Toronto, Canada and once in Glasgow, Scotland. He also served on the boards of trustees of the church-affiliated Hampden-Sidney College, Union Theological Seminary, and Synodical Orphans Home at Lynchburg. ","James Hoge Tyler died on January 3, 1925; Sue Hammet Tyler, born July 16, 1845, died on April 24, 1927.","Eldest child of James H. and Sue Hammet Tyler, Edward Hammet (\"Ned\") Tyler was born on December 15, 1869. He graduated from Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (now Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University) and served in Radford's local defense regiment, the Radford Rifles, during the late 19th century. Tyler remained a bachelor throughout his life and managed the family farm at Belle Hampton and also owned Kirkland Farm near Dublin (Pulaski County, Virginia). He died on March 22, 1939 in Radford. ","James Hoge Tyler Jr. was born on December 8, 1871. He attended Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and graduated from Hampden-Sidney College, where he was a member of the Sigma Sigma chapter of Sigma Chi fraternity. He worked in the governor's office during his father's administration and later for the Virginia-Carolina Chemical Company. He married Evelyn Gray Bell (daughter of A. O. Bell) on June 23, 1908, and the couple lived in Roanoke. The Tylers had no children. Evelyn died in Wilmington (Fluvanna County), Virginia around 1924. At the time of his wife's death, Tyler was living in Radford, paralyzed by a stroke; he died in 1937. ","Born on September 13, 1874, Stockton Heth Tyler was a graduate of the Washington and Lee School of Law. During the Spanish-American War, he was a major in the U. S. Army, serving as an additional paymaster. He married Nelle Louise Serpell (born June 10, 1878) on November 16, 1904; the couple had five children: Goldsborough Serpell, James Hoge III, Sue Hammet, Nell Serpell, Stockton Jr., and Gulielma Serpell. Tyler served as mayor of Norfolk, Virginia from 1924 to 1932. He died on September 5, 1943.","Lucy Belle Norwood Tyler was born March 9, 1876. She married Colonel Frank Percy McConnell (born July 1, 1870) of Talladega, Alabama on November 16, 1908. The couple, with their son, James Hoge Tyler McConnell, lived initially in Fort Smith, Arkansas, where McConnell was engaged in several business enterprises (including a Bonanza, Arkansas newspaper), before returning by 1927 to Radford. The son of Confederate Colonel William Kennedy McConnell, Frank McConnell commanded the Alabama National Guard's Third Regiment for four years. He was also an active member of Kappa Alpha fraternity, serving as general purser. Frank McConnell died on September 21, 1941; Lucy Belle McConnell on February 4, 1955.","Sue Hampton Tyler was born April 9, 1877. She married Rev. Robert Ware Jopling (1865-1944), a Presbyterian minister, on December 16, 1915. The couple had two children, Sue Tyler and James Robert (1918-1920), and they resided in Texas and South Carolina. Following her husband's death, Sue Jopling made her home in Norfolk, Virginia, where she died in 1949.","Henry Clement (\"Hal\") Tyler was born in Pulaski County, Virginia on December 10, 1878. He attended St. Alban's Academy in Radford and Richmond College before graduating from the University of Virginia School of Law in 1901. Admitted to the Virginia bar that same year, Tyler returned to Radford, where he established a law practice. In 1906, Tyler was appointed Radford's commonwealth attorney. He continued in that position through successive elections until 1922. In 1909, he was elected city attorney and served in that position until his death. In private practice, Tyler generally handled corporate law, including the legal affairs of the Belle Hampton Coal Company. Tyler also engaged in other businesses, being president of the Radford Hotel Corporation and the Radford Real Estate and Development Company. A Democrat, he served in the Virginia House of Delegates from 1924 to 1925 and on the Radford School Board. He was a member of the American, Virginia and several county bar associations; Phi Delta Phi; Kappa Sigma; and Radford's rotary and golf clubs. He was also a superintendent of the Old Brick Presbyterian Church in Radford and later an elder in Radford's Central Presbyterian Church. Unmarried, Tyler died in Radford on December 1, 1941.","Known to her family and friends as \"Lily,\" Eliza Lillian Tyler was born on September 7, 1882; she married Henry Harrison Wilson (born January 15, 1885) on June 16, 1915. The couple eventually made their home in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania and had three children: James Hoge Tyler, Lily Norwood and Henry Harrison II. Born in Cumberland County, Virginia on January 15, 1882, Wilson graduated from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in 1906 with a BS in engineering. He served as an instructor in civil engineering at the university while earning a civil engineering degree the following year. Wilson worked on various projects before being employed from 1908 to 1911 by Winston \u0026 Company, contractors for the Ashokan dams in New York. In 1914, he became a special partner in the company's highway and railway construction and in operation of its crushed stone business. Specializing in bridge and other construction work, Wilson became managing partner in 1925 of Winston Brothers Company \u0026 H. H. Wilson. He was also president and treasurer of the Lime Bluff Company, director of All States Life Insurance and the Peoples Bank of Radford, Virginia. He was elected president of the Associated Pennsylvania Constructors in 1924 and vice-president of the Association of General Contractors of America in 1922. A member of the American Society of Civil Engineers, Wilson published several articles on highway construction and edited  Highway Builder . A descendant of Declaration of Independence signer Benjamin Harrison, Wilson maintained an interest in genealogy. He died in Baltimore, Maryland on May 31, 1933. Following his death, Lily Wilson returned to Virginia and by 1948 was living at the Tyler family home. ","Colonel Edward Hammet was the father of Sue Hammet Tyler. Arriving in the area of what is now Radford, Virginia in the 1830s, Hammet married Clementina Craig, who had inherited the Norwood property, near (or on) what is now Radford University, from her father, James Craig. Edward and Clementina had several children, including James Preston, Isabella (married Stockton Heth), John Radford, and Susan (married James Hoge Tyler). The Hammets maintained ownership of lands in Washington and Issaquena counties, Mississippi.","William Henry Hammet / Hammett (1799-1865), brother of Edward Hammet, was born in County Cork, Ireland. He served as chaplain of the University of Virginia (1832-1834) and the Virginia House of Delegates before moving to Princeton, Mississippi. In 1837, he married the widow of Dr. James Metcalfe and became owner of the Lammermoor plantation. A Democrat, Hammet served in Congress from 1843-1845. Evidence within the collection suggests that Hammet was a physician. He died in Washington County, Mississippi and was buried on Lammermoor Plantation.","James Preston Hammet (1832-1829), son of Edward Hammet and a graduate of Virginia Military Institute (class of 1853) studied medicine at the University of Virginia and in Philadelphia. He married Katherine Markham Spiller in 1856; their daughter would marry Judge G. E. Cassel of Radford, Virginia. At the commencement of the Civil War, Hammet organized the \"New River Grays,\" which became Company H, 24th Virginia Infantry, but resigned early in the war. By 1864, he was a Montgomery County, Virginia surgeon, serving on the county's committee of public safety.","Isabella Hammet (\"Belle\") Heth, daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet, was born in 1842. She married Captain Stockton Heth, who had served in the 18th Virginia Infantry. Heth, president of the Exchange Bank of Radford, also owned Whitethorne Plantation in Montgomery County, Virginia. The couple's children included Virginia C., Stockton Jr., Sally P., and Sue H. Isabella died in 1910 and is buried in Radford, Virginia. ","Very little information could be found on the Sifford family, and it remains unclear why the family's papers were within those of the Tylers. The Siffords were Pulaski County farmers, so it may be assumed there was a relationship with the Hoge family. In 1818, Harman Sifford and John Hoge purchased from Cornelius Brown lands on Back and Neck creeks. George W. H. Sifford, perhaps the son of Harman Sifford, married Elizabeth Loukes on September 8, 1838, and the couple had four children: Henry, Rufus, Joseph, and Mary. During the Civil War, Sifford served in the 4th Regiment of the Virginia Reserves, probably in Company C, the Pulaski Reserves. Several other family members also seem to have served in the Confederate Army, including Henry S. and Joseph (sons of George W. H.), who both served in the 54th Virginia Infantry.","Sources:","Howe, Daniel Dunbar,  Listen to the mockingbird: the life and times of a pioneer Virginia family  (Boyce, VA: Carr, 1961).","Tyler, James Hoge,  The family of Hoge: a genealogy  ([Greensboro, NC: J. J. Stone and Co.], 1927)."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection, Ms1967-002, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection, Ms1967-002, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement and description of the J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection commenced in January 2004 and was completed in August 2007. Some earlier work on the collection had been performed from 1967 to 1969 and 1971 to 1972.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement and description of the J. Hoge Tyler Family Collection commenced in January 2004 and was completed in August 2007. Some earlier work on the collection had been performed from 1967 to 1969 and 1971 to 1972."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains the papers of James Hoge Tyler, Virginia state senator (1877-1879), lieutenant governor (1890-1894), governor (1898-1902), businessman, church elder, genealogist, and resident of Radford, Virginia. The collection includes Tyler's correspondence as governor, including a set of bound letter books. Also among the political correspondence are a set of subject files, largely relating to political appointments directly under the governor's control but also touching on some of the issues with which Tyler's administration was concerned. Complementing this official correspondence is a voluminous collection of incoming political correspondence, spanning the latter 19th and early 20th centuries, much of it devoted to Tyler's 1897 and 1899 campaigns, but also including references to the political atmosphere in Virginia and the national political issues of the day. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWithin Tyler's personal papers are files relating to his involvement in the Presbyterian Church, particularly his service on the boards of various church-related institutions and in various church councils, as well as his leadership in Radford's Presbyterian Church. Tyler's interest in genealogy is documented in a small set of correspondence from other researchers, together with two of his own typescript manuscripts and printed materials. Also within the personal papers is a large collection of incoming correspondence to both J. Hoge and Sue Hammet Tyler. Much of this correspondence is from members of his very large extended Hoge and Tyler families and relates to personal matters, though many of the letters also touch on political and business matters. Though housed among the personal papers, a collection of scrapbooks provides an exhaustive chronicle of Tyler's political career, largely through newspaper clippings.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eTyler's business pursuits are well documented in a collection of correspondence, ledgers, and legal papers. Among these records are those of the Belle Hampton Coal Company and the Radford Development Company, together with records of Tyler's agricultural interests. Also among the business papers are documents relating to Tyler's personal financial activities, including such routine documents as personal checks and receipts.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eOf the papers of Tyler's children, perhaps the most significant are those of Stockton Heth Tyler, an army paymaster during the Spanish-American War. In addition to S. Heth Tyler's personal papers are paymaster records which he retained after the war. The papers include payroll records for a number of units and individuals.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAlso among the papers of Tyler's children are those of Edward H. Tyler, a Pulaski County, Virginia farmer; Belle Tyler McConnell, whose husband, Frank, was a prominent banker and businessman of Arkansas and Virginia; and Lily Tyler Wilson, whose husband, Henry, was a civil engineer and road contractor in Pennsylvania. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also includes the papers of members of the Hammet family of Mississippi and Virginia. Among these papers are a number of items relating to the affairs of Lammermoor Plantation in Mississippi, including materials concerning the ante bellum operation of the plantation, and later, accounts with the freedmen employed there. Also included among the Hammet papers are the account books of James P. Hammet, a physician of Montgomery County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA small collection of papers belonging to the Sifford family of Pulaski County, Virginia, are included as well and relate to the family's personal activities and business/legal interests. Included among the papers is a small notebook providing the names and birth dates of slaves on an unidentified farm.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eCompleting the collection is a large collection of photos, including both studio portraits and snapshots of the Tylers, extended family members and friends.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains the papers of James Hoge Tyler, Virginia state senator (1877-1879), lieutenant governor (1890-1894), governor (1898-1902), businessman, church elder, genealogist, and resident of Radford, Virginia. The collection includes Tyler's correspondence as governor, including a set of bound letter books. Also among the political correspondence are a set of subject files, largely relating to political appointments directly under the governor's control but also touching on some of the issues with which Tyler's administration was concerned. Complementing this official correspondence is a voluminous collection of incoming political correspondence, spanning the latter 19th and early 20th centuries, much of it devoted to Tyler's 1897 and 1899 campaigns, but also including references to the political atmosphere in Virginia and the national political issues of the day. ","Within Tyler's personal papers are files relating to his involvement in the Presbyterian Church, particularly his service on the boards of various church-related institutions and in various church councils, as well as his leadership in Radford's Presbyterian Church. Tyler's interest in genealogy is documented in a small set of correspondence from other researchers, together with two of his own typescript manuscripts and printed materials. Also within the personal papers is a large collection of incoming correspondence to both J. Hoge and Sue Hammet Tyler. Much of this correspondence is from members of his very large extended Hoge and Tyler families and relates to personal matters, though many of the letters also touch on political and business matters. Though housed among the personal papers, a collection of scrapbooks provides an exhaustive chronicle of Tyler's political career, largely through newspaper clippings.","Tyler's business pursuits are well documented in a collection of correspondence, ledgers, and legal papers. Among these records are those of the Belle Hampton Coal Company and the Radford Development Company, together with records of Tyler's agricultural interests. Also among the business papers are documents relating to Tyler's personal financial activities, including such routine documents as personal checks and receipts.","Of the papers of Tyler's children, perhaps the most significant are those of Stockton Heth Tyler, an army paymaster during the Spanish-American War. In addition to S. Heth Tyler's personal papers are paymaster records which he retained after the war. The papers include payroll records for a number of units and individuals.","Also among the papers of Tyler's children are those of Edward H. Tyler, a Pulaski County, Virginia farmer; Belle Tyler McConnell, whose husband, Frank, was a prominent banker and businessman of Arkansas and Virginia; and Lily Tyler Wilson, whose husband, Henry, was a civil engineer and road contractor in Pennsylvania. ","The collection also includes the papers of members of the Hammet family of Mississippi and Virginia. Among these papers are a number of items relating to the affairs of Lammermoor Plantation in Mississippi, including materials concerning the ante bellum operation of the plantation, and later, accounts with the freedmen employed there. Also included among the Hammet papers are the account books of James P. Hammet, a physician of Montgomery County, Virginia.","A small collection of papers belonging to the Sifford family of Pulaski County, Virginia, are included as well and relate to the family's personal activities and business/legal interests. Included among the papers is a small notebook providing the names and birth dates of slaves on an unidentified farm.","Completing the collection is a large collection of photos, including both studio portraits and snapshots of the Tylers, extended family members and friends."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003clist numeration=\"arabic\" type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003chead\u003eThe following items were transferred to the Rare Book Collection: \u003c/head\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eClark, Champ, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Philippine problem\u003c/title\u003e (Washington, D.C.: [Government Printing Office], 1900).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eGoodwin, W. P., \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eExperience of an old soldier in the Army of Northern Virginia, 1862 to 1865\u003c/title\u003e (Bowling Green, VA: Echo Printing, 1907).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eGray, Horace, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAn Address on the life character and influence of Chief Justice Marshall\u003c/title\u003e (Washington, D.C.: Pearson Printing Office, 1901).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHaggard, H. Rider, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eKing Solomon's mines\u003c/title\u003e (New York: F. M. Lupton, [19--?]).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eJamestown Official Photograph Corporation, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Jamestown Exposition illustrated\u003c/title\u003e (New York: Press of I. H. Blanchard Co., 1907).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJohn Warwick Daniel, late a senator from Virginia : memorial addresses delivered in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States\u003c/title\u003e (Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1911).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eJohnston, Mattie Reed, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003e Six prayers; or, the soul's reflector\u003c/title\u003e (Richmond, VA: Whittet \u0026amp; Shepperson, 1899).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eMann, William Hodges, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003e Proclamation by the Governor of Virginia, 1910\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eMcBride, J. F., \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Higher officials of the United States and buildings where all laws are made \u003c/title\u003e(Chicago: J. F. McBride \u0026amp; Co., 1894).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemorial addresses on the life and character of William H. F. Lee (a representative from Virginia) delivered in the House of Representatives and in the Senate ... \u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1892).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMilitary show: program and guide to exhibits \u003c/title\u003e([Fort Snelling, MN: Fort Snelling, 1928]).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eOfficial Army Register for 1899\u003c/title\u003e (Washington: Adjutant General's Office, 1899).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003ePeople and Politics\u003c/title\u003e ([Roanoke, VA: Stone Printing and Manufacturing, 19--?]).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSettlement of the debt of the state of Virginia : under the bondholders' agreement of May 12, 1890 ... \u003c/title\u003e([New York : Bondholders' Committee, 1892]).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSmith, Orlando, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Agreement between science and religion \u003c/title\u003e (New York: C. P. Farrell, [c1906]).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSociety of the Army of the Potomac, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003e Proceedings of the thirty-first annual reunion, held at Fredericksburg, May 25th \u0026amp; 26th, 1900 \u003c/title\u003e (New York: McGowan \u0026amp; Slipper, 1900).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSouthworth, Emma D. E. N. \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003e Sybil Brotherton\u003c/title\u003e (New York: F. M. Lupton, [19--?]).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThomas Staples Martin (late a senator from Virginia): memorial addresses delivered in the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States...\u003c/title\u003e (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1922).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eTyler, James Hoge, \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003e The Family of Hoge : a genealogy \u003c/title\u003e([Greensboro, NC]: James Fulton Hoge, 1927).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eVirginia: its agricultural and industrial resources\u003c/title\u003e ([Richmond: Virginia Dept. of Agriculture and Immigration, 1914]).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eYoung, Isabel N., \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003e The Hawaiian Islands; and, the story of pineapple \u003c/title\u003e(New York : Home Economics Dept., American Can Co., [1935]).\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003clist numeration=\"arabic\" type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003chead\u003eThe following items were transferred to the Newspapers Collection:\u003c/head\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Alexandria Times\u003c/title\u003e (Alexandria, Virginia), May 29, 1897.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMidland Virginian\u003c/title\u003e (Palmyra, Virginia), April 7, 1898.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003clist numeration=\"arabic\" type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003chead\u003eThe following item was transferred to the Historical Maps Collection:\u003c/head\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eA Historical map of Virginia\u003c/title\u003e (Richmond, VA: GHQ Committee, Kappa Alpha Order, 1925).\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAn oil painting of J. Hoge Tyler and his daughter Lily (Eliza Tyler Wilson) is part of this collection. See Art-359. Due to its size, it is housed separately in the art collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Material"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["The following items were transferred to the Rare Book Collection:  Clark, Champ,  The Philippine problem  (Washington, D.C.: [Government Printing Office], 1900). Goodwin, W. P.,  Experience of an old soldier in the Army of Northern Virginia, 1862 to 1865  (Bowling Green, VA: Echo Printing, 1907). Gray, Horace,  An Address on the life character and influence of Chief Justice Marshall  (Washington, D.C.: Pearson Printing Office, 1901). Haggard, H. Rider,  King Solomon's mines  (New York: F. M. Lupton, [19--?]). Jamestown Official Photograph Corporation,  The Jamestown Exposition illustrated  (New York: Press of I. H. Blanchard Co., 1907). John Warwick Daniel, late a senator from Virginia : memorial addresses delivered in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States  (Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1911). Johnston, Mattie Reed,   Six prayers; or, the soul's reflector  (Richmond, VA: Whittet \u0026 Shepperson, 1899). Mann, William Hodges,   Proclamation by the Governor of Virginia, 1910 . McBride, J. F.,  The Higher officials of the United States and buildings where all laws are made  (Chicago: J. F. McBride \u0026 Co., 1894). Memorial addresses on the life and character of William H. F. Lee (a representative from Virginia) delivered in the House of Representatives and in the Senate ...  (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1892). Military show: program and guide to exhibits  ([Fort Snelling, MN: Fort Snelling, 1928]). Official Army Register for 1899  (Washington: Adjutant General's Office, 1899). People and Politics  ([Roanoke, VA: Stone Printing and Manufacturing, 19--?]). Settlement of the debt of the state of Virginia : under the bondholders' agreement of May 12, 1890 ...  ([New York : Bondholders' Committee, 1892]). Smith, Orlando,  The Agreement between science and religion   (New York: C. P. Farrell, [c1906]). Society of the Army of the Potomac,   Proceedings of the thirty-first annual reunion, held at Fredericksburg, May 25th \u0026 26th, 1900   (New York: McGowan \u0026 Slipper, 1900). Southworth, Emma D. E. N.   Sybil Brotherton  (New York: F. M. Lupton, [19--?]). Thomas Staples Martin (late a senator from Virginia): memorial addresses delivered in the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States...  (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1922). Tyler, James Hoge,   The Family of Hoge : a genealogy  ([Greensboro, NC]: James Fulton Hoge, 1927). Virginia: its agricultural and industrial resources  ([Richmond: Virginia Dept. of Agriculture and Immigration, 1914]). Young, Isabel N.,   The Hawaiian Islands; and, the story of pineapple  (New York : Home Economics Dept., American Can Co., [1935]).","The following items were transferred to the Newspapers Collection: The Alexandria Times  (Alexandria, Virginia), May 29, 1897. Midland Virginian  (Palmyra, Virginia), April 7, 1898.","The following item was transferred to the Historical Maps Collection: A Historical map of Virginia  (Richmond, VA: GHQ Committee, Kappa Alpha Order, 1925).","An oil painting of J. Hoge Tyler and his daughter Lily (Eliza Tyler Wilson) is part of this collection. See Art-359. Due to its size, it is housed separately in the art collection."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_53fec248d256193feca61184457269a0\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThis collection contains the papers of Virginia Governor James Hoge Tyler, including official, business and personal correspondence, printed materials, scrapbooks, and ledgers; papers of Tyler's children (Edward H., James H. Jr., Stockton H., Belle Tyler McConnell, Sue Tyler Jopling, Hal C. and Lily Tyler Wilson); business records (including records of the Belle Hampton Coal Company and Radford Development Company), genealogical materials, Spanish-American War army pay records, and photographs. Also includes papers of members of the Hammet and Sifford families.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["This collection contains the papers of Virginia Governor James Hoge Tyler, including official, business and personal correspondence, printed materials, scrapbooks, and ledgers; papers of Tyler's children (Edward H., James H. Jr., Stockton H., Belle Tyler McConnell, Sue Tyler Jopling, Hal C. and Lily Tyler Wilson); business records (including records of the Belle Hampton Coal Company and Radford Development Company), genealogical materials, Spanish-American War army pay records, and photographs. Also includes papers of members of the Hammet and Sifford families."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","J. Hoge Tyler family","J. Hoge Tyler, Jr. family","Sue Tyler Jopling family","Stockton Heth Tyler family","Belle Tyler McConnell family","Sifford family","Lily Tyler Wilson family","Hammet family","Tyler, Edward H. (Edward Hammet), 1869-1939","Tyler, Henry C. (Hal) (Henry Clement), 1878-1941","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"names_coll_ssim":["J. Hoge Tyler family","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925"],"famname_ssim":["J. Hoge Tyler family","J. Hoge Tyler, Jr. family","Sue Tyler Jopling family","Stockton Heth Tyler family","Belle Tyler McConnell family","Sifford family","Lily Tyler Wilson family","Hammet family"],"persname_ssim":["Tyler, Edward H. (Edward Hammet), 1869-1939","Tyler, Henry C. (Hal) (Henry Clement), 1878-1941","Tyler, James Hoge, 1846-1925"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":888,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:27:28.253Z","arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cblockquote\u003eSubseries A: Executive Letter Books, 1898-1901. This subseries contains a compiled, bound set of Tyler's correspondence as governor. The correspondence does not seem to follow a strict arrangement. A set of notebooks, arranged in a rough alphabetical order, serves as an index to the letter books, with separate listings for incoming and outgoing correspondence. The numbering on the incoming letters has no relation to that on the outgoing letters. The index books are arranged alphabetically, while the letters themselves are divided between \"incoming\" and \"outgoing,\" then arranged numerically. (Note: Two books were originally bound in error, creating a mixed set of incoming and outgoing letters, which have been noted in the finding aid.)\n\nSubseries B: Subject Files, 1897-1901. Tyler's office seems to have maintained files relating to only a few issues with which he had to contend while governor. The series consists largely of files devoted to political appointments. These appointment files were not part of the original subject files but have been included here for convenience; they contain letters from applicants for appointment (or reappointment) to positions over which the governor had power of appointment, together with endorsements from interested parties. The subseries also contains files devoted to several controversies which arose during Tyler's administration and the use of the Virginia Volunteer Infantry to quell instances of civil unrest. These subject files have been assigned file titles and arranged in an artificial alphabetical order.\n\nSubseries C: Gubernatorial Campaign Canvass, 1897. The files in this subseries consist of political correspondence from contacts in various localities, arising from Tyler's 1897 gubernatorial campaign. Correspondents discuss local political activities, contacts, strategies, and outlooks. Arranged alphabetically by locality, with cities and counties inter-filed.\n\nSubseries D:l Senatorial Campaign Canvass, 1899. Like Subseries III, this subseries contains correspondence from Tyler's local contacts throughout Virginia. The correspondence relates to Tyler's failed United States Senate campaign of 1899, with letters regarding insight into local political affairs and leaders. Arranged alphabetically by locality, with cities and counties inter-filed.\n\nSubseries E: General political correspondence, 1870-1923. This subseries contains an extensive collection of Tyler's political correspondence. The letters originate from contacts throughout Virginia and beyond and relate to political activities and questions of the day (particularly bi-metallism in the late 19th century). The subseries also contains correspondence arising from Tyler's several political campaigns prior to 1897. (In these earlier contests, the correspondence was not sorted according to locality, but like the letters from those campaigns, these provide details on local political sentiments and leaders during the time period.) Letters relating to the 1897 and 1899 campaigns but not tied to any particular Virginia locality may also be found here, as may correspondence originating during Tyler's gubernatorial administration but not, for whatever reason, bound with the executive letter books. Apart from letters addressing the period's political questions, the letters also span the wide range of routine matters which one might expect to occupy the chief executive's time: invitations to address organizations, requests for personal favors, and pleas on behalf of prisoners. The political correspondence continues past Tyler's gubernatorial term, as he remained active in party politics and flirted with the idea of again running for office. Arranged chronologically, with copies of just a few pieces of Tyler's outgoing correspondences inter-filed with the incoming correspondence.\n\nSubseries F: Speeches, 1877-1907. Contained in this subseries is a collection of materials relating to political speeches delivered by Tyler. The speech drafts are largely undated and fairly illegible. Drafts of other speeches by Tyler may be found in Series II, Subseries VII and in Series III, Subseries II. Arranged chronologically.\n\nSubseries G: Printed Materials, 1874-1922. This subseries contains a number of pamphlets and speech texts relating to numerous state and political issues, particularly Virginia's state debt and the controversy over bi-metallism. Also relating to politics, particularly various political races, is a collection of newspaper clippings. The subseries also includes a few political broadsides and flyers, announcing such things as slates of political speakers. Arranged by document type.\n\nSubseries H: General Materials, 1865-1901. Completing the series, this small subseries contains materials relating to the 1889 Virginia Democratic Convention, various voter contact lists from 1899, Tyler's notebook from that same campaign, notebooks containing the names of Virginia notaries public and commissioners of deeds, and some miscellaneous political notes made by Tyler. Arranged by document type, then chronologically. \n\n\u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003eSubseries A: Presbyterian Church, 1866-1925. This subseries contains materials relating to Tyler's involvement in the Presbyterian Church, both locally and nationally, through his service as a church elder and his position on the boards of the Union Theological Seminary and the Synodical Orphans Home in Lynchburg, Virginia. Correspondence within the subseries relates to these activities and to Tyler's involvement with other church-related educational institutions within Virginia, the temperance movement, and participation in various church councils. The subseries also includes drafts of various church-related addresses made by Tyler, as well as printed material and ephemera. Also included are two unidentified church record books, probably from Radford Presbyterian Church. Arranged by document type.\n\nSubseries B: Genealogy, 1876-1948. The materials in this subseries relate to J. Hoge Tyler's interest in his family's history, including the Hoge, Tyler and other extended family lines. The subseries includes letters from other genealogists, as well as two genealogy manuscripts by Tyler and a collection of family history-related newspaper clippings and notes. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: General Correspondence, 1860-1924. This subseries contains the uncategorized personal correspondence of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence relates to many of Tyler's wide-ranging interests, so many of the letters contain references to politics and business activities. Included among the correspondence are requests for Tyler to use his influence on behalf of relatives and acquaintances, as well letters relating to his involvement with the Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College. A large percentage of the letters here are from members of Tyler's large extended family. (Invitations received by the Tylers may be found in Subseries VII, and letters received from his children may be found in the various series devoted to each offspring.) The subseries contains a relatively small number of drafts of Tyler's outgoing correspondence, arranged chronologically. Incoming correspondence has been arranged alphabetically by surname.\n\nSubseries D: Sue Hammet Tyler Papers, 1865-1927. This subseries contains the correspondence of Sue Hammet Tyler, wife of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence is overwhelmingly personal in nature, though some of the letters touch upon Governor Tyler's political and business interests. Included here are letters written by Mrs. Tyler to her husband, children and others. Among the incoming letters are letters from extended family members, including the Heths, Prestons, Capertons and others. Also included among the incoming correspondence are the many letters of condolence she received upon the governor's death. (For a set of farm operation reports made to Mrs. Tyler, see Series III, Subseries II.)\n\nSubseries E: Scrapbooks, 1871-1925. The first two scrapbooks in this series, devoted entirely to newspaper clippings and covering the years 1871-1900, are invaluable in tracking Tyler's political career, containing as they do articles, editorials, letters to the editor, texts from speeches, and articles about his activities, campaigns and gubernatorial administration. The third scrapbook (1901-1919) details the latter part of Tyler's term as governor, while the remainder is devoted to his later political activities and to personal activities and interests. A fourth scrapbook features newspaper articles and tributes following Tyler's death (pasted in a ledger containing minutes (1896-1898) of the finance committee of an unidentified organization (possibly the Radford Trust Company)). The subseries also contains a number of loose items which were removed from scrapbooks 1-3. The four scrapbooks are arranged chronologically, with the loose materials completing the subseries.