{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026facet.sort=count\u0026page=18","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026facet.sort=count\u0026page=17","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026facet.sort=count\u0026page=19","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026facet.sort=count\u0026page=1848"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":18,"next_page":19,"prev_page":17,"total_pages":1848,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":170,"total_count":18476,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10_c58","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"A","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10_c58#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10_c58","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10_c58"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10_c58","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10","parent_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Henry Gassaway Davis (1823-1916) Papers","Series 9. 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He was the Democratic Party's nominee for Vice President of the United States in 1904.","He was born near Woodstock, Maryland on November 16, 1823, and was the second son of four children. He received a limited public-school education and left school at age 15 to support his family after his father's contracting business failed and left the family destitute. Davis first worked at a local quarry, as a water boy, and then as the caretaker of the Waverly Farm, the nearby farm owned by former Maryland Governor George Howard.","Davis began his railroading career in 1842 at age nineteen as a brakeman for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, then still under construction. He eventually advanced to the position of freight conductor, and then passenger conductor. Reportedly at Davis's request, he was appointed station agent for the Piedmont Station at Piedmont, [West] Virginia, because he wanted to explore the timber and coal resources of the Upper Potomac River region. About this same time, Davis established a mercantile lumber and coal business with his younger brothers Thomas B. Davis and William R. Davis at Piedmont. This business was known as H.G. Davis and Company (later H.G. Davis and Brother). Davis left the B\u0026O in 1858 to focus on his business concerns. One of these concerns was the Piedmont Savings Bank, which he founded in 1858 and for which he served as president. Davis, like so many entrepreneurs, made extraordinary profits during the Civil War. Profits from the sale of horses to the federal government and timber and ties to the B\u0026O Railroad enabled H.G. Davis and Company to invest in several thousand acres of coal and timber lands in the Upper Potomac and Cheat rivers region, at a cost said to be as cheap as one dollar per acre.","Davis founded the Cumberland and Piedmont Coal and Railway Company to provide railroad access to his coal and timber lands. In 1866 the West Virginia State Legislature, by a special act, incorporated the Cumberland and Piedmont Coal and Railway Company, granting the incorporators the right to mine coal, build factories and sawmills, buy and sell real estate, and build a railroad. It would be several years before Davis acted on the charter. Construction of the railroad finally began in 1880 at Bloomington, Maryland, and by 1881 the line had reached his mines at Elk Garden, West Virginia. Davis shipped the first Elk Garden coal to Baltimore in October 1881. A new railroad charter was granted in 1881 and Davis renamed the line the West Virginia Central and Pittsburg Railway (WVC). By 1884 the line had reached present-day Davis, then Parsons in 1888, and Elkins (then Leadville) in 1889. Meanwhile in 1886, Davis created a subsidiary railroad, the Piedmont and Cumberland Railway Company (P\u0026C). The P\u0026C connected the WVC with the Pennsylvania Railroad at Cumberland. In 1902 Davis sold the WVC and P\u0026C to George J. Gould, a railroad magnate, who was purchasing and consolidating rail lines to create an intercontinental railroad.","Davis desired to expand his rail network and in 1899 decided to construct a rail line connecting the WVC at Elkins with the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad at Durbin, West Virginia. This line became the Coal and Iron Railway (C\u0026I) and was completed in 1902. Davis used the profits of the sale of the WVC to fund construction of the C\u0026I. Not finished yet with railroad construction, Davis incorporated the Coal and Coke Railway Company (C\u0026C) in 1902 to exploit his Roaring Creek coal properties located in Randolph County. This new line ran from Elkins to Charleston via the Elk River through some of West Virginia's most difficult terrain. The C\u0026C connected the Western Maryland at Elkins with the Kanawha and Michigan Railroad at Charleston, providing new markets for West Virginia coal. Construction commenced in 1903 and was completed in 1905, requiring twelve tunnels and thirty steel bridges. The town Gassaway, in Braxton County, was located at the mid-point of the rail line and became the divisional headquarters of the line. Ultimately, the WVC, P\u0026C, and C\u0026I were acquired by the Western Maryland Railroad and the C\u0026C was absorbed by the B\u0026O.","Early on in his career, Davis recognized that being in politics would further his business. Consequently, Davis ran for office on the democratic platform and was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates in 1865 representing Hampshire County. Davis was very influential in the creation of Mineral and Grant counties in 1866, an effort which advanced his business interests. He was elected to the West Virginia Senate in 1868 and served in that capacity until 1871, when he was elected to the United States Senate. Davis served as a West Virginia Senator from 1871 to 1883.","Davis retired from politics in 1883 and returned to West Virginia to oversee his coal and banking interests. He then formed the Davis Coal and Coke Company with his son-in-law Stephen B. Elkins in 1886. The company controlled 135,000 acres of coal and timber lands, employed 1600 workers, operated nine mines, and furnished coal to be coked in its more than 1000 coke ovens. By 1892 Davis Coal and Coke was one of the largest coal producers world-wide.","Reluctantly, Davis was nominated as the vice-presidential candidate in the 1904 presidential election with Alton B. Parker as his running mate and presidential candidate. They lost to the Roosevelt-Fairbanks ticket by a wide margin. In running for office at the age of 80 Davis had become, and remains, one of the oldest candidates to have ever run for vice president of the United States.","Although retired from public service, Davis was appointed to represent the United States at the Pan-American Conferences (1889-1902) and later was appointed permanent chairman of the Pan-American Railway Committee, which he served from 1901 to his death in 1916. (The Pan-American Railway was a failed intercontinental railroad scheme. Promoters wanted to connect the capitals and principle cities of South and Central America with North America by rail). Davis also served as Chairman of the West Virginia Semi-Centennial Commission in 1913, the group tasked with planning the \"Golden Jubilee\" or 50th anniversary of West Virginia statehood.","Davis's philanthropic legacy was notable. His charitable activities included funding the Davis Children's Shelter in Charleston, West Virginia, a shelter for orphaned and neglected children (1896); the Davis Memorial Presbyterian Church, a church built in memory of his wife Katherine Bantz Davis; and the Davis Memorial Hospital in Davis, also constructed as a memorial to his deceased wife.  Perhaps most notably, he donated the land for Davis and Elkins College in 1904, a liberal arts college named in honor of H.G. Davis and Stephen B. Elkins.","Davis married Katherine Ann Salome Bantz on 22 February 1853. The couple had eight children, three of whom died in infancy. The oldest child, Mary Louise \"Hallie\" Davis, married US Senator Stephen B. Elkins on 14 April 1875, linking the names Davis and Elkins forever.","Daughter Grace Thomas Davis became the namesake of Graceland, Davis's country mansion in Davis, West Virginia, and after his wife died she became his hostess for events held at the mansion. His older son Henry Gassaway Davis was something of a troubled soul, and was lost at sea in 1896. His youngest son John Thomas Davis worked closely with his father, was later associated with Davis and Elkins College, and became a coal operator and banker.","Henry Gassaway Davis passed in Washington D.C. on 11 March 1916 at the age of 93. He is interred at Maplewood Cemetery, Elkins, West Virginia.","Sources:","Clarke, Alan. The West Virginia Central and Pittsburg: a Western Maryland Predecessor. Lynchburg: TLC Publishing. 2003.","Hicks, W. Raymond. \"The West Virginia Central \u0026 Pittsburgh Railway. The Railway and Locomotive Historical Society Bulletin. JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43518154","Lewis, Ronald L. Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920. Chapel Hill: University off North Carolina Press, 1998.","Rice, Donald L. \"Coal \u0026 Coke Railway.\" The West Virginia Encyclopedia. https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/articles/1337","Ross, Thomas Richard. \"Henry Gassaway Davis.\" The West Virginia Encyclopedia. https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/articles/1711","13, 717, 1028","Correspondence and business papers of Henry Gassaway Davis (1823-1916), a successful businessman and politician from West Virginia.  He was the Democratic Party's nominee for Vice President of the United States in 1904.  The collection largely documents his business and political career, although there are personal papers in the collection as well.  His business interests were largely concerned with coal mining, timber, and railroads.  Types of documents include letters, reports, account books, and maps, among other material.  Much of the correspondence is arranged alphabetically.  The scope and content note of each record series provides substantial detail regarding content.","Series include:  \nSeries 1a. Business Papers, 1882-1909 (boxes 1-29)  \nSeries 1b. Banking Records, 1886-1916 (boxes 30-33)  \nSeries 2. Coal Company Operations, 1799-1915 (boxes 34-48)  \nSeries 3. Miscellaneous Papers, 1855-1916 (boxes 49-62)  \nSeries 4. Miscellaneous Letters, 1872-1915 (boxes 63-65)  \nSeries 5. Miscellaneous Bills and Receipts, 1872-1918 (boxes 66-82)  \nSeries 6. Miscellaneous, 1872-1916 (boxes 83-115)  \nSeries 7. Alexander Shaw Lawsuit, 1880-1894 (boxes 116-118)  \nSeries 8. Personal and Political Papers, 1870-1916 (boxes 119-145)  \nSeries 9. Railroads, 1862-1916 (boxes 146-189)  \nSeries 10. West Virginia Semi-Centennial Commission, 1911 August 9–1913 July 26 (box 190)  \nSeries 11. T.B. Davis Papers, 1879-1915 (box 191)  \nSeries 12. Davis Memorial Hospital and Church, 1898-1916 (boxes 192-193)  \nSeries 13. H.G. Davis and Brother, 1868-1905 (boxes 194-197)  \nSeries 14. Real Estate and Timber, 1869-1915 (boxes 198-202)  \nSeries 15. H.G. Davis Letter Books, 1865-1916 (boxes 203-231)  \nSeries 16. West Virginia Central and Pittsburg Railway Company Letter Books, 1880-1903 (boxes 232-240)  \nSeries 17. Minute, Letter, and Other Books, 1881-1914 (boxes 241-247)  \nSeries 18. Oversized Ledgers, 1884-1913 (boxes 248-260)","Among Davis's correspondents are:  \nU.S. Representative John D. Alderson  \nWest Virginia Governor George W. Atkinson  \nU.S. Senator William Henry Barnum  \nU.S. Ambassador to the U.K. Thomas F. Bayard  \nU.S. Minister to the Netherlands August Belmont, Sr.  \nU.S. Senator James G. Blaine  \nU.S. Senator Calvin S. Brice  \nU.S. Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan  \nU.S. Senator Johnson N. Camden  \nindustrialist Andrew Carnegie  \nPresident of Mexico General Porfirio Díaz  \nU.S. Secretary of War Stephen Benton Elkins  \nU.S. Minister to France Charles J. Faulkner, Sr.  \nBaltimore and Ohio Railroad President John W. Garrett  \nOlympian Robert S. Garrett  \nJames Cardinal Gibbons (Cardinal, Archbishop of Baltimore)  \nU.S. Senator Arthur Pue Gorman  \nU.S. President Benjamin Harrison  \nConfederate cartographer Jedidiah (Jed) Hotchkiss  \nMaryland Governor Elihu Emory Jackson  \nU.S. Senator John E. Kenna  \nU.S. Secretary of War Daniel S. Lamont  \nU.S. Congressman Adam Brown Littlepage  \nU.S. Representative James Tilghman Lloyd  \nPresident of the WV Supreme Court of Appeals Daniel Bedinger Lucas  \nConsul General of Wurttemberg Charles F. Mayer  \nWest Virginia Governor William A. McCorkle  \nU.S. Senator John R. McPherson  \nU.S. Commissioner of Internal Revenue Joseph S. Miller  \nBaltimore and Ohio Railroad President Oscar G. Murray  \nPennsylvania Railroad President George Brooke Roberts  \nSouthern Railway President Samuel Spencer  \nU.S. Senator Thomas Taggart  \nU.S. Senator Daniel W. Voorhees  \nU.S. Senator Thomas J. Walsh  \nU.S. Secretary of the Navy William Collins Whitney  \nMaryland Governor William Pinkney Whyte  \nU.S. Secretary of the Treasury William Windom","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Davis, Henry Gassaway, 1823-1916","Alderson, J. D. (John Duffy), 1854-1910","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bayard, Thomas F.","Belmont, August.","Blaine, James Gillespie, 1830-1893","Bryan, William Jennings, 1860-1925","Camden, J. N. (Johnson Newlon), 1828-1908","Carnegie, Andrew, 1835-1919","Dayton, Spencer","Díaz, Porfirio, 1830-1915","Elkins, Stephen B.  (Stephen Benton), 1841-1911","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Faulkner, Charles J. (Charles James), 1847-1929","Garrett, John W.","Gibbons, James, 1834-1921","Gorman, Arthur P. (Arthur Pue), 1839-1906","Harrison, Benjamin, 1833-1901","Kenna, John E.","Lamont, Daniel Scott, 1851-1905","Lucas, Daniel B.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mason, James M. II.","Voorhees, Daniel W. 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For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Banks and banking","Coal mining.","Elk Garden Coal Field.","Lumber trade","Railroads - West Virginia Central and Pittsburgh Railway.","Railroads","Lumber industry and timber.","Politics and government.","West Virginia - Politics and government.","Politicians -- United States","Politicians"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Banks and banking","Coal mining.","Elk Garden Coal Field.","Lumber trade","Railroads - West Virginia Central and Pittsburgh Railway.","Railroads","Lumber industry and timber.","Politics and government.","West Virginia - Politics and government.","Politicians -- United States","Politicians"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["105.9 Linear Feet 105 ft. 11 in. 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He was the Democratic Party's nominee for Vice President of the United States in 1904.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHe was born near Woodstock, Maryland on November 16, 1823, and was the second son of four children. He received a limited public-school education and left school at age 15 to support his family after his father's contracting business failed and left the family destitute. Davis first worked at a local quarry, as a water boy, and then as the caretaker of the Waverly Farm, the nearby farm owned by former Maryland Governor George Howard.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavis began his railroading career in 1842 at age nineteen as a brakeman for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, then still under construction. He eventually advanced to the position of freight conductor, and then passenger conductor. Reportedly at Davis's request, he was appointed station agent for the Piedmont Station at Piedmont, [West] Virginia, because he wanted to explore the timber and coal resources of the Upper Potomac River region. About this same time, Davis established a mercantile lumber and coal business with his younger brothers Thomas B. Davis and William R. Davis at Piedmont. This business was known as H.G. Davis and Company (later H.G. Davis and Brother). Davis left the B\u0026amp;O in 1858 to focus on his business concerns. One of these concerns was the Piedmont Savings Bank, which he founded in 1858 and for which he served as president. Davis, like so many entrepreneurs, made extraordinary profits during the Civil War. Profits from the sale of horses to the federal government and timber and ties to the B\u0026amp;O Railroad enabled H.G. Davis and Company to invest in several thousand acres of coal and timber lands in the Upper Potomac and Cheat rivers region, at a cost said to be as cheap as one dollar per acre.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavis founded the Cumberland and Piedmont Coal and Railway Company to provide railroad access to his coal and timber lands. In 1866 the West Virginia State Legislature, by a special act, incorporated the Cumberland and Piedmont Coal and Railway Company, granting the incorporators the right to mine coal, build factories and sawmills, buy and sell real estate, and build a railroad. It would be several years before Davis acted on the charter. Construction of the railroad finally began in 1880 at Bloomington, Maryland, and by 1881 the line had reached his mines at Elk Garden, West Virginia. Davis shipped the first Elk Garden coal to Baltimore in October 1881. A new railroad charter was granted in 1881 and Davis renamed the line the West Virginia Central and Pittsburg Railway (WVC). By 1884 the line had reached present-day Davis, then Parsons in 1888, and Elkins (then Leadville) in 1889. Meanwhile in 1886, Davis created a subsidiary railroad, the Piedmont and Cumberland Railway Company (P\u0026amp;C). The P\u0026amp;C connected the WVC with the Pennsylvania Railroad at Cumberland. In 1902 Davis sold the WVC and P\u0026amp;C to George J. Gould, a railroad magnate, who was purchasing and consolidating rail lines to create an intercontinental railroad.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavis desired to expand his rail network and in 1899 decided to construct a rail line connecting the WVC at Elkins with the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad at Durbin, West Virginia. This line became the Coal and Iron Railway (C\u0026amp;I) and was completed in 1902. Davis used the profits of the sale of the WVC to fund construction of the C\u0026amp;I. Not finished yet with railroad construction, Davis incorporated the Coal and Coke Railway Company (C\u0026amp;C) in 1902 to exploit his Roaring Creek coal properties located in Randolph County. This new line ran from Elkins to Charleston via the Elk River through some of West Virginia's most difficult terrain. The C\u0026amp;C connected the Western Maryland at Elkins with the Kanawha and Michigan Railroad at Charleston, providing new markets for West Virginia coal. Construction commenced in 1903 and was completed in 1905, requiring twelve tunnels and thirty steel bridges. The town Gassaway, in Braxton County, was located at the mid-point of the rail line and became the divisional headquarters of the line. Ultimately, the WVC, P\u0026amp;C, and C\u0026amp;I were acquired by the Western Maryland Railroad and the C\u0026amp;C was absorbed by the B\u0026amp;O.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eEarly on in his career, Davis recognized that being in politics would further his business. Consequently, Davis ran for office on the democratic platform and was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates in 1865 representing Hampshire County. Davis was very influential in the creation of Mineral and Grant counties in 1866, an effort which advanced his business interests. He was elected to the West Virginia Senate in 1868 and served in that capacity until 1871, when he was elected to the United States Senate. Davis served as a West Virginia Senator from 1871 to 1883.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavis retired from politics in 1883 and returned to West Virginia to oversee his coal and banking interests. He then formed the Davis Coal and Coke Company with his son-in-law Stephen B. Elkins in 1886. The company controlled 135,000 acres of coal and timber lands, employed 1600 workers, operated nine mines, and furnished coal to be coked in its more than 1000 coke ovens. By 1892 Davis Coal and Coke was one of the largest coal producers world-wide.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReluctantly, Davis was nominated as the vice-presidential candidate in the 1904 presidential election with Alton B. Parker as his running mate and presidential candidate. They lost to the Roosevelt-Fairbanks ticket by a wide margin. In running for office at the age of 80 Davis had become, and remains, one of the oldest candidates to have ever run for vice president of the United States.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAlthough retired from public service, Davis was appointed to represent the United States at the Pan-American Conferences (1889-1902) and later was appointed permanent chairman of the Pan-American Railway Committee, which he served from 1901 to his death in 1916. (The Pan-American Railway was a failed intercontinental railroad scheme. Promoters wanted to connect the capitals and principle cities of South and Central America with North America by rail). Davis also served as Chairman of the West Virginia Semi-Centennial Commission in 1913, the group tasked with planning the \"Golden Jubilee\" or 50th anniversary of West Virginia statehood.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavis's philanthropic legacy was notable. His charitable activities included funding the Davis Children's Shelter in Charleston, West Virginia, a shelter for orphaned and neglected children (1896); the Davis Memorial Presbyterian Church, a church built in memory of his wife Katherine Bantz Davis; and the Davis Memorial Hospital in Davis, also constructed as a memorial to his deceased wife.  Perhaps most notably, he donated the land for Davis and Elkins College in 1904, a liberal arts college named in honor of H.G. Davis and Stephen B. Elkins.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDavis married Katherine Ann Salome Bantz on 22 February 1853. The couple had eight children, three of whom died in infancy. The oldest child, Mary Louise \"Hallie\" Davis, married US Senator Stephen B. Elkins on 14 April 1875, linking the names Davis and Elkins forever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDaughter Grace Thomas Davis became the namesake of Graceland, Davis's country mansion in Davis, West Virginia, and after his wife died she became his hostess for events held at the mansion. His older son Henry Gassaway Davis was something of a troubled soul, and was lost at sea in 1896. His youngest son John Thomas Davis worked closely with his father, was later associated with Davis and Elkins College, and became a coal operator and banker.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHenry Gassaway Davis passed in Washington D.C. on 11 March 1916 at the age of 93. He is interred at Maplewood Cemetery, Elkins, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSources:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClarke, Alan. The West Virginia Central and Pittsburg: a Western Maryland Predecessor. Lynchburg: TLC Publishing. 2003.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHicks, W. Raymond. \"The West Virginia Central \u0026amp; Pittsburgh Railway. The Railway and Locomotive Historical Society Bulletin. JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43518154\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eLewis, Ronald L. Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920. Chapel Hill: University off North Carolina Press, 1998.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRice, Donald L. \"Coal \u0026amp; Coke Railway.\" The West Virginia Encyclopedia. https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/articles/1337\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRoss, Thomas Richard. \"Henry Gassaway Davis.\" The West Virginia Encyclopedia. https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/articles/1711\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Henry Gassaway Davis","Henry Gassaway Davis (11/16/1823-03/11/1916) was a successful businessman and politician from West Virginia.  