\n\nSubseries F: Printed Materials, 1887-1929. The printed materials included in this subseries relate to a wide range of Tyler's personal interests. Included are texts of speeches by others; several pamphlets regarding European railways; a booklet from the 1900 reunion of the Army of the Potomac; an 1888 promotional publication for Radford, Virginia; an 1899 issue of \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Goodson Gazette\u003c/title\u003e (published by the Virginia School for the Deaf and the Blind); and a copy of the Radford newspaper detailing Tyler's death. The subseries also contains a collection of newspaper clippings which include poetry, obituaries and articles of general interest.\n\nSubseries G: General materials, 1868-1926. Contained within this subseries are other personal papers of the Tylers that did not belong in other subseries. Included here is a file of third-party correspondence belonging to individuals not represented elsewhere in the collection, including letters written by James Hoge, R. S. Hoge, Laura Fitzhugh Preston, Eliza Hoge Tyler, Henry Tyler and others. Also included here are the many invitations and calling cards received by the Tyler family. Tyler's service as food administrator for the Federal Food Administration in Radford and Montgomery County during World War I is represented in a collection of FDA forms and publications. Also included here are drafts of talks delivered by Tyler on a variety of subjects to various schools and organizations. A collection of miscellaneous materials completes the subseries and includes death notices, notes, Tyler's American Red Cross state board certificates, poetry, advertising matter, a broadside announcing the sale of Plumer Memorial Female College, and other ephemera.\n\n\u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003eSubseries A: Business Concerns, 1882-1922. This subseries contains papers originating from the many business ventures in which Tyler engaged but is devoted largely to his Belle Hampton Coal Company and the Radford Development Company. Also of particular interest are a set of ledgers from a store Tyler operated at Belle Hampton. The subseries is arranged alphabetically by name of company, then by document type, then chronologically. (Tyler also recorded business transactions in ledgers that had once belonged to members of the Hammet family. These ledgers may be found in Series XI, Subseries I and III.)\n\nSubseries B: Agriculture, 1874-1914. This subseries is devoted to Tyler's short-horn cattle business and other agricultural pursuits. It includes correspondence, cattle pedigrees and registrations. It also includes drafts of speeches delivered before agricultural organizations, business records from his farm, printed materials relating to agriculture and farming implements, and a few miscellaneous documents. (Papers relating to the 1902 Southwest Virginia Livestock Fair, with which Tyler was involved, may be found in Series IX.) Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: General Business and Personal Financial Papers, 1862-1923. Within this subseries is correspondence relating to other business activities of J. Hoge Tyler. The correspondence relates to financial transactions, property sales and rentals, the Hammet estate, bank accounts, business proposals (including a proposed railway from Charleston, South Carolina to Radford), letters of introduction, and others arising from Tyler's myriad business interests. The correspondence also includes letters regarding Tyler's household financial matters, including a number of letters regarding renovations to Halwick, the family home. Also relating to routine financial affairs of the household are receipts, account statements, personal checks, and a ledger. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\n\u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSigma Chi Quarterly\u003c/title\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003eSubseries A: Personal Papers, 1885-1941. Among the personal papers of Stockton Heth Tyler in this subseries is a collection of his correspondence, largely consisting of letters written to other members of the Tyler family. The subseries also contains letters written by his wife and children to their Tyler relatives. Arranged by correspondent, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: Spanish-American War Records, 1898-1899. This subseries contains military records retained by Major Stockton Heth Tyler while serving as an additional paymaster in the U. S. Army during the Spanish-American War. The subseries contains various forms relating to pay for individual officers and enlisted personnel in more than 30 different units and includes reimbursement vouchers, pay vouchers, discharge statements, and company payrolls. Also included are records of other paymaster transactions, official correspondence, and a collection of orders from the adjutant general's office. The subseries is arranged by document type, with documents relating to specific individuals or units being arranged alphabetically, while other documents are arranged chronologically. \n\n\u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003eSubseries A: Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson Papers, 1889-1954. This subseries includes Lily Tyler Wilson's personal correspondence, largely consisting of letters to other members of the Tyler family. Also among her personal papers are a 1909 diary and a typescript compilation of her poetry. Lily Wilson's interest in the theatre is documented in a scrapbook devoted to the stage stars and productions she had seen, while a second chronicles other general interests. The subseries includes a large number of dance cards, many from events held at Virginia Polytechnic Institute in the early 1900s. Also included here are a file of papers (correspondence and published writings) of Henry H. Wilson, as well as materials relating to Wilson's interest in genealogy and printed materials relating to civil engineering and road construction. Within the subseries may also be found a small set of the couple's legal papers; additional printed materials consisting of religious tracts and newspaper clippings of personal interest; and a folder of miscellaneous materials. Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: James Hoge Tyler Wilson Papers, 1918-1950. Comprising this subseries is a small collection of the papers of James Hoge Tyler Wilson (1916-1994), son of Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson, graduate of the University of Virginia, World War II Army Air Services pilot, Virginia Tech instructor, and attorney. The subseries consists of two folders of miscellanea, including a devotional book for military personnel and a small selection of correspondence.\n\nSubseries C: Lily Norwood Wilson Papers, 1924-1956. This subseries contains the papers of Lily Norwood Tyler, daughter of Henry H. and Lily Tyler Wilson. Included among the papers is a collection of personal correspondence, as well as a baby book and memorabilia from Wilson's school years (at the Seiler School (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania); St. Catherine's School (Richmond, Virginia); and Episcopal High School (Alexandria, Virginia)) and a 1930s European tour. The subseries also contains event invitations and programs, together with papers relating to the British War Relief Society and Wilson's service as secretary of the Radford, Virginia chapter during the 1930s and 1940s. Also included is a folder of miscellaneous materials containing notes, reports, printed materials and ephemera.\n\n\u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003eSubseries A: William Henry Hammet Papers, 1832-1878. Contained within this small subseries are papers of W. H. Hammet, a Washington County, Mississippi plantation owner and congressman. The subseries includes personal and business correspondence, as well as other business papers, including an account book and account statements, estate documents, and lists of slaves on an unidentified plantation. In addition to the papers is a physician's account book, containing entries from Vicksburg and Lammermoor, Mississippi and dating from 1836 to 1851. (The ledger also contains day book account entries of J. Hoge Tyler from 1881 to 1885). Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries B: Edward Hammet Papers, 1832-1892. This subseries contains the papers of Col. Edward Hammet, a prominent landowner of Radford, Virginia, and heir of William H. Hammet's plantation, Lammermoor, in Mississippi. The series contains papers relating to financial affairs of Lammermoor as well as personal and business correspondence together with legal and financial documents (some of which relate to the lands of John Heavin (Haven) on Plum Creek in Montgomery County, Virginia). Also found here are documents retained by J. Hoge Tyler, acting as executor of Hammet's will. Arranged by subject matter, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries C: James Preston Hammet Papers, 1856-1879. Within this series may be found the papers of James Preston Hammet (son of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet), Montgomery County, Virginia physician and heir of William H. Hammet's plantation, Lammermoor, in Mississippi. The papers include correspondence relating to personal matters, medical patients, Lammermoor Plantation, and other financial and legal matters. The subseries also includes two pocket diaries containing miscellaneous notes, some seemingly related to the management of Lammermoor Plantation. A separate ledger contains additional records of Lammermoor and appears to document the daily work of the plantation's slaves and freedmen (much of the information in the ledger has been obscured by newspaper clippings relating to Virginia politics later pasted into the book, probably by J. Hoge Tyler). Other papers within the subseries detail the plantation's accounts, including those with freedmen. The subseries also includes papers relating Hammet's other business, legal and personal financial matters. Hammet's medical practice is detailed in two ledgers and a folder of papers containing account and patient records (including calls on freedmen patients). Arranged by document type, then chronologically.\n\nSubseries D: Isabella Hammet Heth Family Papers, 1861-1913. This subseries contains the letters of Isabella Hammet (\"Belle\") Heth (daughter of Edward and Clementina Craig Hammet) and her husband, Major Stockton Heth. The subseries includes both incoming and outgoing correspondence of both Heths. Divided by correspondent, then arranged chronologically.\n\n\u003c/blockquote\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1239_c10_c01_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c13","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"L. Iron Mountain \u0026 Jackson Mines:\n                     Jackson","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c13","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c13"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c13","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c28"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c28"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books","L. Iron Mountain \u0026 Jackson Mines:\n                     Jackson","1 volume"],"title_filing_ssi":"L. Iron Mountain \u0026 Jackson Mines:\n                     Jackson","title_ssm":["L. Iron Mountain \u0026 Jackson Mines:\n                     Jackson"],"title_tesim":["L. Iron Mountain \u0026 Jackson Mines:\n                     Jackson"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1907-1911"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1907/1911"],"normalized_title_ssm":["L. Iron Mountain \u0026 Jackson Mines:\n                     Jackson"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["1 volume"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":161,"date_range_isim":[1907,1908,1909,1910,1911],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#27/components#12","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c13"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Literary Societies","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27_c01#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eMo 1 may include Lee Literary Society.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27_c01","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27_c01"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27_c01","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings","Organizations"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings","Organizations"],"text":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings","Organizations","Literary Societies","Mo 1 may include Lee Literary Society."],"title_filing_ssi":"Literary Societies","title_ssm":["Literary Societies"],"title_tesim":["Literary Societies"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1887-1927"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1887/1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Literary Societies"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":2,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":190,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMo 1 may include Lee Literary Society.