He was the Democratic Party's nominee for Vice President of the United States in 1904.","He was born near Woodstock, Maryland on November 16, 1823, and was the second son of four children. He received a limited public-school education and left school at age 15 to support his family after his father's contracting business failed and left the family destitute. Davis first worked at a local quarry, as a water boy, and then as the caretaker of the Waverly Farm, the nearby farm owned by former Maryland Governor George Howard.","Davis began his railroading career in 1842 at age nineteen as a brakeman for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, then still under construction. He eventually advanced to the position of freight conductor, and then passenger conductor. Reportedly at Davis's request, he was appointed station agent for the Piedmont Station at Piedmont, [West] Virginia, because he wanted to explore the timber and coal resources of the Upper Potomac River region. About this same time, Davis established a mercantile lumber and coal business with his younger brothers Thomas B. Davis and William R. Davis at Piedmont. This business was known as H.G. Davis and Company (later H.G. Davis and Brother). Davis left the B\u0026O in 1858 to focus on his business concerns. One of these concerns was the Piedmont Savings Bank, which he founded in 1858 and for which he served as president. Davis, like so many entrepreneurs, made extraordinary profits during the Civil War. Profits from the sale of horses to the federal government and timber and ties to the B\u0026O Railroad enabled H.G. Davis and Company to invest in several thousand acres of coal and timber lands in the Upper Potomac and Cheat rivers region, at a cost said to be as cheap as one dollar per acre.","Davis founded the Cumberland and Piedmont Coal and Railway Company to provide railroad access to his coal and timber lands. In 1866 the West Virginia State Legislature, by a special act, incorporated the Cumberland and Piedmont Coal and Railway Company, granting the incorporators the right to mine coal, build factories and sawmills, buy and sell real estate, and build a railroad. It would be several years before Davis acted on the charter. Construction of the railroad finally began in 1880 at Bloomington, Maryland, and by 1881 the line had reached his mines at Elk Garden, West Virginia. Davis shipped the first Elk Garden coal to Baltimore in October 1881. A new railroad charter was granted in 1881 and Davis renamed the line the West Virginia Central and Pittsburg Railway (WVC). By 1884 the line had reached present-day Davis, then Parsons in 1888, and Elkins (then Leadville) in 1889. Meanwhile in 1886, Davis created a subsidiary railroad, the Piedmont and Cumberland Railway Company (P\u0026C). The P\u0026C connected the WVC with the Pennsylvania Railroad at Cumberland. In 1902 Davis sold the WVC and P\u0026C to George J. Gould, a railroad magnate, who was purchasing and consolidating rail lines to create an intercontinental railroad.","Davis desired to expand his rail network and in 1899 decided to construct a rail line connecting the WVC at Elkins with the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad at Durbin, West Virginia. This line became the Coal and Iron Railway (C\u0026I) and was completed in 1902. Davis used the profits of the sale of the WVC to fund construction of the C\u0026I. Not finished yet with railroad construction, Davis incorporated the Coal and Coke Railway Company (C\u0026C) in 1902 to exploit his Roaring Creek coal properties located in Randolph County. This new line ran from Elkins to Charleston via the Elk River through some of West Virginia's most difficult terrain. The C\u0026C connected the Western Maryland at Elkins with the Kanawha and Michigan Railroad at Charleston, providing new markets for West Virginia coal. Construction commenced in 1903 and was completed in 1905, requiring twelve tunnels and thirty steel bridges. The town Gassaway, in Braxton County, was located at the mid-point of the rail line and became the divisional headquarters of the line. Ultimately, the WVC, P\u0026C, and C\u0026I were acquired by the Western Maryland Railroad and the C\u0026C was absorbed by the B\u0026O.","Early on in his career, Davis recognized that being in politics would further his business. Consequently, Davis ran for office on the democratic platform and was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates in 1865 representing Hampshire County. Davis was very influential in the creation of Mineral and Grant counties in 1866, an effort which advanced his business interests. He was elected to the West Virginia Senate in 1868 and served in that capacity until 1871, when he was elected to the United States Senate. Davis served as a West Virginia Senator from 1871 to 1883.","Davis retired from politics in 1883 and returned to West Virginia to oversee his coal and banking interests. He then formed the Davis Coal and Coke Company with his son-in-law Stephen B. Elkins in 1886. The company controlled 135,000 acres of coal and timber lands, employed 1600 workers, operated nine mines, and furnished coal to be coked in its more than 1000 coke ovens. By 1892 Davis Coal and Coke was one of the largest coal producers world-wide.","Reluctantly, Davis was nominated as the vice-presidential candidate in the 1904 presidential election with Alton B. Parker as his running mate and presidential candidate. They lost to the Roosevelt-Fairbanks ticket by a wide margin. In running for office at the age of 80 Davis had become, and remains, one of the oldest candidates to have ever run for vice president of the United States.","Although retired from public service, Davis was appointed to represent the United States at the Pan-American Conferences (1889-1902) and later was appointed permanent chairman of the Pan-American Railway Committee, which he served from 1901 to his death in 1916. (The Pan-American Railway was a failed intercontinental railroad scheme. Promoters wanted to connect the capitals and principle cities of South and Central America with North America by rail). Davis also served as Chairman of the West Virginia Semi-Centennial Commission in 1913, the group tasked with planning the \"Golden Jubilee\" or 50th anniversary of West Virginia statehood.","Davis's philanthropic legacy was notable. His charitable activities included funding the Davis Children's Shelter in Charleston, West Virginia, a shelter for orphaned and neglected children (1896); the Davis Memorial Presbyterian Church, a church built in memory of his wife Katherine Bantz Davis; and the Davis Memorial Hospital in Davis, also constructed as a memorial to his deceased wife.  Perhaps most notably, he donated the land for Davis and Elkins College in 1904, a liberal arts college named in honor of H.G. Davis and Stephen B. Elkins.","Davis married Katherine Ann Salome Bantz on 22 February 1853. The couple had eight children, three of whom died in infancy. The oldest child, Mary Louise \"Hallie\" Davis, married US Senator Stephen B. Elkins on 14 April 1875, linking the names Davis and Elkins forever.","Daughter Grace Thomas Davis became the namesake of Graceland, Davis's country mansion in Davis, West Virginia, and after his wife died she became his hostess for events held at the mansion. His older son Henry Gassaway Davis was something of a troubled soul, and was lost at sea in 1896. His youngest son John Thomas Davis worked closely with his father, was later associated with Davis and Elkins College, and became a coal operator and banker.","Henry Gassaway Davis passed in Washington D.C. on 11 March 1916 at the age of 93. He is interred at Maplewood Cemetery, Elkins, West Virginia.","Sources:","Clarke, Alan. The West Virginia Central and Pittsburg: a Western Maryland Predecessor. Lynchburg: TLC Publishing. 2003.","Hicks, W. Raymond. \"The West Virginia Central \u0026 Pittsburgh Railway. The Railway and Locomotive Historical Society Bulletin. JSTOR. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43518154","Lewis, Ronald L. Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920. Chapel Hill: University off North Carolina Press, 1998.","Rice, Donald L. \"Coal \u0026 Coke Railway.\" The West Virginia Encyclopedia. https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/articles/1337","Ross, Thomas Richard. \"Henry Gassaway Davis.\" The West Virginia Encyclopedia. https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/articles/1711"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Henry Gassaway Davis (1823-1916) Papers, A\u0026amp;M 0013, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Henry Gassaway Davis (1823-1916) Papers, A\u0026M 0013, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e13, 717, 1028\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related A\u0026M Collections"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["13, 717, 1028"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCorrespondence and business papers of Henry Gassaway Davis (1823-1916), a successful businessman and politician from West Virginia.  He was the Democratic Party's nominee for Vice President of the United States in 1904.  The collection largely documents his business and political career, although there are personal papers in the collection as well.  His business interests were largely concerned with coal mining, timber, and railroads.  Types of documents include letters, reports, account books, and maps, among other material.  Much of the correspondence is arranged alphabetically.  The scope and content note of each record series provides substantial detail regarding content.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries include: \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 1a. Business Papers, 1882-1909 (boxes 1-29) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 1b. Banking Records, 1886-1916 (boxes 30-33) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 2. Coal Company Operations, 1799-1915 (boxes 34-48) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 3. Miscellaneous Papers, 1855-1916 (boxes 49-62) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 4. Miscellaneous Letters, 1872-1915 (boxes 63-65) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 5. Miscellaneous Bills and Receipts, 1872-1918 (boxes 66-82) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 6. Miscellaneous, 1872-1916 (boxes 83-115) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 7. Alexander Shaw Lawsuit, 1880-1894 (boxes 116-118) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 8. Personal and Political Papers, 1870-1916 (boxes 119-145) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 9. Railroads, 1862-1916 (boxes 146-189) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 10. West Virginia Semi-Centennial Commission, 1911 August 9–1913 July 26 (box 190) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 11. T.B. Davis Papers, 1879-1915 (box 191) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 12. Davis Memorial Hospital and Church, 1898-1916 (boxes 192-193) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 13. H.G. Davis and Brother, 1868-1905 (boxes 194-197) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 14. Real Estate and Timber, 1869-1915 (boxes 198-202) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 15. H.G. Davis Letter Books, 1865-1916 (boxes 203-231) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 16. West Virginia Central and Pittsburg Railway Company Letter Books, 1880-1903 (boxes 232-240) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 17. Minute, Letter, and Other Books, 1881-1914 (boxes 241-247) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSeries 18. Oversized Ledgers, 1884-1913 (boxes 248-260)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAmong Davis's correspondents are: \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Representative John D. Alderson \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nWest Virginia Governor George W. Atkinson \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator William Henry Barnum \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Ambassador to the U.K. Thomas F. Bayard \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Minister to the Netherlands August Belmont, Sr. \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator James G. Blaine \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator Calvin S. Brice \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator Johnson N. Camden \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nindustrialist Andrew Carnegie \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nPresident of Mexico General Porfirio Díaz \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Secretary of War Stephen Benton Elkins \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Minister to France Charles J. Faulkner, Sr. \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nBaltimore and Ohio Railroad President John W. Garrett \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nOlympian Robert S. Garrett \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nJames Cardinal Gibbons (Cardinal, Archbishop of Baltimore) \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator Arthur Pue Gorman \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. President Benjamin Harrison \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nConfederate cartographer Jedidiah (Jed) Hotchkiss \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nMaryland Governor Elihu Emory Jackson \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator John E. Kenna \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Secretary of War Daniel S. Lamont \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Congressman Adam Brown Littlepage \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Representative James Tilghman Lloyd \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nPresident of the WV Supreme Court of Appeals Daniel Bedinger Lucas \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nConsul General of Wurttemberg Charles F. Mayer \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nWest Virginia Governor William A. McCorkle \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator John R. McPherson \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Commissioner of Internal Revenue Joseph S. Miller \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nBaltimore and Ohio Railroad President Oscar G. Murray \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nPennsylvania Railroad President George Brooke Roberts \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nSouthern Railway President Samuel Spencer \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator Thomas Taggart \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator Daniel W. Voorhees \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Senator Thomas J. Walsh \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Secretary of the Navy William Collins Whitney \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nMaryland Governor William Pinkney Whyte \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\nU.S. Secretary of the Treasury William Windom\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Correspondence and business papers of Henry Gassaway Davis (1823-1916), a successful businessman and politician from West Virginia.  He was the Democratic Party's nominee for Vice President of the United States in 1904.  The collection largely documents his business and political career, although there are personal papers in the collection as well.  His business interests were largely concerned with coal mining, timber, and railroads.  Types of documents include letters, reports, account books, and maps, among other material.  Much of the correspondence is arranged alphabetically.  The scope and content note of each record series provides substantial detail regarding content.","Series include:  \nSeries 1a. Business Papers, 1882-1909 (boxes 1-29)  \nSeries 1b. Banking Records, 1886-1916 (boxes 30-33)  \nSeries 2. Coal Company Operations, 1799-1915 (boxes 34-48)  \nSeries 3. Miscellaneous Papers, 1855-1916 (boxes 49-62)  \nSeries 4. Miscellaneous Letters, 1872-1915 (boxes 63-65)  \nSeries 5. Miscellaneous Bills and Receipts, 1872-1918 (boxes 66-82)  \nSeries 6. Miscellaneous, 1872-1916 (boxes 83-115)  \nSeries 7. Alexander Shaw Lawsuit, 1880-1894 (boxes 116-118)  \nSeries 8. Personal and Political Papers, 1870-1916 (boxes 119-145)  \nSeries 9. Railroads, 1862-1916 (boxes 146-189)  \nSeries 10. West Virginia Semi-Centennial Commission, 1911 August 9–1913 July 26 (box 190)  \nSeries 11. T.B. Davis Papers, 1879-1915 (box 191)  \nSeries 12. Davis Memorial Hospital and Church, 1898-1916 (boxes 192-193)  \nSeries 13. H.G. Davis and Brother, 1868-1905 (boxes 194-197)  \nSeries 14. Real Estate and Timber, 1869-1915 (boxes 198-202)  \nSeries 15. H.G. Davis Letter Books, 1865-1916 (boxes 203-231)  \nSeries 16. West Virginia Central and Pittsburg Railway Company Letter Books, 1880-1903 (boxes 232-240)  \nSeries 17. Minute, Letter, and Other Books, 1881-1914 (boxes 241-247)  \nSeries 18. Oversized Ledgers, 1884-1913 (boxes 248-260)","Among Davis's correspondents are:  \nU.S. Representative John D. Alderson  \nWest Virginia Governor George W. Atkinson  \nU.S. Senator William Henry Barnum  \nU.S. Ambassador to the U.K. Thomas F. Bayard  \nU.S. Minister to the Netherlands August Belmont, Sr.  \nU.S. Senator James G. Blaine  \nU.S. Senator Calvin S. Brice  \nU.S. Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan  \nU.S. Senator Johnson N. Camden  \nindustrialist Andrew Carnegie  \nPresident of Mexico General Porfirio Díaz  \nU.S. Secretary of War Stephen Benton Elkins  \nU.S. Minister to France Charles J. Faulkner, Sr.  \nBaltimore and Ohio Railroad President John W. Garrett  \nOlympian Robert S. Garrett  \nJames Cardinal Gibbons (Cardinal, Archbishop of Baltimore)  \nU.S. Senator Arthur Pue Gorman  \nU.S. President Benjamin Harrison  \nConfederate cartographer Jedidiah (Jed) Hotchkiss  \nMaryland Governor Elihu Emory Jackson  \nU.S. Senator John E. Kenna  \nU.S. Secretary of War Daniel S. Lamont  \nU.S. Congressman Adam Brown Littlepage  \nU.S. Representative James Tilghman Lloyd  \nPresident of the WV Supreme Court of Appeals Daniel Bedinger Lucas  \nConsul General of Wurttemberg Charles F. Mayer  \nWest Virginia Governor William A. McCorkle  \nU.S. Senator John R. McPherson  \nU.S. Commissioner of Internal Revenue Joseph S. Miller  \nBaltimore and Ohio Railroad President Oscar G. Murray  \nPennsylvania Railroad President George Brooke Roberts  \nSouthern Railway President Samuel Spencer  \nU.S. Senator Thomas Taggart  \nU.S. Senator Daniel W. Voorhees  \nU.S. Senator Thomas J. Walsh  \nU.S. Secretary of the Navy William Collins Whitney  \nMaryland Governor William Pinkney Whyte  \nU.S. Secretary of the Treasury William Windom"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_bececc3958fd8321627340a6836c39d7\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Davis, Henry Gassaway, 1823-1916","Alderson, J. D. (John Duffy), 1854-1910","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bayard, Thomas F.","Belmont, August.","Blaine, James Gillespie, 1830-1893","Bryan, William Jennings, 1860-1925","Camden, J. N. (Johnson Newlon), 1828-1908","Carnegie, Andrew, 1835-1919","Dayton, Spencer","Díaz, Porfirio, 1830-1915","Elkins, Stephen B.  (Stephen Benton), 1841-1911","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Faulkner, Charles J. (Charles James), 1847-1929","Garrett, John W.","Gibbons, James, 1834-1921","Gorman, Arthur P. (Arthur Pue), 1839-1906","Harrison, Benjamin, 1833-1901","Kenna, John E.","Lamont, Daniel Scott, 1851-1905","Lucas, Daniel B.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mason, James M. II.","Voorhees, Daniel W. (Daniel Wolsey), 1827-1897","Walsh, Thomas J.","Whitney, William C.","Windom, William."],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"names_coll_ssim":["Alderson, J. D. (John Duffy), 1854-1910","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bayard, Thomas F.","Belmont, August.","Blaine, James Gillespie, 1830-1893","Bryan, William Jennings, 1860-1925","Camden, J. N. (Johnson Newlon), 1828-1908","Carnegie, Andrew, 1835-1919","Dayton, Spencer","Díaz, Porfirio, 1830-1915","Elkins, Stephen B.  (Stephen Benton), 1841-1911","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Faulkner, Charles J. (Charles James), 1847-1929","Garrett, John W.","Gibbons, James, 1834-1921","Gorman, Arthur P. (Arthur Pue), 1839-1906","Harrison, Benjamin, 1833-1901","Kenna, John E.","Lamont, Daniel Scott, 1851-1905","Lucas, Daniel B.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mason, James M. II.","Voorhees, Daniel W. (Daniel Wolsey), 1827-1897","Walsh, Thomas J.","Whitney, William C.","Windom, William."],"persname_ssim":["Davis, Henry Gassaway, 1823-1916","Alderson, J. D. (John Duffy), 1854-1910","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bayard, Thomas F.","Belmont, August.","Blaine, James Gillespie, 1830-1893","Bryan, William Jennings, 1860-1925","Camden, J. N. (Johnson Newlon), 1828-1908","Carnegie, Andrew, 1835-1919","Dayton, Spencer","Díaz, Porfirio, 1830-1915","Elkins, Stephen B.  (Stephen Benton), 1841-1911","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Faulkner, Charles J. (Charles James), 1847-1929","Garrett, John W.","Gibbons, James, 1834-1921","Gorman, Arthur P. (Arthur Pue), 1839-1906","Harrison, Benjamin, 1833-1901","Kenna, John E.","Lamont, Daniel Scott, 1851-1905","Lucas, Daniel B.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mason, James M. II.","Voorhees, Daniel W. (Daniel Wolsey), 1827-1897","Walsh, Thomas J.","Whitney, William C.","Windom, William."],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":990,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:13:20.196Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_2374_c10_c58"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225_c01","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"A","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225_c01","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225_c01"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225_c01","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"text":["Educational Cookery Collection","A","box 1","folder 1","The Adams \u0026 Westlake Manf'g Co. [Baking Matinees card.]","Albany Cooking School. [Concert program.] 1880.","American Academy of Nutrition. \"Foods for Books and Girls.\"","American Academy of Nutrition. \"Box Lunches for School.\" (2 copies)","American Academy of Nutrition. \"Healthful Foods for Teen-Agers.\" ","Ashland Independent. [Cooking school flyer with recipes.] 1940."],"title_filing_ssi":"A","title_ssm":["A"],"title_tesim":["A"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1880, 1940, n.d."],"normalized_date_ssm":["1880/1940"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Series"],"level_ssim":["Series"],"sort_isi":1,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish material from Educational Cookery Collection must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech."],"date_range_isim":[1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940],"containers_ssim":["box 1","folder 1"],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibref\u003eThe Adams \u0026amp; Westlake Manf'g Co. [Baking Matinees card.]\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAlbany Cooking School. [Concert program.] 1880.\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAmerican Academy of Nutrition. \"Foods for Books and Girls.\"\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAmerican Academy of Nutrition. \"Box Lunches for School.\" (2 copies)\u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAmerican Academy of Nutrition. \"Healthful Foods for Teen-Agers.\" \u003c/bibref\u003e","\u003cbibref\u003eAshland Independent. [Cooking school flyer with recipes.] 1940.\u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography"],"bibliography_tesim":["The Adams \u0026 Westlake Manf'g Co. [Baking Matinees card.]","Albany Cooking School. [Concert program.] 1880.","American Academy of Nutrition. \"Foods for Books and Girls.\"","American Academy of Nutrition. \"Box Lunches for School.\" (2 copies)","American Academy of Nutrition. \"Healthful Foods for Teen-Agers.\" ","Ashland Independent. [Cooking school flyer with recipes.] 1940."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:43:39.540Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_3225.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Educational Cookery Collection","title_ssm":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"title_tesim":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1880-1969, n.d."],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1880-1969, n.d."],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.2017.032"],"text":["Ms.2017.032","Educational Cookery Collection","Ann Hertzler Children's Cookbooks and Nutrition Literature Collection","Children -- Nutrition","Food Technology and Production","History of Food and Drink","Nutrition","Culinary pamphlets","Ephemera","Menus","Pamphlets","The collection is open for research.","Most items have a clear source (author, corporate author, publisher, or other sponsoring organization). This collection is arranged in alphabetical order by creator, with a small group of unattributed items at the end. Each letter of the alphabet represented has its own folder and items within each folder are alphabetical order by creator. Each folder has a bibliography of items with either a title or a brief description (when a clear title was absent).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the Educational Cookery Collection was completed in Octobter 2017.","The Educational Cookery Collection includes flyers, pamphlets, cooking school catalogs, recipes, menus, cookery lessons, and other ephemera relating to cookery and education, dating from the 1880s to the 1960s. Materials represent the work of individual authors, corporations, government and extension agencies, cooking schools, and other organizations that sponsored educational cookery events.","This collection included a large number of books and publications which were cataloged for the Rare Book Collection. Books are listed below in chronological order with undated materials at the end. Catalog records include a note that indicate they are part of the collection. If a book is connected to a particular educational culinary education organization, it is noted in brackets following the title and date.","Pre-1900 How We Made a Nine Cent Dinner, Explained in Full, with Some Other Economies, 1882. [New Century Cooking School] New York Tribune Extra No. 85, Practical Cookery, with Demonstrations, 1884. An Ideal Kitchen: Miss Parloa's Kitchen Companion, 1887. Question and Class Book for the Philadelphia Cooking School, 1887. [Philadelphia Cooking School] Cookery in the Public Schools, 1890. The Information Readers Number 1: Food and Beverages, 1891. [Boston School Series] 100 Choicest Recipes for Cooking, 1892. Souvenir and Cook Book (United Retail Grocer's Association of Brooklyn), 1892. Cooking School Recipes, 1893, plus handwritten apple cake recipe.  The Story of the New England Kitchen Part II, 1893, including invitation to the New York Diet Kitchen Association meeting in 1890. Jaynes \u0026 Co's Economical Cook Book, 1895. [Boston Cooking School] High Class Cookery Recipes, 1897. [National Training School of Cookery]","1900-2000 Aunt Martha's Corner Cupboard (serial, Parts I-III), c.1900? Cooking Made Easy, c.1905? Gathered Treasures, 1906.  Good Luncheons for Rural Schools without a Kitchen, 1906. Freehand Cooking on Scientific Principles, 1910. Individual Recipes in Use at the Drexel Institute, 1911. [Drexel Institute] Some More Good Things to Eat, 1911. Household and Science Arts, 1913. Cooking: Book One, 1914. [Muncie Normal Institute)] Foods and Sanitation: A Text-Book and Laboratory Manual for High Schools, 1914. Laboratory Cook Book. 1914. [Worcester Domestic Science School] Baking Powder: A Healthful Convenient Leavening Agent, 1915. Domestic Science Book II, Grade VII, 1915. Elements of the Theory and Practice of Cookery: A Text-Book of Household Science for Use in Schools, 1915. Low Cost Cooking, 1915. Feeding the Family, 1917. Educational Document No. 4, Official Recipe Book: What to Eat How to Cook It, 1918. Food and Health: An Elementary Textbook of Home Making, 1918. Food and Household Management: A Textbook of the Household Arts, 1918. Food Values and Economical Menus, 1919. [Miss Farmer's School of Cookery] Recipes and Menus for Fifty, 1920. [School of Domestic Science of the Boston Young Women's Christian Association] Cooking for Profit: Catering and Food Service Management, 1925. The Home Makers' Cooking School Cook Book, 1925. [Home Makers' School of Chicago, Illinois] Housewifery: A Manual and Text Book of Practical Housekeeping, 1924.  