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Mo 1 may include Lee Literary Society."],"_nest_path_":"/components#26/components#0","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:44:54.922Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_3151.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings","title_ssm":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings"],"title_tesim":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings"],"unitdate_ssm":["c. 1870s-c. 1960s"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["c. 1870s-c. 1960s"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["VerticalFile.006"],"text":["VerticalFile.006","Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings","Blacksburg (Va.)","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Montgomery County (Va.)","University History","The collection is open for research.","Mounted Clippings are arranged by subject, primarily alphabetically.","The guide to the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your- work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement, and description was completed by Special Collections staff prior to 2015. The finding aid was completed in August 2015. The re-integration of Mo56a-i, Association of Married Students was completed in October 2019.","See also Vertical Files (successors to the mounted clippings): Biographical Vertical Files Blacksburg Vertical Files Montgomery County/Christiansburg Vertical Files Record Group Vertical Files Southwest Virginia Vertical Files","In general, the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings include newspaper clippings, photocopies, ephermera, unpublished and/or informal publications, and other papers relating to a specific subject area. Files in this collection relate to Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, and the activities of members of the community or university.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives ( specref@vt.edu  or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","In general, the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings include newspaper clippings, photocopies, ephermera, unpublished and/or informal publications, and other papers relating to a specific subject area. Files in this collection relate to Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, and the activities of members of the community or university. The collection was primarily collected by library staff through the 1960s.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (1872-1896)","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Virginia Polytechnic Institute (1944-1970)","The materials in the collection are in English."],"unitid_tesim":["VerticalFile.006"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings"],"collection_title_tesim":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings"],"collection_ssim":["Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"geogname_ssm":["Blacksburg (Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["Blacksburg (Va.)"],"places_ssim":["Blacksburg (Va.)"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives ( specref@vt.edu  or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Newman Library staff collected materials for mounted clippings through the 1960s."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Montgomery County (Va.)","University History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Montgomery County (Va.)","University History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["64 Cubic Feet 147 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["64 Cubic Feet 147 boxes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMounted Clippings are arranged by subject, primarily alphabetically.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Mounted Clippings are arranged by subject, primarily alphabetically."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-%20work/public-domain/cc0/\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your- work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your- work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [number of card], Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [number of card], Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description was completed by Special Collections staff prior to 2015. The finding aid was completed in August 2015. The re-integration of Mo56a-i, Association of Married Students was completed in October 2019.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description was completed by Special Collections staff prior to 2015. The finding aid was completed in August 2015. The re-integration of Mo56a-i, Association of Married Students was completed in October 2019."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003clist\u003e\n\u003chead\u003eSee also Vertical Files (successors to the mounted clippings):\u003c/head\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ca href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=vt/viblbv01185.xml\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eBiographical Vertical Files\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ca href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=vt/viblbv01042.xml\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eBlacksburg Vertical Files\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ca href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=vt/viblbv01043.xml\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eMontgomery County/Christiansburg Vertical Files\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ca href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=vt/viblbv01186.xml\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eRecord Group Vertical Files\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003e\u003ca href=\"https://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaxtf/view?docId=vt/viblbv01044.xml\" target=\"_blank\"\u003eSouthwest Virginia Vertical Files\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Archival Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["See also Vertical Files (successors to the mounted clippings): Biographical Vertical Files Blacksburg Vertical Files Montgomery County/Christiansburg Vertical Files Record Group Vertical Files Southwest Virginia Vertical Files"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIn general, the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings include newspaper clippings, photocopies, ephermera, unpublished and/or informal publications, and other papers relating to a specific subject area. Files in this collection relate to Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, and the activities of members of the community or university.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["In general, the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings include newspaper clippings, photocopies, ephermera, unpublished and/or informal publications, and other papers relating to a specific subject area. Files in this collection relate to Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, and the activities of members of the community or university."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (\u003ca href=\"mailto:specref@vt.edu\"\u003especref@vt.edu\u003c/a\u003e or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives ( specref@vt.edu  or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_2bfd88fb1d82a46fb92b3adac8eb3bf1\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eIn general, the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings include newspaper clippings, photocopies, ephermera, unpublished and/or informal publications, and other papers relating to a specific subject area. Files in this collection relate to Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, and the activities of members of the community or university. The collection was primarily collected by library staff through the 1960s.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["In general, the Virginia Tech and Local History Mounted Clippings include newspaper clippings, photocopies, ephermera, unpublished and/or informal publications, and other papers relating to a specific subject area. Files in this collection relate to Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, and the activities of members of the community or university. The collection was primarily collected by library staff through the 1960s."],"names_coll_ssim":["Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (1872-1896)","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Virginia Polytechnic Institute (1944-1970)"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (1872-1896)","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Virginia Polytechnic Institute (1944-1970)"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College (1872-1896)","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Virginia Polytechnic Institute (1944-1970)"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"total_component_count_is":440,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:44:54.922Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3151_c27_c01"}},{"id":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03_c04","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Local history clippings and scrapbooks","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03_c04","ref_ssm":["vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03_c04"],"id":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03_c04","ead_ssi":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","_root_":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","_nest_parent_":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03","parent_ssi":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03","parent_ssim":["vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["William Couper papers","Lexington and Rockbridge County research files"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["William Couper papers","Lexington and Rockbridge County research files"],"text":["William Couper papers","Lexington and Rockbridge County research files","Local history clippings and scrapbooks","English .","box 31","box 32","box 34","box 35","Manuscripts stacks and oversized case"],"title_filing_ssi":"Local history clippings and scrapbooks","title_ssm":["Local history clippings and scrapbooks"],"title_tesim":["Local history clippings and scrapbooks"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1890-1962"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1890/1962"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Local history clippings and scrapbooks"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute Archives"],"collection_ssim":["William Couper papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":89,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Manuscript collections in the VMI Archives are made available for educational and research use. The VMI Archives should be cited as the source. The user assumes all responsibility for identifying and satisfying any copyright holders. Materials from our collections may not be redistributed, published or reproduced without permission from the VMI Archives.Contact the VMI Archives for additional information."],"date_range_isim":[1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962],"language_ssim":["English ."],"containers_ssim":["box 31","box 32","box 34","box 35"],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_0577b8a9e20b3975113b9c1973b148e1\"\u003eManuscripts stacks and oversized case\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["Manuscripts stacks and oversized case"],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#3","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:56:04.011Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","ead_ssi":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","_root_":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","_nest_parent_":"vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VMI/repositories_3_resources_594.xml","title_ssm":["William Couper papers"],"title_tesim":["William Couper papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1901-1964"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1901-1964"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.0053","/repositories/3/resources/594"],"text":["MS.0053","/repositories/3/resources/594","William Couper papers","South Carolina—Fort Jackson","Stonewall Jackson Memorial Cemetery (Lexington, Va.)","Shenandoah River Valley (Va. and W. Va.)