Cookery Arts and Kitchen Management, 1924. Food: Its Composition and Preparation: A Textbook for Classes in Household Science, 1925. Home Made Candies for Profit, 1926. Food Preparation, Meal Serving and Housewifery, 1934. Fortunes in Food, 1930. Savory Suggestions, 1930. Orono Cook Book, 1937. Modern Homemaker, 1938. Ten Lessons on Meat for Use in Schools, 1940. Continued Study Units: Home Economics: II-Foods of our Forefathers in The Middle Colonies, 1941. [Copy 2] University High School Faculty Cook Book, June 1942. Careers for the Home Economist, 1943. Batter Up!: Favorite Recipes of Ag Campus Students and Faculty, 1948. Company Cook Book, Harriet Johnson Nursery School, 1950. Favorite Recipes of Wellesley Alumnae, c.1950? French Cookery, 1953. The Art of Cooking, 1964. Fast Food Gets an \"A\" in School Lunch, 1977. [Copy 2] Let's Throw an Italian Wine Tasting! 1978. Source Book on Some International Food Flavors of Home Economics, 1982. Step-By-Step Directions for Mistake-Proof Recipe, 1986. [McCall's Cooking School]","Undated (organized alphabetically by title) Batterman's Book of Mary A. Wilson's Favorite Recipes. Be a Great Cook! Brookline Public Schools Manual. Cookery Book and General Axioms for Plain Cookery. [School Board for London] A Course of Practical Lessons on Cakes and Cake Decoration. Digest of the Day. [Ward Six, PTA, Gloucester, MA] Domestic Science (Leaflets 1-28). [School District of Philadelphia] The Florence Crittenton Cook Book. [Boston School of Cookery] Food Facts and Food Fallacies. Food...Fun...and...Flair: Course for Gourmets. [Institute for Gracious Living, Inc.] G.R.L.'s Own Cookery Book: A Man's Book for Every Woman (5th edition). Into the Mouths of Babes. Let's All Reap Together: A Guide to Help You Put More Food on Your Plate. National School of Domestic Art and Science: Views and Interiors of Buildings. Original San Francisco Sourdough Culture Instructions. Outdoor Cooking at the Boces Environmental Education Center at Brookville. Outline of Cooking, Grades VII and VIII. Pouring Tea for Profit. [Lewis Hotel Training School] Thai Kitchen Cookery Centre. 350 Recipes: Cooked and Tested by the Cooking Class of the House of the Good Shepherd.","Permission to publish material from Educational Cookery Collection must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech.","The Educational Cookery Collection includes flyers, pamphlets, cooking school catalogs, recipes, menus, cookery lessons, and other ephemera relating to cookery and education, dating from the 1880s to the 1960s.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.2017.032"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"collection_ssim":["Educational Cookery Collection"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish material from Educational Cookery Collection must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Educational Cookery Collection was purchased by Special Collections in April 2017. Additional materials may be added in the future."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Ann Hertzler Children's Cookbooks and Nutrition Literature Collection","Children -- Nutrition","Food Technology and Production","History of Food and Drink","Nutrition","Culinary pamphlets","Ephemera","Menus","Pamphlets"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Ann Hertzler Children's Cookbooks and Nutrition Literature Collection","Children -- Nutrition","Food Technology and Production","History of Food and Drink","Nutrition","Culinary pamphlets","Ephemera","Menus","Pamphlets"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["1.4 Cubic Feet 1 box"],"extent_tesim":["1.4 Cubic Feet 1 box"],"genreform_ssim":["Culinary pamphlets","Ephemera","Menus","Pamphlets"],"date_range_isim":[1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMost items have a clear source (author, corporate author, publisher, or other sponsoring organization). This collection is arranged in alphabetical order by creator, with a small group of unattributed items at the end. Each letter of the alphabet represented has its own folder and items within each folder are alphabetical order by creator. Each folder has a bibliography of items with either a title or a brief description (when a clear title was absent).\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Most items have a clear source (author, corporate author, publisher, or other sponsoring organization). This collection is arranged in alphabetical order by creator, with a small group of unattributed items at the end. Each letter of the alphabet represented has its own folder and items within each folder are alphabetical order by creator. Each folder has a bibliography of items with either a title or a brief description (when a clear title was absent)."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: Educational Cookery Collection, Ms2017-032, Special Collections, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: Educational Cookery Collection, Ms2017-032, Special Collections, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the Educational Cookery Collection was completed in Octobter 2017.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the Educational Cookery Collection was completed in Octobter 2017."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Educational Cookery Collection includes flyers, pamphlets, cooking school catalogs, recipes, menus, cookery lessons, and other ephemera relating to cookery and education, dating from the 1880s to the 1960s. Materials represent the work of individual authors, corporations, government and extension agencies, cooking schools, and other organizations that sponsored educational cookery events.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Educational Cookery Collection includes flyers, pamphlets, cooking school catalogs, recipes, menus, cookery lessons, and other ephemera relating to cookery and education, dating from the 1880s to the 1960s. Materials represent the work of individual authors, corporations, government and extension agencies, cooking schools, and other organizations that sponsored educational cookery events."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection included a large number of books and publications which were cataloged for the Rare Book Collection. Books are listed below in chronological order with undated materials at the end. Catalog records include a note that indicate they are part of the collection. If a book is connected to a particular educational culinary education organization, it is noted in brackets following the title and date.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003chead\u003ePre-1900\u003c/head\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHow We Made a Nine Cent Dinner, Explained in Full, with Some Other Economies, 1882. [New Century Cooking School]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eNew York Tribune Extra No. 85, Practical Cookery, with Demonstrations, 1884.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eAn Ideal Kitchen: Miss Parloa's Kitchen Companion, 1887.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eQuestion and Class Book for the Philadelphia Cooking School, 1887. [Philadelphia Cooking School]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCookery in the Public Schools, 1890.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eThe Information Readers Number 1: Food and Beverages, 1891. [Boston School Series]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e100 Choicest Recipes for Cooking, 1892.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSouvenir and Cook Book (United Retail Grocer's Association of Brooklyn), 1892.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCooking School Recipes, 1893, plus handwritten apple cake recipe. \u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eThe Story of the New England Kitchen Part II, 1893, including invitation to the New York Diet Kitchen Association meeting in 1890.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eJaynes \u0026amp; Co's Economical Cook Book, 1895. [Boston Cooking School]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHigh Class Cookery Recipes, 1897. [National Training School of Cookery]\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003chead\u003e1900-2000\u003c/head\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eAunt Martha's Corner Cupboard (serial, Parts I-III), c.1900?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCooking Made Easy, c.1905?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eGathered Treasures, 1906. \u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eGood Luncheons for Rural Schools without a Kitchen, 1906.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFreehand Cooking on Scientific Principles, 1910.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIndividual Recipes in Use at the Drexel Institute, 1911. [Drexel Institute]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSome More Good Things to Eat, 1911.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHousehold and Science Arts, 1913.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCooking: Book One, 1914. [Muncie Normal Institute)]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFoods and Sanitation: A Text-Book and Laboratory Manual for High Schools, 1914.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eLaboratory Cook Book. 1914. [Worcester Domestic Science School]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eBaking Powder: A Healthful Convenient Leavening Agent, 1915.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eDomestic Science Book II, Grade VII, 1915.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eElements of the Theory and Practice of Cookery: A Text-Book of Household Science for Use in Schools, 1915.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eLow Cost Cooking, 1915.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFeeding the Family, 1917.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eEducational Document No. 4, Official Recipe Book: What to Eat How to Cook It, 1918.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFood and Health: An Elementary Textbook of Home Making, 1918.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFood and Household Management: A Textbook of the Household Arts, 1918.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFood Values and Economical Menus, 1919. [Miss Farmer's School of Cookery]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eRecipes and Menus for Fifty, 1920. [School of Domestic Science of the Boston Young Women's Christian Association]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCooking for Profit: Catering and Food Service Management, 1925.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eThe Home Makers' Cooking School Cook Book, 1925. [Home Makers' School of Chicago, Illinois]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHousewifery: A Manual and Text Book of Practical Housekeeping, 1924. \u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCookery Arts and Kitchen Management, 1924.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFood: Its Composition and Preparation: A Textbook for Classes in Household Science, 1925.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHome Made Candies for Profit, 1926.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFood Preparation, Meal Serving and Housewifery, 1934.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFortunes in Food, 1930.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSavory Suggestions, 1930.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOrono Cook Book, 1937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eModern Homemaker, 1938.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eTen Lessons on Meat for Use in Schools, 1940.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eContinued Study Units: Home Economics: II-Foods of our Forefathers in The Middle Colonies, 1941. [Copy 2]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eUniversity High School Faculty Cook Book, June 1942.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCareers for the Home Economist, 1943.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eBatter Up!: Favorite Recipes of Ag Campus Students and Faculty, 1948.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCompany Cook Book, Harriet Johnson Nursery School, 1950.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFavorite Recipes of Wellesley Alumnae, c.1950?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFrench Cookery, 1953.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eThe Art of Cooking, 1964.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFast Food Gets an \"A\" in School Lunch, 1977. [Copy 2]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eLet's Throw an Italian Wine Tasting! 1978.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSource Book on Some International Food Flavors of Home Economics, 1982.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eStep-By-Step Directions for Mistake-Proof Recipe, 1986. [McCall's Cooking School]\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003chead\u003eUndated (organized alphabetically by title)\u003c/head\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eBatterman's Book of Mary A. Wilson's Favorite Recipes.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eBe a Great Cook!\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eBrookline Public Schools Manual.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCookery Book and General Axioms for Plain Cookery. [School Board for London]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eA Course of Practical Lessons on Cakes and Cake Decoration.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eDigest of the Day. [Ward Six, PTA, Gloucester, MA]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eDomestic Science (Leaflets 1-28). [School District of Philadelphia]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eThe Florence Crittenton Cook Book. [Boston School of Cookery]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFood Facts and Food Fallacies.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eFood...Fun...and...Flair: Course for Gourmets. [Institute for Gracious Living, Inc.]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eG.R.L.'s Own Cookery Book: A Man's Book for Every Woman (5th edition).\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eInto the Mouths of Babes.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eLet's All Reap Together: A Guide to Help You Put More Food on Your Plate.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eNational School of Domestic Art and Science: Views and Interiors of Buildings.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOriginal San Francisco Sourdough Culture Instructions.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOutdoor Cooking at the Boces Environmental Education Center at Brookville.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOutline of Cooking, Grades VII and VIII.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePouring Tea for Profit. [Lewis Hotel Training School]\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eThai Kitchen Cookery Centre.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e350 Recipes: Cooked and Tested by the Cooking Class of the House of the Good Shepherd.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials (Books)"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["This collection included a large number of books and publications which were cataloged for the Rare Book Collection. Books are listed below in chronological order with undated materials at the end. Catalog records include a note that indicate they are part of the collection. If a book is connected to a particular educational culinary education organization, it is noted in brackets following the title and date.","Pre-1900 How We Made a Nine Cent Dinner, Explained in Full, with Some Other Economies, 1882. [New Century Cooking School] New York Tribune Extra No. 85, Practical Cookery, with Demonstrations, 1884. An Ideal Kitchen: Miss Parloa's Kitchen Companion, 1887. Question and Class Book for the Philadelphia Cooking School, 1887. [Philadelphia Cooking School] Cookery in the Public Schools, 1890. The Information Readers Number 1: Food and Beverages, 1891. [Boston School Series] 100 Choicest Recipes for Cooking, 1892. Souvenir and Cook Book (United Retail Grocer's Association of Brooklyn), 1892. Cooking School Recipes, 1893, plus handwritten apple cake recipe.  The Story of the New England Kitchen Part II, 1893, including invitation to the New York Diet Kitchen Association meeting in 1890. Jaynes \u0026 Co's Economical Cook Book, 1895. [Boston Cooking School] High Class Cookery Recipes, 1897. [National Training School of Cookery]","1900-2000 Aunt Martha's Corner Cupboard (serial, Parts I-III), c.1900? Cooking Made Easy, c.1905? Gathered Treasures, 1906.  Good Luncheons for Rural Schools without a Kitchen, 1906. Freehand Cooking on Scientific Principles, 1910. Individual Recipes in Use at the Drexel Institute, 1911. [Drexel Institute] Some More Good Things to Eat, 1911. Household and Science Arts, 1913. Cooking: Book One, 1914. [Muncie Normal Institute)] Foods and Sanitation: A Text-Book and Laboratory Manual for High Schools, 1914. Laboratory Cook Book. 1914. [Worcester Domestic Science School] Baking Powder: A Healthful Convenient Leavening Agent, 1915. Domestic Science Book II, Grade VII, 1915. Elements of the Theory and Practice of Cookery: A Text-Book of Household Science for Use in Schools, 1915. Low Cost Cooking, 1915. Feeding the Family, 1917. Educational Document No. 4, Official Recipe Book: What to Eat How to Cook It, 1918. Food and Health: An Elementary Textbook of Home Making, 1918. Food and Household Management: A Textbook of the Household Arts, 1918. Food Values and Economical Menus, 1919. [Miss Farmer's School of Cookery] Recipes and Menus for Fifty, 1920. [School of Domestic Science of the Boston Young Women's Christian Association] Cooking for Profit: Catering and Food Service Management, 1925. The Home Makers' Cooking School Cook Book, 1925. [Home Makers' School of Chicago, Illinois] Housewifery: A Manual and Text Book of Practical Housekeeping, 1924.  Cookery Arts and Kitchen Management, 1924. Food: Its Composition and Preparation: A Textbook for Classes in Household Science, 1925. Home Made Candies for Profit, 1926. Food Preparation, Meal Serving and Housewifery, 1934. Fortunes in Food, 1930. Savory Suggestions, 1930. Orono Cook Book, 1937. Modern Homemaker, 1938. Ten Lessons on Meat for Use in Schools, 1940. Continued Study Units: Home Economics: II-Foods of our Forefathers in The Middle Colonies, 1941. [Copy 2] University High School Faculty Cook Book, June 1942. Careers for the Home Economist, 1943. Batter Up!: Favorite Recipes of Ag Campus Students and Faculty, 1948. Company Cook Book, Harriet Johnson Nursery School, 1950. Favorite Recipes of Wellesley Alumnae, c.1950? French Cookery, 1953. The Art of Cooking, 1964. Fast Food Gets an \"A\" in School Lunch, 1977. [Copy 2] Let's Throw an Italian Wine Tasting! 1978. Source Book on Some International Food Flavors of Home Economics, 1982. Step-By-Step Directions for Mistake-Proof Recipe, 1986. [McCall's Cooking School]","Undated (organized alphabetically by title) Batterman's Book of Mary A. Wilson's Favorite Recipes. Be a Great Cook! Brookline Public Schools Manual. Cookery Book and General Axioms for Plain Cookery. [School Board for London] A Course of Practical Lessons on Cakes and Cake Decoration. Digest of the Day. [Ward Six, PTA, Gloucester, MA] Domestic Science (Leaflets 1-28). [School District of Philadelphia] The Florence Crittenton Cook Book. [Boston School of Cookery] Food Facts and Food Fallacies. Food...Fun...and...Flair: Course for Gourmets. [Institute for Gracious Living, Inc.] G.R.L.'s Own Cookery Book: A Man's Book for Every Woman (5th edition). Into the Mouths of Babes. Let's All Reap Together: A Guide to Help You Put More Food on Your Plate. National School of Domestic Art and Science: Views and Interiors of Buildings. Original San Francisco Sourdough Culture Instructions. Outdoor Cooking at the Boces Environmental Education Center at Brookville. Outline of Cooking, Grades VII and VIII. Pouring Tea for Profit. [Lewis Hotel Training School] Thai Kitchen Cookery Centre. 350 Recipes: Cooked and Tested by the Cooking Class of the House of the Good Shepherd."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish material from Educational Cookery Collection must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish material from Educational Cookery Collection must be obtained from Special Collections, Virginia Tech."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_fd3a110303190531f735e3255820bcb7\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe Educational Cookery Collection includes flyers, pamphlets, cooking school catalogs, recipes, menus, cookery lessons, and other ephemera relating to cookery and education, dating from the 1880s to the 1960s.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Educational Cookery Collection includes flyers, pamphlets, cooking school catalogs, recipes, menus, cookery lessons, and other ephemera relating to cookery and education, dating from the 1880s to the 1960s."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"total_component_count_is":16,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:43:39.540Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_3225_c01"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c05","type":"Box","attributes":{"title":"A-220-A-234","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c05#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c05","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c05"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c05","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","parent_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"text":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers","A-220-A-234","Box 4","No microfilm copy available"],"title_filing_ssi":"A-220-A-234","title_ssm":["A-220-A-234"],"title_tesim":["A-220-A-234"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1781-1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1781/1914"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A-220-A-234"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Box"],"level_ssim":["Box"],"sort_isi":5,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["No special access restriction applies."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914],"containers_ssim":["Box 4"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo microfilm copy available\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No microfilm copy available"],"_nest_path_":"/components#4","timestamp":"2026-05-08T15:08:29.263Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_4006.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/197800","title_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"title_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1775-1918"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1775-1918"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006"],"text":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006","Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers","Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives","Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records","There are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request.  These inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is  The State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia , which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s).","No special access restriction applies.","This collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. ","The addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. ","The materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. ","Photographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. ","Bound volume separated into general collection:  The state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.] . Call number: 975.2 M369s","Related: A\u0026M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books ","Other Collections:\nA\u0026M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records ","A\u0026M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers ","A\u0026M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" ","Records from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  ","This collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  ","Both the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. ","Highlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167).","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Records of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"geogname_ssim":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"creator_ssm":["Preston County"],"creator_ssim":["Preston County"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Preston County"],"creators_ssim":["Preston County"],"places_ssim":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of Thomas Ward, President of the Preston County Court, 1957 April 16. ","Addendum: Gift of the McCrum Estate through the Leroy Bucklew Museum, 1996 August."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["4.15 Linear Feet Summary: 4 ft. 1.75 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 Oversized record carton, 17 in.); (1 reel of microfilm, 1.75 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["4.15 Linear Feet Summary: 4 ft. 1.75 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 Oversized record carton, 17 in.); (1 reel of microfilm, 1.75 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918],"indexes_html_tesm":["\u003cindex id=\"aspace_9f08df9943fdf67a6a156c59e8285f6c\"\u003e\n  \u003cp\u003eThere are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request. \u003c/p\u003e\n  \u003cp\u003eThese inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is \u003ctitle\u003e\u003cpart\u003eThe State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia\u003c/part\u003e\u003c/title\u003e, which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/index\u003e"],"indexes_tesim":["There are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request.  These inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is  The State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia , which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s)."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo special access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No special access restriction applies."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. \u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. ","The addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. ","The materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. ","Photographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. "],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers, A\u0026amp;M 0956, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers, A\u0026M 0956, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBound volume separated into general collection: \u003ctitle\u003e\u003cpart\u003eThe state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.]\u003c/part\u003e\u003c/title\u003e. Call number: 975.2 M369s\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRelated: A\u0026amp;M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eOther Collections:\nA\u0026amp;M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" \u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["See Also"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Bound volume separated into general collection:  The state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.] . Call number: 975.2 M369s","Related: A\u0026M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books ","Other Collections:\nA\u0026M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records ","A\u0026M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers ","A\u0026M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" "],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eRecords from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBoth the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHighlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167).\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Records from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  ","This collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  ","Both the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. ","Highlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167)."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_658fbbb2c763ef9925bb9741476ed3e1\"\u003eRecords of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Records of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_bf3a8e6081519b160b365cc3d41b8493\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/"],"names_coll_ssim":["Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum"],"persname_ssim":["Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":9,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-08T15:08:29.263Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c05"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c06","type":"Box","attributes":{"title":"A-235-A-260; A-268; A-270; A-273-275; A-278-A-280; unnumbered","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c06#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eNegative copies of item A-246 are in Box 6.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c06#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c06","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c06"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c06","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","parent_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"text":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers","A-235-A-260; A-268; A-270; A-273-275; A-278-A-280; unnumbered","Box 5","No microfilm copy available","Negative copies of item A-246 are in Box 6."],"title_filing_ssi":"A-235-A-260; A-268; A-270; A-273-275; A-278-A-280; unnumbered","title_ssm":["A-235-A-260; A-268; A-270; A-273-275; A-278-A-280; unnumbered"],"title_tesim":["A-235-A-260; A-268; A-270; A-273-275; A-278-A-280; unnumbered"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1786-1911"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1786/1911"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A-235-A-260; A-268; A-270; A-273-275; A-278-A-280; unnumbered"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Box"],"level_ssim":["Box"],"sort_isi":6,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["No special access restriction applies."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911],"containers_ssim":["Box 5"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo microfilm copy available\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No microfilm copy available"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNegative copies of item A-246 are in Box 6.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Negative copies of item A-246 are in Box 6."],"_nest_path_":"/components#5","timestamp":"2026-05-08T15:08:29.263Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_4006.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/197800","title_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"title_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1775-1918"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1775-1918"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006"],"text":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006","Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers","Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives","Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records","There are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request.  These inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is  The State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia , which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s).","No special access restriction applies.","This collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. ","The addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. ","The materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. ","Photographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. ","Bound volume separated into general collection:  The state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.] . Call number: 975.2 M369s","Related: A\u0026M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books ","Other Collections:\nA\u0026M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records ","A\u0026M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers ","A\u0026M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" ","Records from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  ","This collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  ","Both the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. ","Highlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167).","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Records of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"geogname_ssim":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"creator_ssm":["Preston County"],"creator_ssim":["Preston County"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Preston County"],"creators_ssim":["Preston County"],"places_ssim":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of Thomas Ward, President of the Preston County Court, 1957 April 16. ","Addendum: Gift of the McCrum Estate through the Leroy Bucklew Museum, 1996 August."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["4.15 Linear Feet Summary: 4 ft. 1.75 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 Oversized record carton, 17 in.); (1 reel of microfilm, 1.75 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["4.15 Linear Feet Summary: 4 ft. 1.75 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 Oversized record carton, 17 in.); (1 reel of microfilm, 1.75 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918],"indexes_html_tesm":["\u003cindex id=\"aspace_9f08df9943fdf67a6a156c59e8285f6c\"\u003e\n  \u003cp\u003eThere are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request. \u003c/p\u003e\n  \u003cp\u003eThese inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is \u003ctitle\u003e\u003cpart\u003eThe State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia\u003c/part\u003e\u003c/title\u003e, which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/index\u003e"],"indexes_tesim":["There are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request.  These inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is  The State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia , which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s)."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo special access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No special access restriction applies."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. \u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. ","The addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. ","The materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. ","Photographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. "],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers, A\u0026amp;M 0956, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers, A\u0026M 0956, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBound volume separated into general collection: \u003ctitle\u003e\u003cpart\u003eThe state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.]\u003c/part\u003e\u003c/title\u003e. Call number: 975.2 M369s\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRelated: A\u0026amp;M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eOther Collections:\nA\u0026amp;M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" \u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["See Also"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Bound volume separated into general collection:  The state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.] . Call number: 975.2 M369s","Related: A\u0026M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books ","Other Collections:\nA\u0026M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records ","A\u0026M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers ","A\u0026M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" "],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eRecords from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBoth the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHighlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167).\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Records from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  ","This collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  ","Both the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. ","Highlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167)."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_658fbbb2c763ef9925bb9741476ed3e1\"\u003eRecords of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Records of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_bf3a8e6081519b160b365cc3d41b8493\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/"],"names_coll_ssim":["Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum"],"persname_ssim":["Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":9,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-08T15:08:29.263Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c06"}},{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c07","type":"Box","attributes":{"title":"A-2-A-17; A-23-A-149; A-153-A-160; A-168;  X-123, X-124, and X-126","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c07#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eDoes not include A-13, 16, 24, 27, 63, 70, 111, 133, or 156. A-28 is listed as a negative in the inventory, but appears to be the original. The \"X\" items were not included on the original inventory and are: X-123, town lots in Kingwood surveyed for U.N. Orr, 1908; X-124, Plat of streets in Kingwood, undated; and X-126, the Brown and Bannister addition to Albright, undated.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c07#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c07","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c07"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c07","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","parent_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"text":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers","A-2-A-17; A-23-A-149; A-153-A-160; A-168;  X-123, X-124, and X-126","Box 6","No microfilm copy available","Does not include A-13, 16, 24, 27, 63, 70, 111, 133, or 156. A-28 is listed as a negative in the inventory, but appears to be the original. The \"X\" items were not included on the original inventory and are: X-123, town lots in Kingwood surveyed for U.N. Orr, 1908; X-124, Plat of streets in Kingwood, undated; and X-126, the Brown and Bannister addition to Albright, undated."],"title_filing_ssi":"A-2-A-17; A-23-A-149; A-153-A-160; A-168;  X-123, X-124, and X-126","title_ssm":["A-2-A-17; A-23-A-149; A-153-A-160; A-168;  X-123, X-124, and X-126"],"title_tesim":["A-2-A-17; A-23-A-149; A-153-A-160; A-168;  X-123, X-124, and X-126"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1820-1920"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1820/1920"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A-2-A-17; A-23-A-149; A-153-A-160; A-168;  X-123, X-124, and X-126"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Box"],"level_ssim":["Box"],"sort_isi":7,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["No special access restriction applies."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"containers_ssim":["Box 6"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo microfilm copy available\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No microfilm copy available"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDoes not include A-13, 16, 24, 27, 63, 70, 111, 133, or 156. A-28 is listed as a negative in the inventory, but appears to be the original. The \"X\" items were not included on the original inventory and are: X-123, town lots in Kingwood surveyed for U.N. Orr, 1908; X-124, Plat of streets in Kingwood, undated; and X-126, the Brown and Bannister addition to Albright, undated.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Does not include A-13, 16, 24, 27, 63, 70, 111, 133, or 156. A-28 is listed as a negative in the inventory, but appears to be the original. The \"X\" items were not included on the original inventory and are: X-123, town lots in Kingwood surveyed for U.N. Orr, 1908; X-124, Plat of streets in Kingwood, undated; and X-126, the Brown and Bannister addition to Albright, undated."],"_nest_path_":"/components#6","timestamp":"2026-05-08T15:08:29.263Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_4006.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/197800","title_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"title_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1775-1918"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1775-1918"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006"],"text":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006","Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers","Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives","Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records","There are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request.  These inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is  The State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia , which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s).","No special access restriction applies.","This collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. ","The addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. ","The materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. ","Photographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. ","Bound volume separated into general collection:  The state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.] . Call number: 975.2 M369s","Related: A\u0026M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books ","Other Collections:\nA\u0026M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records ","A\u0026M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers ","A\u0026M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" ","Records from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  ","This collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  ","Both the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. ","Highlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167).","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Records of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 0956","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/4006"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"geogname_ssim":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"creator_ssm":["Preston County"],"creator_ssim":["Preston County"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Preston County"],"creators_ssim":["Preston County"],"places_ssim":["Berkeley Springs (W. Va.)","Bruceton Mills (W. Va.)","Kingwood (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.)","Rowlesburg (W. Va.)","Preston County (W. Va.) -- archives"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Gift of Thomas Ward, President of the Preston County Court, 1957 April 16. ","Addendum: Gift of the McCrum Estate through the Leroy Bucklew Museum, 1996 August."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Coal mining.","Court records","Estate settlements.","Iron furnaces and iron industry.","Maps.","Mills and mill-work","Railroads","Surveyors and surveying.","County courts","Real property","Public records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["4.15 Linear Feet Summary: 4 ft. 1.75 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 Oversized record carton, 17 in.); (1 reel of microfilm, 1.75 in.)"],"extent_tesim":["4.15 Linear Feet Summary: 4 ft. 1.75 in. (5 document cases, 5 in. each); (2 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 Oversized record carton, 17 in.); (1 reel of microfilm, 1.75 in.)"],"date_range_isim":[1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918],"indexes_html_tesm":["\u003cindex id=\"aspace_9f08df9943fdf67a6a156c59e8285f6c\"\u003e\n  \u003cp\u003eThere are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request. \u003c/p\u003e\n  \u003cp\u003eThese inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is \u003ctitle\u003e\u003cpart\u003eThe State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia\u003c/part\u003e\u003c/title\u003e, which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/index\u003e"],"indexes_tesim":["There are two item level inventories, one of the original collection (boxes 1-7) and one of the 1996 addendum (box 8). Additionally, there is an inventory of the contents of item A-174, Miscellaneous Land Contracts and Deeds, 1795-1859 (box 3). These inventories include further information about names, locations, and dates found in this collection. Physical and digital copies of these are available upon request.  These inventories were made around the time of the collections' accessions, and may include some outdated information, but are generally still accurate. Materials on the inventory that are no longer part of the collection are: Items A-1, 13, 21, 24, 70, 111, 133, 166, 261-268, 271-272, and 276-277. The microfilm reel in this collection is a copy of A-24, the original material was returned to the donor. A-21 is  The State Of Maryland, Complainant, Vs. The State of West Virginia , which was separated into the general book collection (975.2 M369s)."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo special access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No special access restriction applies."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. \u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection consists of two pieces: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. Materials in the first piece were numbered as \"items\" A-1 to A-280. An \"item\" could either be a single document or item, or could be a collection of materials. Some \"items,\" such as A-22, include specifications of their contents, the contents identified as 1-67, while other items have their contents designated alphabetically, such as A-163, which includes A-L. There are three items in box 6 designated as X-123, X-124, and X-126. These items appear to have been added after the inventory. Item numbers were written on folders or directly on the items. Additionally, several of the boxes contain a few miscellaneous unnumbered items. ","The addendum in box 8 uses a similar system, but are designated MON 1-MON 45, in reference to Julius Kemble Monroe, the originator of these materials. This label is not related to Monroe or Monongalia Counties. ","The materials in boxes 1-5 and box 8 are in folders labeled with item numbers, and arranged numerically by item number. The materials in boxes 6 and 7 are generally not foldered, and are not arranged in numerical order. ","Photographs 015954, 015955, and 015959 are part of A-18; 015735 is A-19; and 015958 is part of A-20. The other photographs were never scanned, and do not have ID numbers. "],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers, A\u0026amp;M 0956, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Preston County (W. Va.) Court Records and Miscellaneous Papers, A\u0026M 0956, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBound volume separated into general collection: \u003ctitle\u003e\u003cpart\u003eThe state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.]\u003c/part\u003e\u003c/title\u003e. Call number: 975.2 M369s\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRelated: A\u0026amp;M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eOther Collections:\nA\u0026amp;M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA\u0026amp;M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" \u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["See Also"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Bound volume separated into general collection:  The state of Maryland, complainant, vs. the state of West Virginia: in equity; [transcript of record ... concerning boundary line.] . Call number: 975.2 M369s","Related: A\u0026M 2578, Preston County (W. Va.) Court Record Books ","Other Collections:\nA\u0026M 1084, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 1062, George W. Fairfax Papers ","A\u0026M 0279, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 0429, Surveyor's Field Book, Preston County  ","A\u0026M 1296, Preston County Board of Education Records ","A\u0026M 0810, James H. Carroll, County Circuit Court Clerk, Papers ","A\u0026M 0571, Samuel T. Wiley, Author, Notebook regarding Publication of \"History of Preston County\" "],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eRecords from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThis collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBoth the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHighlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167).\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Records from the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. Land records are of private individuals, corporations, and general surveys of the County, as well as a few records on the Deakins Line on the border of West Virginia (then Virginia) and Maryland. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family.  ","This collection consists of two parts: the original accession and the 1996 addendum. The original collection includes boxes 1-7 and 1 reel of microfilm. Boxes 1-5 are primarily land records from Preston County, and include land in Monongalia and Harrison Counties. The collection includes early papers relating to land, court cases, mills and furnaces, post offices, inns, mineral development, Morgantown and Kingwood Railroad Company, roads, the Virginia-Maryland boundary, and estate settlements. Boxes 6-7 are almost exclusively maps and surveys, and the materials are primarily from circa 1900-1915. The microfilm reel is a copy of a 1909 Map of Kingwood (item A-24); the original was returned after being filmed. Five of the seven photographs are available digitally. The 1996 addendum is box 8. This box is exclusively photocopies of the loaned materials, no original materials exist. These materials were the papers of Julius Kemble Monroe, a surveyor in Preston County.  ","Both the originals and the addendum may have at one point been the papers of Monroe, but the original accession was donated by the Preston County Court through the Leroy Bucklew Museum. The papers in this collection include court records, but seem to have been returned to the court from private citizens. As a result, the records in this collection include the kinds of court records kept by individuals, and include private papers, such as correspondence. Furthermore, this collection is representative of specific individuals who kept records, rather than the general population of Preston County.  The collection of private records by the County may have occurred after a fire at the courthouse in 1869 destroyed most of the original records, or it may be a result of the collecting efforts of the Bucklew Museum, which appears to have been connected with the court. ","Highlights of this collection include: Original survey maps from 1790, 1792, and 1794 (A-17); a survey of the border between West Virginia and Maryland (undated, A-16); records of local industries such as a coal report (undated, A-171), Muddy Creek Iron Furnace (A-318, circa 1860), and the Kingwood Railroad; Accounts of Mail for Preston County Post Offices (1845-1849, A-269); records of first Kingwood Sunday School, including Semi-Annual report of Kingwood Sunday School, 1828 (A-274) and a list of scholars and donors (A-280); lists of voters for Evansville (1844 or 1848, A-278); Literary Digest maps of New Europe and Africa following World War I (1920, A-156 and A-168); Soil, topography, and agricultural surveys for Preston, Monongalia, Marion, and Taylor Counties (1912-1914, A-148-149, A-169); and a poster advertising a \"Judicial Sale of Very Valuable Land\" (1868, A-167)."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_658fbbb2c763ef9925bb9741476ed3e1\"\u003eRecords of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Records of the Preston County court, consisting almost entirely of land records such as maps, surveys, plats, deeds, and indentures. There are also some personal papers and correspondence of Preston County residents, including Israel Baldwin and Julius K. Monroe, and the Fairfax family. Some photographs from this collection have been digitized."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_bf3a8e6081519b160b365cc3d41b8493\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536 / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/"],"names_coll_ssim":["Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum","Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","Preston County","Leroy Bucklew Museum"],"persname_ssim":["Deakins, Francis.","Deakins, William.","Monroe, Julius Kemble.","Sisler, Janice Cale, 1935-"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":9,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-08T15:08:29.263Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_4006_c07"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c01_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"A. Accounts Payable, numbered sequence,\n                     1-10","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c01_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c01_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c01_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c01_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Accounts"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Accounts"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Accounts","A. Accounts Payable, numbered sequence,\n                     1-10","18 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. Accounts Payable, numbered sequence,\n                     1-10","title_ssm":["A. Accounts Payable, numbered sequence,\n                     1-10"],"title_tesim":["A. Accounts Payable, numbered sequence,\n                     1-10"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1902-1923"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1923"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. Accounts Payable, numbered sequence,\n                     1-10"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["18 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":3,"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0/components#0","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c01_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n                     records of castings and weights, financial\n                     statements of various companies, expenses of the\n                     [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n                     records, World War I workers exemption from\n                     [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n                     transactions, and tools rented","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c18"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c18"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Miscellaneous"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Miscellaneous"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Miscellaneous","A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n                     records of castings and weights, financial\n                     statements of various companies, expenses of the\n                     [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n                     records, World War I workers exemption from\n                     [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n                     transactions, and tools rented","9 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n                     records of castings and weights, financial\n                     statements of various companies, expenses of the\n                     [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n                     records, World War I workers exemption from\n                     [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n                     transactions, and tools rented","title_ssm":["A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n                     records of castings and weights, financial\n                     statements of various companies, expenses of the\n                     [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n                     records, World War I workers exemption from\n                     [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n                     transactions, and tools rented"],"title_tesim":["A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n                     records of castings and weights, financial\n                     statements of various companies, expenses of the\n                     [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n                     records, World War I workers exemption from\n                     [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n                     transactions, and tools rented"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1881-1918"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1881/1918"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n                     records of castings and weights, financial\n                     statements of various companies, expenses of the\n                     [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n                     records, World War I workers exemption from\n                     [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n                     transactions, and tools rented"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["9 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":102,"date_range_isim":[1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#17/components#0","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Aaron Family Collection","creator":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243#creator","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"Aaron family","label":"Creator"}},"abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"This collection contains college memorabilia, including photographs, printed material, and banners collected by John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three Bristol, Virginia brothers who attended Virginia Tech during the early 20th century.","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1243.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Aaron Family Collection","title_ssm":["Aaron Family Collection"],"title_tesim":["Aaron Family Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1908-1927"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1908-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.1968.004"],"text":["Ms.1968.004","Aaron Family Collection","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Students and alumni","University History","The collection is open for research.","The collection is arranged by material type.","John Henry Aaron, the third child of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born on February 11, 1889. He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1910 with a degree in applied chemistry. In 1918, Aaron was living in City Point, Virginia, where he married Emily Graves Bland (1890-1957) and was employed as an assistant chief chemist. By 1929, Aaron was living in Wilmington, Delaware. In 1935, he was living in Penns Grove, New Jersey and was working as a chemist for DuPont. John H. Aaron died in Wilmington, Delaware on December 5, 1953. He was buried in Blandford Cemetery, Petersburg, Virginia.","Jacob Carr Aaron, younger brother of John Henry Aaron, was born in 1894. Aaron attended officer training school at the beginning of World War I and served in the infantry throughout the war. In 1920, he graduated from Virginia Tech with a degree in chemical engineering. The census of that year found him living with his parents in Bristol, Virginia and working as a bookkeeper. He married Glenna King in 1921. Still in Bristol in 1935, he was employed as secretary-treasurer of Morley Bros. \u0026 Company, a produce distribution business. Aaron later became the company's manager and continued in that position until 1958, when the company dissolved. He later worked as secretary of Hulsey Flooring Service. Jacob C. Aaron died in February, 1971. ","Harry Bertram Aaron, another son of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born in 1895.  In 1917, Aaron graduated from the Artillery Training School and as a member of the Artillery Reserve Corps was immediately assigned to duty in France.  He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1919 with a degree in mining engineering. The 1920 census places him in the Bristol, Virginia home of his parents, with no occupation. The 1930 census shows him still living in the home of his parents and the proprietor of a filling station. Aaron was still in Bristol as of 1935 and was working as a statistical clerk for the National Reemployment Service. He died before 1971.","The guide to the Aaron Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the Aaron Family Collection commenced and was completed in June, 2011.","This collection contains college memorabilia of John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three brothers from Bristol, Virginia who attended Virginia Polytechnic Institute (VPI) in the early 20th century. Among the materials included within the collection are printed materials, photographs, textiles, and ephemera.","The collection contains a small, leather calling card case, bearing a VPI insignia. Also included are VPI commencement programs from 1908 and 1909, and a 1909 satirical publication titled \"The Horn,\" poking fun at the school's administration and faculty. Other printed materials in the collection are two calendars, illustrated with photographs of campus scenes. ","Also containing photos of campus scenes is an album compiled by Harry B. Aaron while a student at VPI. The album includes pictures of friends and classmates; cadets in formation and on parade; campus buildings; football games against Washington and Lee University and Virginia Military Institute; a track meet against North Carolina A\u0026M; a campus snow battle; the 1919 Virginia Tech baseball team; and the surrounding area (including Brush Mountain and Mountain Lake); as well as Big Creek and Abraham Falls, near Bristol, Virginia.","The collection also contains two pennants, a banner, and a pillowcase, all bearing VPI designs.","The following items were transferred to the Photograph Collection when the Aaron Family Collection was accessioned: Harry B. Aaron and nine other students in civilian clothes (see \"Students, 1900-1930\") Football squad, 1915 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Company B, 1915-1916 (see \"Corps - Company B\") Cotillion Club, 1915-1916 (see \"Cotillion Club\")","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","This collection contains college memorabilia, including photographs, printed material, and banners collected by John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three Bristol, Virginia brothers who attended Virginia Tech during the early 20th century.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Aaron family","The materials in the collection are in English."],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.1968.004"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Aaron Family Collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Aaron Family Collection"],"collection_ssim":["Aaron Family Collection"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["Aaron family"],"creator_ssim":["Aaron family"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Aaron family"],"creators_ssim":["Aaron family"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Aaron Family Collection was donated to Newman Library in 1968."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Students and alumni","University History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Students and alumni","University History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["1.4 Cubic Feet 3 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["1.4 Cubic Feet 3 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged by material type.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged by material type."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJohn Henry Aaron, the third child of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born on February 11, 1889. He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1910 with a degree in applied chemistry. In 1918, Aaron was living in City Point, Virginia, where he married Emily Graves Bland (1890-1957) and was employed as an assistant chief chemist. By 1929, Aaron was living in Wilmington, Delaware. In 1935, he was living in Penns Grove, New Jersey and was working as a chemist for DuPont. John H. Aaron died in Wilmington, Delaware on December 5, 1953. He was buried in Blandford Cemetery, Petersburg, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJacob Carr Aaron, younger brother of John Henry Aaron, was born in 1894. Aaron attended officer training school at the beginning of World War I and served in the infantry throughout the war. In 1920, he graduated from Virginia Tech with a degree in chemical engineering. The census of that year found him living with his parents in Bristol, Virginia and working as a bookkeeper. He married Glenna King in 1921. Still in Bristol in 1935, he was employed as secretary-treasurer of Morley Bros. \u0026amp; Company, a produce distribution business. Aaron later became the company's manager and continued in that position until 1958, when the company dissolved. He later worked as secretary of Hulsey Flooring Service. Jacob C. Aaron died in February, 1971. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHarry Bertram Aaron, another son of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born in 1895.  In 1917, Aaron graduated from the Artillery Training School and as a member of the Artillery Reserve Corps was immediately assigned to duty in France.  He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1919 with a degree in mining engineering. The 1920 census places him in the Bristol, Virginia home of his parents, with no occupation. The 1930 census shows him still living in the home of his parents and the proprietor of a filling station. Aaron was still in Bristol as of 1935 and was working as a statistical clerk for the National Reemployment Service. He died before 1971.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["John Henry Aaron, the third child of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born on February 11, 1889. He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1910 with a degree in applied chemistry. In 1918, Aaron was living in City Point, Virginia, where he married Emily Graves Bland (1890-1957) and was employed as an assistant chief chemist. By 1929, Aaron was living in Wilmington, Delaware. In 1935, he was living in Penns Grove, New Jersey and was working as a chemist for DuPont. John H. Aaron died in Wilmington, Delaware on December 5, 1953. He was buried in Blandford Cemetery, Petersburg, Virginia.","Jacob Carr Aaron, younger brother of John Henry Aaron, was born in 1894. Aaron attended officer training school at the beginning of World War I and served in the infantry throughout the war. In 1920, he graduated from Virginia Tech with a degree in chemical engineering. The census of that year found him living with his parents in Bristol, Virginia and working as a bookkeeper. He married Glenna King in 1921. Still in Bristol in 1935, he was employed as secretary-treasurer of Morley Bros. \u0026 Company, a produce distribution business. Aaron later became the company's manager and continued in that position until 1958, when the company dissolved. He later worked as secretary of Hulsey Flooring Service. Jacob C. Aaron died in February, 1971. ","Harry Bertram Aaron, another son of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born in 1895.  In 1917, Aaron graduated from the Artillery Training School and as a member of the Artillery Reserve Corps was immediately assigned to duty in France.  He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1919 with a degree in mining engineering. The 1920 census places him in the Bristol, Virginia home of his parents, with no occupation. The 1930 census shows him still living in the home of his parents and the proprietor of a filling station. Aaron was still in Bristol as of 1935 and was working as a statistical clerk for the National Reemployment Service. He died before 1971."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the Aaron Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the Aaron Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Aaron Family Collection, Ms1968-004, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Aaron Family Collection, Ms1968-004, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the Aaron Family Collection commenced and was completed in June, 2011.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the Aaron Family Collection commenced and was completed in June, 2011."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains college memorabilia of John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three brothers from Bristol, Virginia who attended Virginia Polytechnic Institute (VPI) in the early 20th century. Among the materials included within the collection are printed materials, photographs, textiles, and ephemera.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection contains a small, leather calling card case, bearing a VPI insignia. Also included are VPI commencement programs from 1908 and 1909, and a 1909 satirical publication titled \"The Horn,\" poking fun at the school's administration and faculty. Other printed materials in the collection are two calendars, illustrated with photographs of campus scenes. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAlso containing photos of campus scenes is an album compiled by Harry B. Aaron while a student at VPI. The album includes pictures of friends and classmates; cadets in formation and on parade; campus buildings; football games against Washington and Lee University and Virginia Military Institute; a track meet against North Carolina A\u0026amp;M; a campus snow battle; the 1919 Virginia Tech baseball team; and the surrounding area (including Brush Mountain and Mountain Lake); as well as Big Creek and Abraham Falls, near Bristol, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also contains two pennants, a banner, and a pillowcase, all bearing VPI designs.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains college memorabilia of John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three brothers from Bristol, Virginia who attended Virginia Polytechnic Institute (VPI) in the early 20th century. Among the materials included within the collection are printed materials, photographs, textiles, and ephemera.","The collection contains a small, leather calling card case, bearing a VPI insignia. Also included are VPI commencement programs from 1908 and 1909, and a 1909 satirical publication titled \"The Horn,\" poking fun at the school's administration and faculty. Other printed materials in the collection are two calendars, illustrated with photographs of campus scenes. ","Also containing photos of campus scenes is an album compiled by Harry B. Aaron while a student at VPI. The album includes pictures of friends and classmates; cadets in formation and on parade; campus buildings; football games against Washington and Lee University and Virginia Military Institute; a track meet against North Carolina A\u0026M; a campus snow battle; the 1919 Virginia Tech baseball team; and the surrounding area (including Brush Mountain and Mountain Lake); as well as Big Creek and Abraham Falls, near Bristol, Virginia.","The collection also contains two pennants, a banner, and a pillowcase, all bearing VPI designs."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003clist\u003e\n\u003chead\u003eThe following items were transferred to the Photograph Collection when the Aaron Family Collection was accessioned:\u003c/head\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eHarry B. Aaron and nine other students in civilian clothes (see \"Students, 1900-1930\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eFootball squad, 1915 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eFootball team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eFootball team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eCompany B, 1915-1916 (see \"Corps - Company B\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eCotillion Club, 1915-1916 (see \"Cotillion Club\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["The following items were transferred to the Photograph Collection when the Aaron Family Collection was accessioned: Harry B. Aaron and nine other students in civilian clothes (see \"Students, 1900-1930\") Football squad, 1915 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Company B, 1915-1916 (see \"Corps - Company B\") Cotillion Club, 1915-1916 (see \"Cotillion Club\")"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_4cbe77062e98cb01ee30535fdc39de57\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThis collection contains college memorabilia, including photographs, printed material, and banners collected by John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three Bristol, Virginia brothers who attended Virginia Tech during the early 20th century.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["This collection contains college memorabilia, including photographs, printed material, and banners collected by John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three Bristol, Virginia brothers who attended Virginia Tech during the early 20th century."],"names_coll_ssim":["Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Aaron family"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"famname_ssim":["Aaron family"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":15,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:45:31.916Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_1243.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Aaron Family Collection","title_ssm":["Aaron Family Collection"],"title_tesim":["Aaron Family Collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["1908-1927"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1908-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.1968.004"],"text":["Ms.1968.004","Aaron Family Collection","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Students and alumni","University History","The collection is open for research.","The collection is arranged by material type.","John Henry Aaron, the third child of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born on February 11, 1889. He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1910 with a degree in applied chemistry. In 1918, Aaron was living in City Point, Virginia, where he married Emily Graves Bland (1890-1957) and was employed as an assistant chief chemist. By 1929, Aaron was living in Wilmington, Delaware. In 1935, he was living in Penns Grove, New Jersey and was working as a chemist for DuPont. John H. Aaron died in Wilmington, Delaware on December 5, 1953. He was buried in Blandford Cemetery, Petersburg, Virginia.","Jacob Carr Aaron, younger brother of John Henry Aaron, was born in 1894. Aaron attended officer training school at the beginning of World War I and served in the infantry throughout the war. In 1920, he graduated from Virginia Tech with a degree in chemical engineering. The census of that year found him living with his parents in Bristol, Virginia and working as a bookkeeper. He married Glenna King in 1921. Still in Bristol in 1935, he was employed as secretary-treasurer of Morley Bros. \u0026 Company, a produce distribution business. Aaron later became the company's manager and continued in that position until 1958, when the company dissolved. He later worked as secretary of Hulsey Flooring Service. Jacob C. Aaron died in February, 1971. ","Harry Bertram Aaron, another son of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born in 1895.  In 1917, Aaron graduated from the Artillery Training School and as a member of the Artillery Reserve Corps was immediately assigned to duty in France.  He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1919 with a degree in mining engineering. The 1920 census places him in the Bristol, Virginia home of his parents, with no occupation. The 1930 census shows him still living in the home of his parents and the proprietor of a filling station. Aaron was still in Bristol as of 1935 and was working as a statistical clerk for the National Reemployment Service. He died before 1971.","The guide to the Aaron Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the Aaron Family Collection commenced and was completed in June, 2011.","This collection contains college memorabilia of John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three brothers from Bristol, Virginia who attended Virginia Polytechnic Institute (VPI) in the early 20th century. Among the materials included within the collection are printed materials, photographs, textiles, and ephemera.","The collection contains a small, leather calling card case, bearing a VPI insignia. Also included are VPI commencement programs from 1908 and 1909, and a 1909 satirical publication titled \"The Horn,\" poking fun at the school's administration and faculty. Other printed materials in the collection are two calendars, illustrated with photographs of campus scenes. ","Also containing photos of campus scenes is an album compiled by Harry B. Aaron while a student at VPI. The album includes pictures of friends and classmates; cadets in formation and on parade; campus buildings; football games against Washington and Lee University and Virginia Military Institute; a track meet against North Carolina A\u0026M; a campus snow battle; the 1919 Virginia Tech baseball team; and the surrounding area (including Brush Mountain and Mountain Lake); as well as Big Creek and Abraham Falls, near Bristol, Virginia.","The collection also contains two pennants, a banner, and a pillowcase, all bearing VPI designs.","The following items were transferred to the Photograph Collection when the Aaron Family Collection was accessioned: Harry B. Aaron and nine other students in civilian clothes (see \"Students, 1900-1930\") Football squad, 1915 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Company B, 1915-1916 (see \"Corps - Company B\") Cotillion Club, 1915-1916 (see \"Cotillion Club\")","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","This collection contains college memorabilia, including photographs, printed material, and banners collected by John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three Bristol, Virginia brothers who attended Virginia Tech during the early 20th century.