—History","Virginia Military Institute—Class of 1904","Virginia Military Institute—History","New Market, Battle of, New Market, Va., 1864","Lexington (Va.)—History","Rockbridge County (Va.)—History","Maps","Photograph albums","Correspondence","Scrapbooks","There are no restrictions.","1884 Born November 16 at \"Oakland\" in Norfolk, Virginia. 1901 Graduated from the Norfolk Academy and entered the 3rd at VMI. 1904 Graduated from VMI with distinction (engineering course). 1906 Received a Bachelor of Science degree in civil engineering (railroad option) from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1906-1917 Worked with the Pennsylvania Railroad in New York City on construction, operating, and harbor work. He played a major role in the construction of the railroad  tunnels and terminals for New York City. 1912 Published \"History of the Engineering, Construction and Equipment of the Pennsylvania Railroad New York Tunnels and Terminals.\" 1917 June Commissioned as a Major in the United States Army Quartermaster Corps and was assigned as a Construction Officer at Camp Jackson, South Carolina. 1918 March Promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and was in charge of building of the camp that became Fort Jackson, South Carolina. 1920 Completed Army service in March, and then prepared a plan of development for the future of VMI, which was adopted by the VMI Board of Visitors in June. 1920-1921 Served as the Assistant General Manager of the Associated General Contractors of America 1921-1924 Employed jointly by the Texas Company and the Southern Acid and Sulphur Company as an engineer to develop sulfur properties in Brazoria County, Texas. 1924 Appointed Business Executive in charge of the business activities at the Veterans' Bureau Station at Perry Point, Maryland. 1925 Appointed Business Executive at VMI. 1931-1933 Served as Secretary and Treasurer of the VMI Alumni Association. 1933 Published the book \"The VMI New Market Cadets.\" 1934 Appointed VMI Historiographer. 1934-1935 Served as the President of the Association of Military Colleges and Universities in the United States. 1934-1945 Served as Secretary and Treasurer of the Southern Conference (Athletics). 1936 Published the book \"Claudius Crozet.\" 1939 Published the book \"One Hundred Years at VMI\" and \"The Register of Former Cadets.\" 1946-1948 Served as Vice President and President of the Southern Conference. 1952 Published the book \"A History of the Shenandoah Valley.\" 1954 Retired from positions at VMI. 1964 Died February 15 at his home in Lexington, Virginia. He is buried in Norfolk, Virginia.","William Couper (1884-1964) spent the majority of his professional life devoted to VMI and to the study of VMI, Lexington and Rockbridge County, and Virginia history. His terms as VMI's Business Executive and Historiographer encompassed thirty years, but before, during and subsequent to that period, he served in many other official and unofficial capacities. He was a noted authority on local and regional history, and on the life and times of Stonewall Jackson. In addition to his official duties at VMI, he was responsible for the initial organization and preservation of the Institute's rich historical holdings, including it's unique collection of alumni biographical and genealogical materials.","Researchers should note that, because William Couper served in\nseveral different positions at VMI, many of his professional papers are located in various record groups in the VMI Archives. These include records of the Business Office, Alumni Association, and various administrative subject files (e.g., Southern Conference).","The Virginia Historical Society (Richmond, Virginia) holds additional William Couper and Couper family papers.","The William Couper papers document a portion of the life and career of Couper, a man notable for his research and publications about the history of VMI, Lexington, Rockbridge County, Shenandoah Valley, Virginia history and genealogy, Stonewall Jackson, and Claudius Crozet.","A significant portion of the papers consist of publication\nmanuscripts, notes, and other material related to Couper's major historical research projects (many of which were published). These include the following:\n \"One Hundred Years at VMI,\" a four volume comprehensive history of the Institute from it's founding in 1839 through 1939 \"The VMI New Market Cadets,\" which contains biographical information about the VMI cadets and staff who fought in the Civil War battle on May 15, 1864 \"Claudius Crozet,\" a biography of the notable 19th century Virginia Civil Engineer \"A History of the Shenandoah Valley,\" Virginia \"Stonewall Jackson Day by Day,\" which contains chronological account including events, anecdotes, clippings, transcribed correspondence, notes, and maps \nCouper's passion for the history of Lexington and Rockbridge County is evident in the substantial amount of local history research material found in his papers. Included are notes on a wide range of local history topics, as well as extensive research material (notes and maps) concerning the history of many local properties and the Lexington cemetery.","The papers also include material concerning the\nconstruction of Fort Jackson (South Carolina), Couper's\nspeeches and addresses, maps, scrapbooks, photograph albums, and correspondence.","In 1974, at the request of the Fort Jackson Museum, South Carolina, selected papers relating to the construction of Fort Jackson were placed on indefinite loan to the Museum.","Manuscript collections in the VMI Archives are made available for educational and research use. The VMI Archives should be cited as the source. The user assumes all responsibility for identifying and satisfying any copyright holders. Materials from our collections may not be redistributed, published or reproduced without permission from the VMI Archives.Contact the VMI Archives for additional information.","Manuscripts stacks; Oversized Case 9; Oversized stacks range (manuscripts)","Virginia Military Institute Archives","Couper, Wm. (William), 1884-1964","Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Crozet, Claudius, 1790-1864","Richardson, William H. (William Harvie), 1795-1876","Stanard, Jaqueline Beverly, 1845-1864","Breckinridge, John C. (John Cabell), 1821-1875","Sigel, Franz, 1824-1902","Fry, Henry P. (Henry Peck), 1881-1956","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["MS.0053","/repositories/3/resources/594"],"normalized_title_ssm":["William Couper papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["William Couper papers"],"collection_ssim":["William Couper papers"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Military Institute Archives"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute Archives"],"geogname_ssm":["South Carolina—Fort Jackson","Stonewall Jackson Memorial Cemetery (Lexington, Va.)"],"geogname_ssim":["South Carolina—Fort Jackson","Stonewall Jackson Memorial Cemetery (Lexington, Va.)"],"creator_ssm":["Couper, Wm. (William), 1884-1964"],"creator_ssim":["Couper, Wm. (William), 1884-1964"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Couper, Wm. (William), 1884-1964"],"creators_ssim":["Couper, Wm. (William), 1884-1964"],"places_ssim":["South Carolina—Fort Jackson","Stonewall Jackson Memorial Cemetery (Lexington, Va.)"],"access_terms_ssm":["Manuscript collections in the VMI Archives are made available for educational and research use. The VMI Archives should be cited as the source. The user assumes all responsibility for identifying and satisfying any copyright holders. Materials from our collections may not be redistributed, published or reproduced without permission from the VMI Archives.Contact the VMI Archives for additional information."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Shenandoah River Valley (Va. and W. Va.)—History","Virginia Military Institute—Class of 1904","Virginia Military Institute—History","New Market, Battle of, New Market, Va., 1864","Lexington (Va.)—History","Rockbridge County (Va.)—History","Maps","Photograph albums","Correspondence","Scrapbooks"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Shenandoah River Valley (Va. and W. Va.)—History","Virginia Military Institute—Class of 1904","Virginia Military Institute—History","New Market, Battle of, New Market, Va., 1864","Lexington (Va.)—History","Rockbridge County (Va.)—History","Maps","Photograph albums","Correspondence","Scrapbooks"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["18 cubic feet 36 manuscript boxes. In addition, large items are stored in oversized cases."],"extent_tesim":["18 cubic feet 36 manuscript boxes. In addition, large items are stored in oversized cases."],"genreform_ssim":["Maps","Photograph albums","Correspondence","Scrapbooks"],"date_range_isim":[1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["1884 Born November 16 at \"Oakland\" in Norfolk, Virginia. 1901 Graduated from the Norfolk Academy and entered the 3rd at VMI. 1904 Graduated from VMI with distinction (engineering course). 1906 Received a Bachelor of Science degree in civil engineering (railroad option) from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1906-1917 Worked with the Pennsylvania Railroad in New York City on construction, operating, and harbor work. He played a major role in the construction of the railroad  tunnels and terminals for New York City. 1912 Published \"History of the Engineering, Construction and Equipment of the Pennsylvania Railroad New York Tunnels and Terminals.\" 1917 June Commissioned as a Major in the United States Army Quartermaster Corps and was assigned as a Construction Officer at Camp Jackson, South Carolina. 1918 March Promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and was in charge of building of the camp that became Fort Jackson, South Carolina. 1920 Completed Army service in March, and then prepared a plan of development for the future of VMI, which was adopted by the VMI Board of Visitors in June. 1920-1921 Served as the Assistant General Manager of the Associated General Contractors of America 1921-1924 Employed jointly by the Texas Company and the Southern Acid and Sulphur Company as an engineer to develop sulfur properties in Brazoria County, Texas. 1924 Appointed Business Executive in charge of the business activities at the Veterans' Bureau Station at Perry Point, Maryland. 1925 Appointed Business Executive at VMI. 1931-1933 Served as Secretary and Treasurer of the VMI Alumni Association. 1933 Published the book \"The VMI New Market Cadets.\" 1934 Appointed VMI Historiographer. 1934-1935 Served as the President of the Association of Military Colleges and Universities in the United States. 1934-1945 Served as Secretary and Treasurer of the Southern Conference (Athletics). 1936 Published the book \"Claudius Crozet.\" 1939 Published the book \"One Hundred Years at VMI\" and \"The Register of Former Cadets.\" 1946-1948 Served as Vice President and President of the Southern Conference. 1952 Published the book \"A History of the Shenandoah Valley.\" 1954 Retired from positions at VMI. 1964 Died February 15 at his home in Lexington, Virginia. He is buried in Norfolk, Virginia.","William Couper (1884-1964) spent the majority of his professional life devoted to VMI and to the study of VMI, Lexington and Rockbridge County, and Virginia history. His terms as VMI's Business Executive and Historiographer encompassed thirty years, but before, during and subsequent to that period, he served in many other official and unofficial capacities. He was a noted authority on local and regional history, and on the life and times of Stonewall Jackson. In addition to his official duties at VMI, he was responsible for the initial organization and preservation of the Institute's rich historical holdings, including it's unique collection of alumni biographical and genealogical materials."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWilliam Couper papers, 1901-1946. MS 0053. VMI Archives, Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["William Couper papers, 1901-1946. MS 0053. VMI Archives, Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, Virginia."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers should note that, because William Couper served in\nseveral different positions at VMI, many of his professional papers are located in various record groups in the VMI Archives. These include records of the Business Office, Alumni Association, and various administrative subject files (e.g., Southern Conference).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Virginia Historical Society (Richmond, Virginia) holds additional William Couper and Couper family papers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials at VMI","Related Manuscript Collections in other Repositories"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Researchers should note that, because William Couper served in\nseveral different positions at VMI, many of his professional papers are located in various record groups in the VMI Archives. These include records of the Business Office, Alumni Association, and various administrative subject files (e.g., Southern Conference).","The Virginia Historical Society (Richmond, Virginia) holds additional William Couper and Couper family papers."