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Aaron family","The materials in the collection are in English."],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.1968.004"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Aaron Family Collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Aaron Family Collection"],"collection_ssim":["Aaron Family Collection"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["Aaron family"],"creator_ssim":["Aaron family"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Aaron family"],"creators_ssim":["Aaron family"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Aaron Family Collection was donated to Newman Library in 1968."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Students and alumni","University History"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","Students and alumni","University History"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["1.4 Cubic Feet 3 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["1.4 Cubic Feet 3 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged by material type.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged by material type."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJohn Henry Aaron, the third child of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born on February 11, 1889. He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1910 with a degree in applied chemistry. In 1918, Aaron was living in City Point, Virginia, where he married Emily Graves Bland (1890-1957) and was employed as an assistant chief chemist. By 1929, Aaron was living in Wilmington, Delaware. In 1935, he was living in Penns Grove, New Jersey and was working as a chemist for DuPont. John H. Aaron died in Wilmington, Delaware on December 5, 1953. He was buried in Blandford Cemetery, Petersburg, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJacob Carr Aaron, younger brother of John Henry Aaron, was born in 1894. Aaron attended officer training school at the beginning of World War I and served in the infantry throughout the war. In 1920, he graduated from Virginia Tech with a degree in chemical engineering. The census of that year found him living with his parents in Bristol, Virginia and working as a bookkeeper. He married Glenna King in 1921. Still in Bristol in 1935, he was employed as secretary-treasurer of Morley Bros. \u0026amp; Company, a produce distribution business. Aaron later became the company's manager and continued in that position until 1958, when the company dissolved. He later worked as secretary of Hulsey Flooring Service. Jacob C. Aaron died in February, 1971. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHarry Bertram Aaron, another son of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born in 1895.  In 1917, Aaron graduated from the Artillery Training School and as a member of the Artillery Reserve Corps was immediately assigned to duty in France.  He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1919 with a degree in mining engineering. The 1920 census places him in the Bristol, Virginia home of his parents, with no occupation. The 1930 census shows him still living in the home of his parents and the proprietor of a filling station. Aaron was still in Bristol as of 1935 and was working as a statistical clerk for the National Reemployment Service. He died before 1971.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["John Henry Aaron, the third child of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born on February 11, 1889. He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1910 with a degree in applied chemistry. In 1918, Aaron was living in City Point, Virginia, where he married Emily Graves Bland (1890-1957) and was employed as an assistant chief chemist. By 1929, Aaron was living in Wilmington, Delaware. In 1935, he was living in Penns Grove, New Jersey and was working as a chemist for DuPont. John H. Aaron died in Wilmington, Delaware on December 5, 1953. He was buried in Blandford Cemetery, Petersburg, Virginia.","Jacob Carr Aaron, younger brother of John Henry Aaron, was born in 1894. Aaron attended officer training school at the beginning of World War I and served in the infantry throughout the war. In 1920, he graduated from Virginia Tech with a degree in chemical engineering. The census of that year found him living with his parents in Bristol, Virginia and working as a bookkeeper. He married Glenna King in 1921. Still in Bristol in 1935, he was employed as secretary-treasurer of Morley Bros. \u0026 Company, a produce distribution business. Aaron later became the company's manager and continued in that position until 1958, when the company dissolved. He later worked as secretary of Hulsey Flooring Service. Jacob C. Aaron died in February, 1971. ","Harry Bertram Aaron, another son of Christopher and Laura Giles Aaron, was born in 1895.  In 1917, Aaron graduated from the Artillery Training School and as a member of the Artillery Reserve Corps was immediately assigned to duty in France.  He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1919 with a degree in mining engineering. The 1920 census places him in the Bristol, Virginia home of his parents, with no occupation. The 1930 census shows him still living in the home of his parents and the proprietor of a filling station. Aaron was still in Bristol as of 1935 and was working as a statistical clerk for the National Reemployment Service. He died before 1971."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the Aaron Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the Aaron Family Collection by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Aaron Family Collection, Ms1968-004, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], Aaron Family Collection, Ms1968-004, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the Aaron Family Collection commenced and was completed in June, 2011.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the Aaron Family Collection commenced and was completed in June, 2011."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains college memorabilia of John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three brothers from Bristol, Virginia who attended Virginia Polytechnic Institute (VPI) in the early 20th century. Among the materials included within the collection are printed materials, photographs, textiles, and ephemera.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection contains a small, leather calling card case, bearing a VPI insignia. Also included are VPI commencement programs from 1908 and 1909, and a 1909 satirical publication titled \"The Horn,\" poking fun at the school's administration and faculty. Other printed materials in the collection are two calendars, illustrated with photographs of campus scenes. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAlso containing photos of campus scenes is an album compiled by Harry B. Aaron while a student at VPI. The album includes pictures of friends and classmates; cadets in formation and on parade; campus buildings; football games against Washington and Lee University and Virginia Military Institute; a track meet against North Carolina A\u0026amp;M; a campus snow battle; the 1919 Virginia Tech baseball team; and the surrounding area (including Brush Mountain and Mountain Lake); as well as Big Creek and Abraham Falls, near Bristol, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also contains two pennants, a banner, and a pillowcase, all bearing VPI designs.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains college memorabilia of John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three brothers from Bristol, Virginia who attended Virginia Polytechnic Institute (VPI) in the early 20th century. Among the materials included within the collection are printed materials, photographs, textiles, and ephemera.","The collection contains a small, leather calling card case, bearing a VPI insignia. Also included are VPI commencement programs from 1908 and 1909, and a 1909 satirical publication titled \"The Horn,\" poking fun at the school's administration and faculty. Other printed materials in the collection are two calendars, illustrated with photographs of campus scenes. ","Also containing photos of campus scenes is an album compiled by Harry B. Aaron while a student at VPI. The album includes pictures of friends and classmates; cadets in formation and on parade; campus buildings; football games against Washington and Lee University and Virginia Military Institute; a track meet against North Carolina A\u0026M; a campus snow battle; the 1919 Virginia Tech baseball team; and the surrounding area (including Brush Mountain and Mountain Lake); as well as Big Creek and Abraham Falls, near Bristol, Virginia.","The collection also contains two pennants, a banner, and a pillowcase, all bearing VPI designs."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003clist\u003e\n\u003chead\u003eThe following items were transferred to the Photograph Collection when the Aaron Family Collection was accessioned:\u003c/head\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eHarry B. Aaron and nine other students in civilian clothes (see \"Students, 1900-1930\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eFootball squad, 1915 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eFootball team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eFootball team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eCompany B, 1915-1916 (see \"Corps - Company B\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003citem\u003eCotillion Club, 1915-1916 (see \"Cotillion Club\")\u003c/item\u003e\n\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["The following items were transferred to the Photograph Collection when the Aaron Family Collection was accessioned: Harry B. Aaron and nine other students in civilian clothes (see \"Students, 1900-1930\") Football squad, 1915 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Football team, 1915-1917 (see \"Football, 1910-1920\") Company B, 1915-1916 (see \"Corps - Company B\") Cotillion Club, 1915-1916 (see \"Cotillion Club\")"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_4cbe77062e98cb01ee30535fdc39de57\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThis collection contains college memorabilia, including photographs, printed material, and banners collected by John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three Bristol, Virginia brothers who attended Virginia Tech during the early 20th century.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["This collection contains college memorabilia, including photographs, printed material, and banners collected by John H., Jacob C., and Harry B. Aaron, three Bristol, Virginia brothers who attended Virginia Tech during the early 20th century."],"names_coll_ssim":["Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)","Aaron family"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College and Polytechnic Institute (1896-1944)"],"famname_ssim":["Aaron family"],"language_ssim":["The materials in the collection are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":15,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:45:31.916Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_1243"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c566","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"A-G\"","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c566#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c566","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c566"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c566","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"A-G\"","box Box 165"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"A-G\"","title_ssm":["A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"A-G\""],"title_tesim":["A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"A-G\""],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1905 -1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1905/1914"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"A-G\""],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":567,"date_range_isim":[1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914],"containers_ssim":["box Box 165"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#565","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:21:15.112Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"text":["382","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","Biography of Edward L. Stone Edward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company The Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n             Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n             This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n             Yours very truly, \n             L. E. Armentrout, \n             Manager \n            ","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n             We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n             Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n          Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia, gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n             My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n             For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company The Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n          the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products. Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n          We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n             But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n             If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n             Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n             I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n             Very Sincerely, \n             Edward L. Stone \n             Chairman of the Board Clearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Biography of Edward L. Stone Edward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company The Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n             Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n             This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n             Yours very truly, \n             L. E. Armentrout, \n             Manager \n            ","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n             We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n             Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n          Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia, gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n             My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n             For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company The Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n          the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products. Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n          We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n             But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n             If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n             Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n             I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n             Very Sincerely, \n             Edward L. Stone \n             Chairman of the Board Clearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:21:15.112Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c566"}},{"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c565","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"H-L\"","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c565#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01_c565","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00663_c01_c565"],"id":"viu_viu00663_c01_c565","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00663_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00663","viu_viu00663_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers"],"text":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","Edward L. Stone Personal Papers","A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"H-L\"","box Box 165"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"H-L\"","title_ssm":["A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"H-L\""],"title_tesim":["A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"H-L\""],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1905 -1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1905/1914"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. A. Stone: Miscellaneous\n                  \"H-L\""],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":566,"date_range_isim":[1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914],"containers_ssim":["box Box 165"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#564","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:21:15.112Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00663","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00663","_root_":"viu_viu00663","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00663","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00663.xml","title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["382"],"text":["382","Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937","This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items.","After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.","Biography of Edward L. Stone Edward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company The Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n             Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n             This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n             Yours very truly, \n             L. E. Armentrout, \n             Manager \n            ","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n             We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n             Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n          Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia, gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n             My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n             For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company The Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n          the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products. Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n          We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n             But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n             If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n             Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n             I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n             Very Sincerely, \n             Edward L. Stone \n             Chairman of the Board Clearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.","These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["382"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"collection_ssim":["Edward L. Stone/Borderland Coal Company Papers \n          \n         1895-1937"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Before his death in 1938, the University of Virginia\n            Library had been negotiating with Edward L. Stone for the\n            purchase of his library. Mr. Stone had donated a number of\n            fine books, and some manuscripts, to the University of\n            Virginia Library, and its staff knew the value of his fine\n            private library. The tentative purchase price settled upon\n            was low principally because Mr. Stone wished his library to\n            remain intact. Unfortunately, Mr. Stone died before\n            negotiations were complete, but the Library concluded the\n            sale with his heirs in August 1938. As a result of this\n            purchase, the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of\n            Roanoke presented to the Library the files of\n            correspondence and other papers both of Mr. Stone's\n            extensive business interests and of his personal affairs.\n            The collection consisted of 207 letter boxes and\n            twenty-five \"large packing cases\" when it arrived at the\n            Library on August 11, 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection\n         consists of approximately 500,000 items."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAfter arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSpace was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOnce processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFor a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eListings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["After arrival at the University, the collection was placed\n         in the stack areas of the then division of Rare Books and\n         Manuscripts of the Library, and was shelved in close proximity\n         to another large collection received only a year before, that\n         of the Low Moor Iron Company. The two comprised the largest\n         group of material in the division at the time, a group that,\n         unfortunately, was rarely used by researchers as there were no\n         finding aids to the mass, and interested researchers were\n         intimidated by the problems of research in the papers.","The collections remained in the stacks until 1958 when\n         expansion space in the division's storage area was reduced to\n         a minimum by the successful collecting program of the\n         intervening years. A review of the collections and their use\n         showed that the Stone collection and the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were rarely consulted, and it was decided to move them\n         out of the division's quarters to provide storage space for\n         collections that were being used by researchers.","Space was located in the attic of a student dormitory, and\n         the division prepared the papers for long-term storage by\n         removing them from the old letter boxes in which they had\n         arrived. Each bundle of papers was placed between sheets of\n         gray, newspaper-storage cardboard sheets; the spine titles of\n         the old letter boxes were copied onto the cardboard sheets,\n         and the bundle was wrapped in brown paper, tied up with\n         string, and numbered in a coded sequence.","The collections remained in the attic of Lefevre House\n         until the fall of 1976 when, after the receipt of a grant from\n         the National Endowment for the Humanities for the processing\n         of the two collections, they were transported to the Alderman\n         Library building once more In the Library's receiving room,\n         the bundles were cleaned in the dust hood, untied and\n         unwrapped, and the contents transferred into gray, Hollinger\n         storage boxes before transfer into the storage areas of the\n         Manuscripts Department for processing. The coded numbers on\n         the bundles were recorded but proved to be of no use in\n         restoring order to the papers, badly out of sequence from\n         their many moves over the years. Nor did the spine titles and\n         dates from the original letters boxes prove to be of any\n         particular use in organizing the collection.","Once processing work was completed at the end of the summer\n         of 1978, the Stone Papers were transferred back to the\n         dormitory attic as space in the Alderman Library building\n         remained short, and it was felt that adequate service on the\n         Stone Papers could be maintained from the attic now that a\n         guide to the papers had been prepared. (N.B. The Stone papers\n         were removed from the dormitory attic and transferred to the\n         University Library's high-density remote storage facility\n         following its opening in the mid-1990s.)","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the lists of box\n         contents that follow will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As previously noted, the Stone papers were subjected to a\n         number of moves before processing began, and, unfortunately,\n         there seems to have been little organization of the papers in\n         Mr. Stone's files in his Roanoke office. Presumably, he and\n         his staff could locate material that was needed from the\n         files, but at the time that processing began in the fall of\n         1976, no discernible scheme of organization could be\n         determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to the\n         dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of useful\n         organization. Next, the spine titles of the original letter\n         boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the gray\n         cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory attic), but\n         they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors on\n         the collection, the new student processors were instructed to\n         begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents of the\n         collection. During this inventory, old folders were replaced\n         with acid-free ones, and the original folder headings were\n         copied onto the new ones. Some removal of papers clips was\n         accomplished, and the materials were reviewed and notes were\n         taken for the guide.","The processors found that Mr. Stone's papers were comprised\n         of three series. One was devoted to his personal affairs, and\n         contained material about his diverse business interests\n         outside his two major ones, and about his civic and\n         professional interests, as well as papers from his private\n         life. The second series contained the papers from his major\n         business and \"first love\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company of Roanoke; and the third series included a wealth of\n         material about the Borderland Coal Company, an enterprise that\n         Mr. Stone served for twenty-seven years, first as president\n         and later, as chairman of the board.","For a long time, we considered separating the three series\n         of papers, and the processors evolved a good system of colored\n         slips clipped to the boxes to identify material from each\n         series contained in a box. However, as they neared the end of\n         their inventory, the processors became convinced, and argued\n         successfully that the series should not be separated.