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe William Couper papers document a portion of the life and career of Couper, a man notable for his research and publications about the history of VMI, Lexington, Rockbridge County, Shenandoah Valley, Virginia history and genealogy, Stonewall Jackson, and Claudius Crozet.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA significant portion of the papers consist of publication\nmanuscripts, notes, and other material related to Couper's major historical research projects (many of which were published). These include the following:\n\u003cul\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\"One Hundred Years at VMI,\" a four volume comprehensive history of the Institute from it's founding in 1839 through 1939\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\"The VMI New Market Cadets,\" which contains biographical information about the VMI cadets and staff who fought in the Civil War battle on May 15, 1864\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\"Claudius Crozet,\" a biography of the notable 19th century Virginia Civil Engineer\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\"A History of the Shenandoah Valley,\" Virginia\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\"Stonewall Jackson Day by Day,\" which contains chronological account including events, anecdotes, clippings, transcribed correspondence, notes, and maps\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\nCouper's passion for the history of Lexington and Rockbridge County is evident in the substantial amount of local history research material found in his papers. Included are notes on a wide range of local history topics, as well as extensive research material (notes and maps) concerning the history of many local properties and the Lexington cemetery.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe papers also include material concerning the\nconstruction of Fort Jackson (South Carolina), Couper's\nspeeches and addresses, maps, scrapbooks, photograph albums, and correspondence.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The William Couper papers document a portion of the life and career of Couper, a man notable for his research and publications about the history of VMI, Lexington, Rockbridge County, Shenandoah Valley, Virginia history and genealogy, Stonewall Jackson, and Claudius Crozet.","A significant portion of the papers consist of publication\nmanuscripts, notes, and other material related to Couper's major historical research projects (many of which were published). These include the following:\n \"One Hundred Years at VMI,\" a four volume comprehensive history of the Institute from it's founding in 1839 through 1939 \"The VMI New Market Cadets,\" which contains biographical information about the VMI cadets and staff who fought in the Civil War battle on May 15, 1864 \"Claudius Crozet,\" a biography of the notable 19th century Virginia Civil Engineer \"A History of the Shenandoah Valley,\" Virginia \"Stonewall Jackson Day by Day,\" which contains chronological account including events, anecdotes, clippings, transcribed correspondence, notes, and maps \nCouper's passion for the history of Lexington and Rockbridge County is evident in the substantial amount of local history research material found in his papers. Included are notes on a wide range of local history topics, as well as extensive research material (notes and maps) concerning the history of many local properties and the Lexington cemetery.","The papers also include material concerning the\nconstruction of Fort Jackson (South Carolina), Couper's\nspeeches and addresses, maps, scrapbooks, photograph albums, and correspondence."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIn 1974, at the request of the Fort Jackson Museum, South Carolina, selected papers relating to the construction of Fort Jackson were placed on indefinite loan to the Museum.\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Items on Loan"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["In 1974, at the request of the Fort Jackson Museum, South Carolina, selected papers relating to the construction of Fort Jackson were placed on indefinite loan to the Museum."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eManuscript collections in the VMI Archives are made available for educational and research use. The VMI Archives should be cited as the source. The user assumes all responsibility for identifying and satisfying any copyright holders. Materials from our collections may not be redistributed, published or reproduced without permission from the VMI Archives.Contact the VMI Archives for additional information.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Manuscript collections in the VMI Archives are made available for educational and research use. The VMI Archives should be cited as the source. The user assumes all responsibility for identifying and satisfying any copyright holders. Materials from our collections may not be redistributed, published or reproduced without permission from the VMI Archives.Contact the VMI Archives for additional information."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_e201838d2522e103ebdbd1f0eba5d813\"\u003eManuscripts stacks; Oversized Case 9; Oversized stacks range (manuscripts)\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["Manuscripts stacks; Oversized Case 9; Oversized stacks range (manuscripts)"],"names_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute Archives","Couper, Wm. (William), 1884-1964","Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Crozet, Claudius, 1790-1864","Richardson, William H. (William Harvie), 1795-1876","Stanard, Jaqueline Beverly, 1845-1864","Breckinridge, John C. (John Cabell), 1821-1875","Sigel, Franz, 1824-1902","Fry, Henry P. (Henry Peck), 1881-1956"],"corpname_ssim":["Virginia Military Institute Archives"],"names_coll_ssim":["Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Crozet, Claudius, 1790-1864","Richardson, William H. (William Harvie), 1795-1876"],"persname_ssim":["Couper, Wm. (William), 1884-1964","Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Crozet, Claudius, 1790-1864","Richardson, William H. (William Harvie), 1795-1876","Stanard, Jaqueline Beverly, 1845-1864","Breckinridge, John C. (John Cabell), 1821-1875","Sigel, Franz, 1824-1902","Fry, Henry P. (Henry Peck), 1881-1956"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"total_component_count_is":189,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:56:04.011Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cchronlist\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1884\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eBorn November 16 at \"Oakland\" in Norfolk, Virginia.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1901\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eGraduated from the Norfolk Academy and entered the 3rd at VMI.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1904\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eGraduated from VMI with distinction (engineering course).\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1906\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eReceived a Bachelor of Science degree in civil engineering (railroad option) from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1906-1917\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eWorked with the Pennsylvania Railroad in New York City on construction, operating, and harbor work. He played a major role in the construction of the railroad  tunnels and terminals for New York City.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1912\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003ePublished \"History of the Engineering, Construction and Equipment of the Pennsylvania Railroad New York Tunnels and Terminals.\"\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1917 June\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eCommissioned as a Major in the United States Army Quartermaster Corps and was assigned as a Construction Officer at Camp Jackson, South Carolina.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1918 March\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003ePromoted to Lieutenant Colonel and was in charge of building of the camp that became Fort Jackson, South Carolina.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1920\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eCompleted Army service in March, and then prepared a plan of development for the future of VMI, which was adopted by the VMI Board of Visitors in June.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1920-1921\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eServed as the Assistant General Manager of the Associated General Contractors of America\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1921-1924\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eEmployed jointly by the Texas Company and the Southern Acid and Sulphur Company as an engineer to develop sulfur properties in Brazoria County, Texas.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1924\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eAppointed Business Executive in charge of the business activities at the Veterans' Bureau Station at Perry Point, Maryland.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1925\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eAppointed Business Executive at VMI.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1931-1933\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eServed as Secretary and Treasurer of the VMI Alumni Association.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1933\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003ePublished the book \"The VMI New Market Cadets.\"\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1934\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eAppointed VMI Historiographer.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1934-1935\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eServed as the President of the Association of Military Colleges and Universities in the United States.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1934-1945\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eServed as Secretary and Treasurer of the Southern Conference (Athletics).\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1936\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003ePublished the book \"Claudius Crozet.\"\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1939\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003ePublished the book \"One Hundred Years at VMI\" and \"The Register of Former Cadets.\"\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1946-1948\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eServed as Vice President and President of the Southern Conference.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1952\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003ePublished the book \"A History of the Shenandoah Valley.\"\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1954\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eRetired from positions at VMI.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n      \u003cchronitem\u003e\n        \u003cdate\u003e1964\u003c/date\u003e\n        \u003ceventgrp\u003e\n          \u003cevent\u003eDied February 15 at his home in Lexington, Virginia. He is buried in Norfolk, Virginia.\u003c/event\u003e\n        \u003c/eventgrp\u003e\n      \u003c/chronitem\u003e\n    \u003c/chronlist\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilliam Couper (1884-1964) spent the majority of his professional life devoted to VMI and to the study of VMI, Lexington and Rockbridge County, and Virginia history. His terms as VMI's Business Executive and Historiographer encompassed thirty years, but before, during and subsequent to that period, he served in many other official and unofficial capacities. He was a noted authority on local and regional history, and on the life and times of Stonewall Jackson. In addition to his official duties at VMI, he was responsible for the initial organization and preservation of the Institute's rich historical holdings, including it's unique collection of alumni biographical and genealogical materials.