\n         Basically, all these papers are Mr. Stone's private papers as\n         he was the major stockholder in the Stone Printing Company and\n         it was very much a personal operation. There are\n         interrelationships between material that was found standing in\n         different folders in the same box, and the processors\n         correctly feared that drastic reorganization would destroy\n         those relationships. Thus, we decided to accept their\n         argument, and the box contents were allowed to remain as we\n         found them.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the collection\n         probably would ease use of it. But what processing was\n         accomplished on this project took far longer than had been\n         anticipated, and there was no time in the late spring of 1978,\n         when the processors had to complete their work with the\n         project, to undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they\n         stand in the order in which we found them at the beginning of\n         the project.","As has been stated above, the three series of papers in\n         this collection (Stone Personal; Borderland Coal Co.; and\n         Stone Printing and Mfg. Co.) have not been physically\n         separated and are scattered throughout the collection.\n         However, in the container listing which follows the three\n         series have been separated. Therefore, the listing for the\n         Edward L. Stone Personal Papers series begins with Box 11 of\n         the collection because that is the first box in which Stone's\n         personal papers can be found. (Boxes 1-10 appear in the\n         listing for the Borderland Coal Co. series.) This also means\n         that if a box contains material from more than one series it\n         will have more than one entry in the listing, so that to find\n         a complete listing of a particular box a researcher might need\n         to look at the listing for each of the three series. In\n         addition, some of the box entries in the listing are slightly\n         out of order, so that if a box appears to have no entry or\n         only a partial entry, in a particular series the entry is\n         sometimes picked up on the next page of the listing.","Listings of oversize material are located at the end of the\n         listing for each series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eBiography of Edward L. Stone\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOnce, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlthough Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWorld War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eI spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBorderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWest Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eTO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eConsiderable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThis is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eYours very truly, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eL. E. Armentrout, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eManager \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBy late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eThe organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eWe have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eNow that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eUnionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eHell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia,\u003c/title\u003egives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cblockquote\u003e\n        \u003cp\u003eGentlemen, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eMy attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eFor your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      \u003c/blockquote\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhile much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOfficers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eA History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company\u003c/emph\u003e\u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eThe Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCommercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEdward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMany of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLater, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003ethe years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eEdward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eBut to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eIf we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eListening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eI am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eVery Sincerely, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEdward L. Stone \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eChairman of the Board\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eClearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Biography of Edward L. Stone Edward Lee Stone was born on September 15, 1864, in\n         Liberty (now Bedford) Virginia, the son of John Harmon Stone\n         and Mary Witt Stone. He was reared in very modest\n         circumstances, and received no more than an elementary school\n         education, yet he became one of the wealthiest and most\n         prominent citizens in the state of Virginia.","Edward Stone's career in the printing business is typical\n         of the fabled American dream. At ten years of age, having\n         recently lost his father, Stone was in the boys' playground of\n         his school. J. R. Guy, the editor of the Bedford Sentinel\n         newspaper, came to the playground looking for William Fellers,\n         Stone's cousin. When Stone asked Mr. Guy what he wanted with\n         William, Guy replied \"I want him to carry the papers. Stone\n         said, \"I'll carry 'em' for you.\" After being a delivery boy\n         for the Sentinel, Stone learned to set type and worked\n         evenings after school for five cents an evening; twenty-five\n         cents on Saturday. Less than a year later, economics\n         necessitated that he quit school to pursue his job full time.\n         Stone learned his lessons well, and showed enthusiasm in every\n         phase of his work. Young Stone worked alongside a window, and\n         enjoyed nothing better than to jump out into the street and\n         scrap with some passing youngster, returning to his duties\n         after the fun was over.","Stone was given more and more duties which he performed to\n         this employer's total satisfaction. At the age of sixteen, for\n         some now-inexplicable reason, Stone left the newspaper\n         business to work for a mercantile establishment, He soon grew\n         bored, however, and returned to printer's ink. This time he\n         worked for the Democrat, a weekly newspaper in Buchanan,\n         Virginia, then a thriving town at the intersection of the\n         James River and the Kanawha Canal.","Once, at the age of sixteen, Stone was entrusted with\n         getting out an entire edition of the paper by himself. The\n         editor was in court and many workmen were out sick. Stone and\n         an assistant set type at breakneck speed beginning at 7:15\n         A.M. and had the entire seven-column paper completed by noon\n         --an amazing feat. Stone was out playing ball by 2 P.M. and\n         earned a $5.00 bonus from his boss, editor William J. Boyd. In\n         1882, Boyd informed Stone that he was going to open a printing\n         office in Roanoke, Virginia, then a small town. Boyd wanted\n         Stone to be manager, and on July 20th, 1882, both men arrived\n         in Roanoke. A place could not be found for the new enterprise\n         however, and both returned to Buchanan. Stone became\n         disillusioned with the small scope of opportunities Buchanan\n         provided, and, with an ambition to \"become somebody\" in the\n         printing business, set out for Lynchburg. Landing in Lynchburg\n         in January 1883 he applied for work on the News and, after a\n         few days, secured a position as compositor. Here he remained\n         until March, achieving considerable reputation as a fast\n         compositor, yet not satisfied. Stone really longed for a\n         position in the printing business. John P. Bell offered Stone\n         a minor position in a branch office he had planned to open in\n         Roanoke. The position was, in most respects, inferior to the\n         one he had already held, but Stone gladly took it. He worked\n         hard, and showed superior business ability which impressed Mr.\n         Bell so much that when the manager of the business died in\n         1885 his position was offered to Stone. The position was not\n         offered without some misgivings because of Stone's youth (he\n         was only twenty-one) and his lack of business experience.\n         Stone, however, did such a good job as manager that Bell\n         realized that he had made the right choice. Stone eventually\n         gained control of the business and became president of the\n         company.","His position was secure enough that in 1890, he married\n         Miss Minnie Fishburn, daughter of J. A. Fishburn, a prominent\n         business man of Roanoke. The couple had one child, Mary\n         Katherine Stone.","Edward Stone's printing business grew in size and wealth.\n         By 1920 it was acknowledged by many to be the best-equipped\n         printing corporation in the south, and one of the largest as\n         well. He had many other business interests. He was president\n         of the Borderland Coal Corporation, president of the Virginia\n         Bridge and Iron Company, vice president and later president of\n         the Walker Foundry and Machine Company, chairman of the First\n         National Exchange Bank, and president of his primary business\n         and \"first love,\" the Stone Printing and Manufacturing\n         Company.","In March 1896 Stone was presented with a petition signed by\n         fourteen Roanoke business men requesting that he run for\n         mayor. Stone was very tempted, but a law stating that no one\n         in Roanoke public office would be permitted to do business\n         with the city stopped him. Stone felt that not being able to\n         do business with the city would be unfair to his stockholders.\n         Stone, a civic-minded individual, was chairman of the Roanoke\n         Community Fund in 1924, and of the City Planning and Zoning\n         Commission. He was also chairman of the war bond committee\n         during the First World War, and belonged to many societies and\n         organizations, including the American Institute of Graphic\n         Arts, the Florida State Historical Society, the Shenandoah\n         Club of Roanoke, the Country Club of Roanoke, the Roanoke Gun\n         Club, the Roanoke German Club, the Virginia Historical Society\n         (life member), the Better Printing Committee of the United\n         Typothetae of America, the Roanoke Rotary Club, the\n         International Benjamin Franklin Society of New York, and the\n         board of trustees of the Committee to Assist the Blind.","Edward Stone was also an extremely charitable man. He gave\n         large sums of money to the Roanoke Hospital and the Roanoke\n         Relief Fund, helped endow Roanoke College, gave heavily to the\n         Boy Scouts and the War Relief Clearing House, and donated\n         money to the Coal Miner's Relief Fund--even though it was\n         those very coal miners who were striking in Stone's coal\n         mines. He believed, however, that the miners' children should\n         not have to suffer for their parents' stand. The Stones also\n         gave money to support French children who had been left\n         fatherless as a result of the war. Stone, a Presbyterian,\n         donated $100.00 to the Jewish Relief Fund in 1917 to aid the\n         starving Jews in Russia displaced by the war, and also sent\n         funds to the Tuskeegee Institute.","Edward Stone's principal hobby was book collecting, and his\n         library was appraised at $50,000.00 in 1939. Among his\n         treasured pieces was a page from the original Gutenberg Bible.\n         Stone's library was considered to be the largest and\n         best-equipped privately-owned library in the state of\n         Virginia.","Stone's income fluctuated through the years. In 1917 and\n         1918, partly through stock sales, Stone declared an income of\n         $129,383.39 and $91,483.00 respectively, but 1926 was\n         considered an average year, and he declared an income of\n         $57,500.00.","Although Stone was a humanitarian and philanthropist, he\n         believed in keeping total control of his business and watched\n         his employees closely. He did not strongly oppose unionization\n         in his printing shop, but fully opposed unionization in his\n         coal mines, even using scabs to break strikes.","Stone suffered financial reversals during the Great\n         Depression but he reorganized his holdings to prevent a great\n         loss, and he weathered the Depression better than most\n         businessmen. His health had begun to fail by 1929, and by 1934\n         he was virtually bedridden. Finally, after a protracted\n         illness, Edward L. Stone died on June 3, 1938, at the age of\n         seventy-four.","A History of the Borderland Coal\n         Company The Borderland Coal Company derived its name from its\n         dual location in Mingo County, West Virginia, and Pike County,\n         Kentucky, an area bordered by the Tug Fork of the Big Sandy\n         River. The mines proper were located in Kentucky, and the coal\n         washers and other processing equipment were located in West\n         Virginia. The company operated from 1903 to 1934. While the\n         Borderland Coal Company was incorporated in 1903, the first\n         batch of coal was not shipped until September 1, 1904. In that\n         year J. S. Tipton, formerly the majority stockholder, resigned\n         his post as general manager of Borderland Coal and sold most\n         of his stock to Edward L. Stone. At that time Stone was\n         president of the Young Men's Investment Club which owned a\n         large number of shares in the Borderland Coal Company, and\n         thus, Stone controlled the club's activities.","The Borderland Coal Company initially owned approximately\n         1,000 acres of coal land. The company mined bituminous or soft\n         coal, and sold slack coal, used by railroads and industrial\n         concerns, egg coal, used in private furnaces, and nut coal,\n         the highest quality of bituminous coal, used in the kitchens\n         of private homes.","The Borderland Coal Company grew through the early 1900's.\n         In 1905, a second plant was opened called simply \"Operation\n         #2.\" The company declared its first stock dividend in November\n         1907, and began the construction of an electric plant,\n         cableway, conveyor, and tipple at a cost of $27,950.00. In\n         1908 a new coal washer was installed. By late 1914 the\n         Borderland Company held 3,000 acres of coal lands containing\n         an estimated 20,000,000 tons of coal. The profits of the\n         Borderland Coal Company increased from $1,250.00 in 1904 to\n         $11,243.77 in 1905, to $49,977.21 in 1908, and to $110,532.68\n         in 1910.","The amount of coal mined increased from 246 railroad\n         carloads in 1904 to 3,781 railroad carloads in 1910, and\n         expansion continued until the outbreak of World War I. The\n         coal paid a regular annual dividend averaging 15-30%. Prior to\n         1911, the Leckie Coal Company of Cleveland, Ohio, was the\n         exclusive agency for the sale of Borderland Coal. In that\n         year, however, the Borderland Coal Sales Company was formed,\n         with officers of the Borderland Coal Company doubling as\n         officials of the new company.","The town of Borderland, West Virginia, was a company town,\n         with company-owned homes, stores, school, and a church. The\n         rents in the company homes appear to have been within the\n         miners' incomes. The prices in the company stores, however,\n         were exorbitant. In fact, profits for the company store were\n         the second biggest money maker for the company in 1911,\n         totaling $11,811.78. The largest profit maker was coal, which\n         netted $91,741.07, while the sale of powder was ranked third,\n         totaling $3,165.86.","World War I created a great demand and a high prices for\n         coal, and the Borderland Coal Company prospered despite\n         difficulty finding railroad cars to transport its produce. In\n         1917, the company paid a record 60% dividend. On January 1,\n         1918, the company re-chartered itself in Virginia, and\n         patented the trademark and the name of the Borderland Coal\n         Company. The new capital stock was valued at nearly\n         $800,000.00. In November 1918 construction began on a new\n         tipple at a cost of $116,000.00. After the First World War,\n         the Borderland Coal Company experienced a decrease in both the\n         demand and the price of coal. The problem of labor and\n         unionization, however, ultimately caused the company's\n         demise.","Borderland Coal Company officials had been concerned over\n         the growth of coal mine unionization long before any major\n         trouble began. As early as 1915, L. E. Armentrout, the\n         corporation's Vice President and General Manager began using\n         \"secret service men\" to infiltrate the ranks of the miners and\n         report on any union activity. It is not known whether these\n         agents were U.S. government agents or private investigators,\n         but the latter is presumed. One of them reported on March 10,\n         1915:","I spent the entire day Monday with Emmett and Ed McKee,\n            Gus Cantrell, and Henry McKnight, all white Americans. We\n            played cards in an empty house on the Kentucky side. We had\n            a nice fire and everything was very comfortable. We would\n            play cards until we got tired, then we would stop\n            everything and talk unionism. Gus Cantrell said that he had\n            been talking to the boys for the last year, trying to get\n            them to organize a local of the U.M.W. of A. He said that\n            there was plenty of good, solid union men and that there\n            were also a lot of rotten scabs here. That he got into a\n            conversation with George McCormick, a white man, and\n            McCormick told him that he didn't believe in the union and\n            that he didn't want anything to do with the U.M.W. of A. .\n            . . I told Cantrell that I would be willing to help\n            organize the local. He said, \"Well, the work is picking up\n            now and we will wait until the boys get a good pay day,\n            then we will put this thing through.\"","Borderland Coal Company successfully resisted unionization\n         in the years before World War I. Wartime regulations prevented\n         strikes and hindered unionization, but after the war many\n         miners felt that it was time to air their grievances. Miners\n         disagreed over specific demands, but most felt that grave\n         inequalities existed in the rates for day workers established\n         by the Bituminous Coal Commission. The miners requested that a\n         conference be held but this request was turned down by the\n         Commission. Dissatisfaction became more pronounced, and during\n         the middle of July 1920 the miners in some of the subdistricts\n         walked out in an unauthorized strike. Shutdowns spread to\n         Indiana and Illinois. President Woodrow Wilson intervened and\n         told the miners that if they returned to work a grievance\n         committee would be formed. The miners returned to work August\n         10, 1920, and the committee was set up. Management and labor\n         agreed on a wage increase and all was quiet for a while.","West Virginia was in a unique position in that most of the\n         mines in that state were non-union. The Interstate Commerce\n         Commission fixed freight rates with a \"differential\" low\n         enough that West Virginia coal would not be eliminated by\n         production from other fields closer to their market. When the\n         market for coal was good, the differential also allowed the\n         union coal fields of Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois to pay\n         the union scale of wages and still sell their coal in\n         competition with the product of non-union fields, such as\n         those in West Virginia. When the demand for coal was low and\n         prices receded, however, the differential no longer aided the\n         union fields and they began to experience an adverse effect.\n         These conditions appeared after the First World War, and as a\n         result operators of unionized mines demanded the unionization\n         of the Wast Virginia coal fields. Thus the U.M.W. put pressure\n         on all non-union fields, including those of the Borderland\n         Coal Company. Borderland Coal Company had been fairly quiet\n         about unionization up to this time. On May 5, 1920, however,\n         L. E. Armentrout had issued the following notice:","TO THE PRESENT OR FUTURE EMPLOYEES OF THE BORDERLAND\n            COAL COMPANY \n             Considerable efforts are being made to organize this\n            field and certain advantages are being held out to some men\n            showing the advisability of belonging to the Union. \n             This is a free country and this company is not going\n            to dictate to its employees whether they shall or shall not\n            join the Union, but for your information and for the\n            information of your friends, we wish to state positively\n            that no Union man will be employed by this company, and if\n            you find that it is to your interest to join the Union, we\n            would suggest that you arrange to move out and call at the\n            office and we will be glad to settle with you. This will\n            save you as well as the company further trouble, but we\n            sincerely hope that the pleasant relations between the\n            Company and the men will continue, and that each and every\n            one of you will continue in our employ. \n             Yours very truly, \n             L. E. Armentrout, \n             Manager \n            ","By late May, 1920 the situation had become acute.\n         Armentrout wrote to James P. Woods, president of the\n         Borderland Coal Company:","The organizers have just about put us out of business at\n            both plants . . . We have a good many men who have not\n            joined the Union, but these agitators are intimidating them\n            and have them so scared they won't attempt to try to work.\n            I will have a conference with the West Virginia attorneys\n            today to see if I cannot get a temporary injunction, or\n            probably prosecution for these intimidators. \n             We have three Deputy Sheriffs in Kentucky and expect\n            two more in today. We have both plants pretty well policed\n            at night, but still some of the intimidators slip through\n            the mines and get to some of the men. . . \n             Now that the primary is over, we believe that\n            Unionism will die out. . . . In fact, no Union cards have\n            been issued and for the past two or three days they have\n            not been able to locate the man who has been giving them\n            orders on the stores. Some of them (the fired Union Men)\n            have already remarked that they could not support their\n            families on $7.00 to $8.00 a week, and they hated to go to\n            bed at night when their children were crying for something\n            to eat.","Unionism, however, did not die out. Union \"agitators\" saw\n         to that no coal could be mined at the Borderland Company's\n         coal fields. In a letter to Stone dated July 6, 1920,\n         Armentrout stated that he was able to get \"very little action\n         from the Governor of West Virginia. . .I just finished talking\n         to Governor Morrow's office in Frankfort, Kentucky, and the\n         home guards will likely entrain today. They will likely have\n         machine guns so if that they get in according to promise, we\n         think that conditions will improve very rapidly.