\u003c/p\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vilxv_repositories_3_resources_594_c03_c04"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c13","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"L. Stack Mines, [1]-4","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c13","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c13"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c13","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books","L. Stack Mines, [1]-4","4 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"L. Stack Mines, [1]-4","title_ssm":["L. Stack Mines, [1]-4"],"title_tesim":["L. Stack Mines, [1]-4"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1893-1909"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1893/1909"],"normalized_title_ssm":["L. Stack Mines, [1]-4"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["4 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":137,"date_range_isim":[1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#24/components#12","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c13"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c12","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"L. Telegrams","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c12#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c12","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c12"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c12","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c17"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c17"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Letter Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Letter Books"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Letter Books","L. Telegrams","6 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"L. Telegrams","title_ssm":["L. Telegrams"],"title_tesim":["L. Telegrams"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1902-1915"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1915"],"normalized_title_ssm":["L. Telegrams"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["6 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":98,"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#16/components#11","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c12"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c10_c12","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"L. Warehouse","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c10_c12#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c10_c12","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c10_c12"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c10_c12","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c10","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c10","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c10"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c10"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Inventories"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Inventories"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Inventories","L. Warehouse","9 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"L. Warehouse","title_ssm":["L. Warehouse"],"title_tesim":["L. Warehouse"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1906-1917"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1906/1917"],"normalized_title_ssm":["L. Warehouse"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["9 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":46,"date_range_isim":[1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#9/components#11","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c10_c12"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Manuscript Volumes","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01_c03","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01_c03"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01_c03","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01","parent_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_739","viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_739","viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records","Mss. 69 G51"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records","Mss. 69 G51"],"text":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records","Mss. 69 G51","Manuscript Volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"Manuscript Volumes","title_ssm":["Manuscript Volumes"],"title_tesim":["Manuscript Volumes"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1817-1910"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1817/1910"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Manuscript Volumes"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":2,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":76,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"date_range_isim":[1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#2","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:04:04.216Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_739","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_739.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records","title_ssm":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records"],"title_tesim":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1825-1910"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1825-1910"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Mss. 69 G51","/repositories/2/resources/739"],"text":["Mss. 69 G51","/repositories/2/resources/739","Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records","Virginia--Religious history","Gloucester County (Va.)--History--19th century","Gloucester County (Va.)--History--20th century","King and Queen County (Va.)--History--19th century","King and Queen County (Va.)--History--20th century","Methodist Church--Virginia--History--19th century","Methodist Church--Virginia--History--20th century","Agendas (administrative records)","Financial records","Minutes","1163 items","Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.","The original register (Acc. 2003.16) of baptisms, marriages, and members was last in the possession of Cecil Booker.","The Gloucester Circuit had six churches: Salem, Shackelford's, Bellamy's, Bethehem, Singleton's, and Olive Branch. The churches were in Gloucester and King and Queen counties, Va. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:  .","Papers, 1825-1910, of the Gloucester Circuit of the Virginia Conference of the Methodist Church which covered Gloucester County and part of King and Queen County, Va. Includes minutes of quarterly conference meetings for the circuit; Sunday School class records; and building committee records."," Acc. 2003.16 is a photocopy of a register, 1879-1885, of baptisms, marriages and members. Acc. 2012.382 is a register of members of the Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church, 1835-1837. The first page of the register says that there were 930 white members and 19 \"coloured\" members for a total of 949. There are also notes next to the names of some of the members, which include such information as marriage dates, death dates, and positions held in the church hierarchy.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["Mss. 69 G51","/repositories/2/resources/739"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records"],"collection_title_tesim":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records"],"collection_ssim":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"geogname_ssm":["Virginia--Religious history"],"geogname_ssim":["Virginia--Religious history"],"creator_ssm":["Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit."],"creator_ssim":["Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit."],"creators_ssim":["Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit."],"places_ssim":["Virginia--Religious history"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Gloucester County (Va.)--History--19th century","Gloucester County (Va.)--History--20th century","King and Queen County (Va.)--History--19th century","King and Queen County (Va.)--History--20th century","Methodist Church--Virginia--History--19th century","Methodist Church--Virginia--History--20th century","Agendas (administrative records)","Financial records","Minutes"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Gloucester County (Va.)--History--19th century","Gloucester County (Va.)--History--20th century","King and Queen County (Va.)--History--19th century","King and Queen County (Va.)--History--20th century","Methodist Church--Virginia--History--19th century","Methodist Church--Virginia--History--20th century","Agendas (administrative records)","Financial records","Minutes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["1163 items"],"extent_ssm":["2.50 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["2.50 Linear Feet"],"genreform_ssim":["Agendas (administrative records)","Financial records","Minutes"],"date_range_isim":[1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access:"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"altformavail_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe original register (Acc. 2003.16) of baptisms, marriages, and members was last in the possession of Cecil Booker.\u003c/p\u003e"],"altformavail_heading_ssm":["Electronic Format:"],"altformavail_tesim":["The original register (Acc. 2003.16) of baptisms, marriages, and members was last in the possession of Cecil Booker."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Gloucester Circuit had six churches: Salem, Shackelford's, Bellamy's, Bethehem, Singleton's, and Olive Branch. The churches were in Gloucester and King and Queen counties, Va. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003cextref href=\"http://scdbwiki.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/Methodist_Church._Virginia_Conference._Richmond_District._Gloucester_Circuit.\" title=\"Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit.\"\u003e\u003c/extref\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Note:"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Gloucester Circuit had six churches: Salem, Shackelford's, Bellamy's, Bethehem, Singleton's, and Olive Branch. The churches were in Gloucester and King and Queen counties, Va. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki:  ."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eGloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church Records, Special Collections Research Center, Swem Library, College of William and Mary."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers, 1825-1910, of the Gloucester Circuit of the Virginia Conference of the Methodist Church which covered Gloucester County and part of King and Queen County, Va. Includes minutes of quarterly conference meetings for the circuit; Sunday School class records; and building committee records.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Acc. 2003.16 is a photocopy of a register, 1879-1885, of baptisms, marriages and members. Acc. 2012.382 is a register of members of the Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church, 1835-1837. The first page of the register says that there were 930 white members and 19 \"coloured\" members for a total of 949. There are also notes next to the names of some of the members, which include such information as marriage dates, death dates, and positions held in the church hierarchy.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers, 1825-1910, of the Gloucester Circuit of the Virginia Conference of the Methodist Church which covered Gloucester County and part of King and Queen County, Va. Includes minutes of quarterly conference meetings for the circuit; Sunday School class records; and building committee records."," Acc. 2003.16 is a photocopy of a register, 1879-1885, of baptisms, marriages and members. Acc. 2012.382 is a register of members of the Gloucester Circuit of the Methodist Church, 1835-1837. The first page of the register says that there were 930 white members and 19 \"coloured\" members for a total of 949. There are also notes next to the names of some of the members, which include such information as marriage dates, death dates, and positions held in the church hierarchy."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use:"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Methodist Church. Virginia Conference. Richmond District. Gloucester Circuit."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":101,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:04:04.216Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_739_c01_c03"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Alexandria Library","value":"Alexandria Library","hits":7},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Alexandria+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"College of William and Mary","value":"College of William and Mary","hits":126},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1909\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=College+of+William+and+Mary"}},{"attributes":{"label":"George Mason 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