\"","The Borderland Coal Company kept its promise and\n         dispossessed hundreds of its employees. Fired from their jobs\n         and ousted from their homes, they were forced to live in\n         tents. In a union pamphlet entitled \"Borderland and Bullets\"\n         these men told of the horrible indignities forced on company\n         employees who joined the union. The purpose of the pamphlet\n         was to oppose the re-election of Colonel James P. Woods,\n         president of the Borderland Coal Company, to the U. S. House\n         of Representatives. Woods ran for re-election in the sixth\n         Virginia district claiming that he had been always fair to the\n         working man, and he won.","The situation at Borderland soon deteriorated into\n         violence. A pamphlet dated \"winter, 1920\" and entitled \n          Hell with the Lid Off in Mingo\n         County, West Virginia, gives an account of drunken\n         company guards wounding a number of workers by firing into\n         their tents. On May 12, 1920, Edward Stone, chairman of the\n         board of the Borderland Coal Company, had examined an\n         advertisement for the Thompson sub-machine gun but had decided\n         that \"the gun is not sufficient for our needs at the mine.\" On\n         May 16 Governor John J. Cornwell of West Virginia sent a\n         telegram to the War Department in Washington requesting that\n         Federal troops be sent to the Tug River District, where\n         Borderland Coal Company was located. There had been fighting\n         in the Tug River District for nearly four days. Secretary of\n         War John Weeks, basing his decision on reports from one of his\n         staff officers who had visited the area, decided that federal\n         troops were not needed. Four days later Governor Cornwell\n         declared martial law in West Virginia. Militiamen from both\n         Kentucky and West Virginia were involved in the fighting.","In the summer of 1921 the U. M. W. began its famous \"summer\n         march\" which precipitated guerilla warfare between the\n         pro-union and anti-union forces. On June 29, Governor Cornwell\n         ordered the citizens of West Virginia to take up arms and\n         defend themselves against the pro-unionists. The papers of the\n         Borderland Coal Company include lists of casualties written on\n         scrap paper, such as \"Stone Mountain, 5 Baldwin men and 4\n         citizens killed (one the mayor), 2 Feltz Bros. killed, 2\n         military companies there, 2 on the way.\" In April 1922 the\n         coal miners' grievances came to a head and they struck. They\n         demanded a continuation of the system of bargaining and\n         contract, including the \"checkoff,\" which is a list devised to\n         check on payment of union dues. In addition to demanding\n         stable wage rates, the miners demanded a six-hour day and a\n         five-day week. These increased hours would mean steady\n         employment, one of the miners' main goals.","The strike apparently took some pressure off the Borderland\n         Coal Company because after 1922 there is little or nothing in\n         the collection regarding unionization. Company officials had\n         managed to avoid unionization of their mines but had caused\n         the company much damage in the process. Bitter feelings\n         prevailed after the strike. A letter from L. E. Armentrout to\n         the Borderland Coal Company dated 1923 states:","Gentlemen, \n             My attention has just been called to the enclosed\n            blotter bearing the union label. It has been the policy of\n            this company for several years, in fact, ever since we have\n            been in business, not to recognize any Union whatever. We\n            spent, or lost, something like $300,000.00 fighting the\n            United Mine Workers here in 1920 and 1921, and also have\n            some injunctions against them. \n             For your information, please do not place any more\n            printing with any Union shop, and if you have any more of\n            these blotters, tear them up or dispose of them otherwise\n            as it is inconsistent with our policy, and we positively\n            will not stand for it.","While much of the collection regards labor struggles, there\n         is little material regarding immigrant labor although 40% of\n         the workers were immigrants. West Virginia was a sparsely\n         populated state at this time, and immigrants were needed to\n         supplement the labor in their mines. The first constitution of\n         the state provided for the appointment of an immigration\n         officer whose duties were to advertise the attractions of West\n         Virginia throughout Europe and make arrangements with\n         industries to supply transportation for foreign workmen. Of\n         the 80,877 workers employed in the West Virginia coal mines in\n         1915, 49,753 were American-born (37,918 white and 11,835\n         black) and 31,124 were foreign-born. Italians made up the\n         largest percentage of the immigrant labor force, about one\n         third of all foreigners employed in the mines while Hungarians\n         comprised the second-most prevalent nationality, approximately\n         one-sixth of the foreign born total.","The Borderland Coal Company never fully recovered from the\n         trouble that paralyzed its mines in 1920. The 1920's were a\n         very depressed period for the mining industry in general and\n         the depression of 1929 brought prices to an all time low. Coal\n         production fell precipitously from 1927-1933 although there\n         seemed to be a slight upturn that year. In 1927, L. E.\n         Armentrout resigned from the company and a year later the\n         Borderland Coal Sales Company was dissolved due to lack of\n         business. The Norfolk and Chesapeake Coal Company became\n         exclusive agents for the sale of Borderland coal. At a meeting\n         of the Borderland Coal Company's board of directors in 1929,\n         it was stated that since the market for coal was so poor, it\n         hardly paid to keep the mines going. The Borderland Coal\n         Company mines were only worked four days during the entire\n         month of May 1932. In a letter from Edward L. Stone to a\n         Borderland Coal Company creditor, Stone wrote that as the\n         Borderland Coal Company did not have the money to pay its\n         debts, all creditors would have to wait for their money, and\n         that he hoped that he could avoid declaring the Borderland\n         Coal Company bankrupt. In 1934 Stone received a letter from a\n         stockholder consoling him for having to \"lose Borderland\n         Coal.\" Apparently the company was then out of business.","The demise of the Borderland Coal Company was the result of\n         broad national trends; the product of their mines was of high\n         quality, and in good supply. The problem of labor and\n         unionization paralyzed the Borderland Coal Company. Lack of\n         production in the mines meant that the Borderland Coal Company\n         could not pay dividends which affected their stockholders. The\n         bad mining conditions, a lack of demand for coal and low\n         market prices made it impossible for the Borderland Coal\n         Company to recover. The return of the coal-rich region of\n         Alsace-Lorraine to France meant that our allies no longer\n         needed American coal. Domestic demand increased, but it did\n         not compensate for decreased industrial use. The switch to\n         alternative forms of energy such as oil, also damaged the coal\n         industry. Although prosperity returned to the rest of the\n         country, the coal industry never totally recovered, and the\n         Borderland Coal Company was one of the victims.","Officers of the Borderland Coal Company: Edward Lee Stone\n         --President ca. 1907-1919, Chairman of the Board 1919-ca.\n         1934; James P. Woods (attorney at law --U. S. Representative,\n         6th Virginia District) --Vice President ca. 1905-1922,\n         President 1922-1932; L. E. Armentrout --Manager ca. 1905-1915,\n         Vice President and Manager ca. 1915-1927; Ernest B. Fishburn\n         --Secretary-Treasurer ca. 1905-1930","Officers of the Borderland Coal Sales Company: L. E.\n         Armentrout --President; Edward Lee Stone --Vice President;\n         James P. Woods --second Vice President; R. N. Osborne,\n         Jr.--Secretary (discharged in 1924); W. W.\n         Austin--Secretary.","A History of the Stone Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company The Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia, was established in 1883 as the Bell Printing and\n         Manufacturing Company. John P. Bell of Lynchburg served as\n         president, and Samuel J. Fields of Abington, Virginia, served\n         as manager. Edward L. Stone, the eventual chairman of the\n         board, was then employed as a journeyman printer and pressman.\n         In 1885, Stone succeeded Fields as the company's manager, and\n         his brother, Albert A. Stone, joined the business.","At this time the company occupied a small site on Commerce\n         Street in Roanoke, an area about twenty by twenty-five feet.\n         In 1889 the plant was seriously damaged by fire, and within a\n         few months, the company moved to larger quarters on the second\n         and third floors of the Gale Building on Jefferson Street.\n         Shortly thereafter, the controlling interest was purchased by\n         Edward L. Stone, with the remainder of the stock being\n         purchased by J. B. Fishburn and Albert A. Stone.","In 1892, the name of the company was changed to the Stone\n         Printing and Manufacturing Company, and the company occupied a\n         new, three-story building at 116 North Jefferson Street. In\n         1896, a duplicate building was added on the north side; in a\n         few years another addition was placed at the rear. The company\n         built another addition in 1902 but five years later the old\n         structure was torn down and a new two-stories building, 210 x\n         110 feet, was completed. The new structure gave the Stone\n         Printing Company 50,000 square feet of space, which is about\n         100 times the floor space originally occupied on Commerce\n         Street. The company today occupies the same site on Jefferson\n         Street.","In 1883 the capital stock of the company was $5,000.00, and\n         in 1900, it was increased to $50,000.00. In 1910 the capital\n         stock had grown to $350,000.00. All of the stock increases\n         were taken, with one exception, by the original stockholders.\n         Sales grew from $84,371.00 in 1900 to $179,433.78 in 1905, and\n         from $253,781.15 in 1909 to a high of $608,174.36 in 1920.","Stone had considered selling his printing company to a\n         British syndicate in 1912. He felt, however, that business was\n         good and getting better and eventually decided to retain\n         control. By 1920 the Stone Printing Company had customers in\n         half the states in the union and in some foreign countries.\n         Between 1920 and 1929, however, sales showed a steady decline.\n         In 1929 they fell to $399,701.43 and declined throughout the\n         depression.","The Stone Printing Company's most important business came\n         from railroads as the company printed tariff and rate\n         schedules as well as tickets. Since the railroad rates changed\n         rapidly during the early 1900's, railroad printing was very\n         lucrative. The principal railroad customer and in fact, the\n         largest customer, of the Stone Printing Company was the\n         Norfolk and Western Railroad. In 1910 the Norfolk and Western\n         Railroad accounted for $85,652.60 in sales. Combined with the\n         sales to other railroads in 1910, the total of railroad sales\n         was approximately $193,000.00 of a total of $339,678.92 --well\n         over half of the total sales of the Stone Printing\n         Company.","Commercial printing comprised the second largest source of\n         the Stone Printing Company's business, accounting for\n         $135,110.32 of a total $608,174.36 in 1920. The fourth largest\n         amount of business, after the Norfolk and Western Railway,\n         other railroads, and commercial printing, was school and\n         college printing. The Stone Printing Company printed the\n         yearbooks for the University of Virginia, the Georgia\n         Institute of Technology, the University of Mississippi,\n         Randolph-Macon College, Hollins College, Virginia Polytechnic\n         Institute, and others.","The profit margin in printing often was small, and thus\n         costs had to be carefully controlled. Edward L. Stone was a\n         commissioner of the American Printers Cost Commission which\n         kept a close watch on printing costs and tried to keep them\n         down. Another serious problem that bothered Stone Printing\n         Company was unionization. As most Roanoke printing shops,\n         Stone Printing Company was an open shop where either union or\n         non-union people could be employed. The company's officers did\n         not penalize or prevent workers from joining the union. The\n         International Typographical Union, however, put pressure on\n         Edward Stone to turn his establishment into a closed shop,\n         that is, a shop that would hire only union members, pay union\n         wages, and abide by union rules. Paying union wages did not\n         trouble Stone because he already paid more than the union\n         scale in most cases. For example, in 1905 when the union scale\n         was $13.50 per week, Stone pointed out that while two of his\n         employees received less and one received the union wage, over\n         forty workers received between $15.00 and $25.00 per week.\n         Stone felt it folly to pay all workers the same because, he\n         said, \"some are so much better than others.\"","Edward Stone's paternalistic attitude toward his employees\n         is reflected in a collection of letters exchanged with his\n         workers. Forced to fire an employee who lied about being able\n         to work on a printing press, Stone lent him the money to go to\n         printing school, and re-hired him when he had learned the\n         trade. Another worker left the company without notice, heading\n         home to Lexington, Virginia. When the employee needed money to\n         return to Roanoke, Stone lent it to him with the understanding\n         that the employee would never again leave without asking\n         Stone's permission. Another employee left Stone without notice\n         to work for another printing firm, but when the employee\n         wanted his old job back, Stone gave it to him. Stone\n         frequently lent money to his employees, and did not press them\n         for repayment.","Many of the union's rules, however bothered Stone. Among\n         the ones he objected to were (1) in all cases when it became\n         necessary to reduce the working force of an office, the last\n         person hired should be the first dropped; (2) in machine\n         composition, all work must be time work and no piece work\n         should be allowed; (3) no member of the International\n         Typographical Union should engage in a speed contest either by\n         hand composition or on machines, and violation of this rule\n         was to be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00, or by\n         suspension; (4) an eight hour day (Stone Printing had a 9 to\n         9-1/2 hour day); and (5) no one holding active membership in a\n         local union should sign any individual or private contract\n         with any employer, agreeing to work for any stated time,\n         length, or conditions as the union alone was to have the power\n         to contract for conditions, wages, and hours. This fifth\n         stipulation bothered Stone the most for he firmly believed\n         that an employee should perform whatever duty Stone demanded\n         of him.","On November 20, 1907, there was a union strike in Roanoke.\n         The union men employed by the Stone Printing Company walked\n         out, and the union formed a picket line in front of the Stone\n         Printing Company. Stone wrote to Joel Cuthin, Mayor of\n         Roanoke: \"We have never been opposed to the union, but we have\n         objected to having them run our business, unless they acquired\n         it by ownership.\" The union put pressure on the Stone Printing\n         Company. A memo to Edward Stone from Albert Stone dated 1915\n         told of some Stone Printing Company material being returned by\n         certain Roanoke merchants because they did not bear the union\n         label. The amount of material returned, however, was very\n         small. The union pressure placed on Stone was generally\n         peaceful and there was no violence or destruction. After the\n         unsuccessful strike, Stone took back all of his union men.","After 1920 the company's sales and profits declined. In\n         1927, Albert Stone, who had assumed the presidency of the\n         company, commissioned Ernst and Ernst, financial analysts, to\n         examine the operation of Stone Printing and make\n         recommendations for improving business. The analysts found\n         Stone Printing to be an innovative company which sought and\n         found new markets such as school and college printing and the\n         printing of calendars, and which had sound leadership. Ernst\n         and Ernst felt that it was a change in economic conditions,\n         not the company itself, that caused the company's problems.\n         Competition had changed and grown in intensity by 1920, making\n         the ability to sell most important. The analysts recommended\n         the creation of a sales department coupled with more\n         aggressive selling techniques.","Later, Albert Stone, Jr., Edward Stone's nephew, claimed\n         that it was the reluctance of the Stone Printing Company to\n         cut prices during the depression of 1919-1922 that caused the\n         company's problems. He claimed that by the time the company\n         did cut its prices, Stone Printing had lost many of its most\n         valued customers, and suggested a closer watch of costs\n         coupled with an expansion of the calendar line. Although these\n         suggestions were followed, business did not improve.","When the Great Depression hit in 1929, business worsened.\n         Loyal customers and a solid financial base kept the Stone\n         Printing Company from bankruptcy. Edward Stone's health was\n         failing by 1929, and most of the company's affairs were passed\n         on to his brother Albert. In a letter from Edward Stone to the\n         board of directors in 1930, he wrote: \n          the years operations to date, with vastly improved\n            selling efforts, has only brought us the same volume of\n            business that we had last year but the increased\n            organization expense, incident to this extra selling\n            effort, and the extraordinary competition in the matter of\n            price, has prevented us from obtaining prices that we\n            should really obtain for our products. Edward Stone recommended a reduction in salaries\n         across the board from the president on down, and layoffs of\n         certain personnel.","When Franklin D. Roosevelt first initiated his New Deal\n         program in 1933, Edward Stone was apprehensive. In a letter\n         dated July 26, 1933, he wrote: \n          We would like the best in the world to go along with the\n            National Industrial Recovery Act, and be able to wire\n            President Roosevelt an affirmative reply in connection with\n            the agreement addressed \"To Every Employer.\" \n             But to do so, with my modest knowledge of economics,\n            would mean arbitrary action on our part, with a \"blind\n            faith\" that we do not possess. \n             If we still further reduce the working hours to 35\n            per week (as the New Deal suggested) the increased cost of\n            production reaches the geometric progression stage, with\n            the result that our losses on current contracts, which we\n            see no way of passing along to our customers until we would\n            actually see no way of meeting our payroll or meeting our\n            bills, would mean disaster. \n             Listening in over the radio last night I understand\n            that 5,000 or more telegrams had been received by the\n            President indicating unconditional acceptance of the\n            Agreement. It is quite possible that we should do likewise,\n            regardless, just as we offered ourselves, body and\n            resources, in wartime. \n             I am giving expression to these thoughts even though\n            I feel the \"patriotic\" thing for us to do may be to go\n            ahead, \"blindly,\" and in spite of our objections or reasons\n            for not doing so, and sign the agreement. \n             Very Sincerely, \n             Edward L. Stone \n             Chairman of the Board Clearly, Stone expected no miracles, but he went\n         along with the N.I.R.A. and generally supported Roosevelt.\n         There are references to increasing business by 1937.\n         Correspondence ends the following year with Edward Stone's\n         death. The Stone Printing Company, however, is in business to\n         this very day."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["These papers fill 455 special four-inch Hollinger storage\n         boxes (ca. 150 linear feet) and span the years 1895-1937.\n         There are three major series: Edward L. Stone's papers re his\n         personal life and diversified business, professional, and\n         civic concerns; papers concerned with his principal business,\n         the Stone Printing and Manufacturing Company of Roanoke,\n         Virginia; and those papers concerned with the Borderland Coal\n         Company of West Virginia and Kentucky of which Stone was the\n         principal officer for many years. Because these series\n         basically are composed of Stone's personal papers, and because\n         there are interrelationships between material in one series\n         and that in another, the series have been maintained in the\n         boxes in the order in which they were found.","The papers are rich in material for many types of studies.\n         Because Stone's major concern was his printing business, there\n         is a great amount of material about that business, its labor\n         problems, economic problems, its professional associations,\n         relationships with its customers --especially the railroads\n         --and so on. Because Mr. Stone collected medieval manuscripts\n         and examples of fine printing that formed a great private\n         library, there is, in his personal papers, a good deal of\n         correspondence and material about this special interest. His\n         personal papers also contain considerable material about his\n         diversified business and civic interests. And the records of\n         the Borderland Coal Company--which Mr. Stone operated either\n         as president or as chairman of the board for twenty-seven\n         years--are rich in information concerning this vital industry,\n         its periods of economic success and decline, its relationships\n         with the railroads that moved its products, and its labor\n         problems."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":2216,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:21:15.112Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00663_c01_c565"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Alexandria Library","value":"Alexandria Library","hits":214},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Alexandria+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"College of William and Mary","value":"College of William and Mary","hits":2978},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=College+of+William+and+Mary"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Colonial Williamsburg","value":"Colonial Williamsburg","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Colonial+Williamsburg"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Edgar Cayce Foundation","value":"Edgar Cayce Foundation","hits":28},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Edgar+Cayce+Foundation"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Fairfax County Public Library","value":"Fairfax County Public Library","hits":22},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Fairfax+County+Public+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"George Mason University","value":"George Mason University","hits":337},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=George+Mason+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Hampden-Sydney College","value":"Hampden-Sydney College","hits":81},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Hampden-Sydney+College"}},{"attributes":{"label":"James Madison University","value":"James Madison University","hits":692},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=James+Madison+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Library of Virginia","value":"Library of Virginia","hits":13},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Library+of+Virginia"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Longwood University","value":"Longwood University","hits":83},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Longwood+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Old Dominion University","value":"Old Dominion University","hits":332},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Old+Dominion+University"}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908\u0026facet.sort=count"}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"1907 Jamestown Exposition, St. Paul's Episcopal Church Records","value":"1907 Jamestown Exposition, St. Paul's Episcopal Church Records","hits":3},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=1907+Jamestown+Exposition%2C+St.+Paul%27s+Episcopal+Church+Records\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1908"}},{"attributes":{"label":"6th Battery of Binghamton, N.Y. 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