{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=225","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=224","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=226","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=244"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":225,"next_page":226,"prev_page":224,"total_pages":244,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":2240,"total_count":2439,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64_c07","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"The Washington Monument, 1900/1920","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64_c07#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64_c07","ref_ssm":["vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64_c07"],"id":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64_c07","ead_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","_root_":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","_nest_parent_":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","parent_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","parent_ssim":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64"],"title_filing_ssi":"The Washington Monument","title_ssm":["The Washington Monument"],"title_tesim":["The Washington Monument"],"normalized_title_ssm":["The Washington Monument, 1900/1920"],"text":["The Washington Monument, 1900/1920","Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961","box 1","Illustrated Guide. Ina Capitola Emery, Editor-Publisher."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1900/1920"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["ca. 1910"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":7,"repository_ssim":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"collection_ssim":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961"],"extent_ssm":["1 Copies"],"extent_tesim":["1 Copies"],"containers_ssim":["box 1"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIllustrated Guide. Ina Capitola Emery, Editor-Publisher.\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Illustrated Guide. Ina Capitola Emery, Editor-Publisher."],"_nest_path_":"/components#6","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:38:53.125Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","ead_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","_root_":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","_nest_parent_":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/MV/repositories_2_resources_64.xml","title_ssm":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks"],"title_tesim":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks"],"unitdate_ssm":["1891-1961"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1891-1961"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1891/1961"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961"],"text":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961","A.DC","/repositories/2/resources/64","Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association","English\n."],"collection_title_tesim":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961"],"collection_ssim":["Washington D.C. and Regional Guidebooks, 1891/1961"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A.DC","/repositories/2/resources/64"],"unitid_tesim":["A.DC","/repositories/2/resources/64"],"repository_ssm":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"repository_ssim":["The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association"],"creators_ssim":["Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["8 Volumes"],"extent_tesim":["8 Volumes"],"date_range_isim":[1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961],"corpname_ssim":["Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association"],"names_ssim":["Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"total_component_count_is":8,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:38:53.125Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_64_c07"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c02_c577","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Thomas A. Mack \u0026 Co., and Walter\n Wallingford \u0026 Co. (successors to Thomas A. Mack\n \u0026 Co.) - orders, 1902/1906","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c02_c577#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c02_c577","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c02_c577"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c02_c577","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c02","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Thomas A. Mack \u0026 Co., and Walter\n Wallingford \u0026 Co. (successors to Thomas A. Mack\n \u0026 Co.) - orders","title_ssm":["Thomas A. Mack \u0026 Co., and Walter\n Wallingford \u0026 Co. (successors to Thomas A. Mack\n \u0026 Co.) - orders"],"title_tesim":["Thomas A. Mack \u0026 Co., and Walter\n Wallingford \u0026 Co. (successors to Thomas A. Mack\n \u0026 Co.) - orders"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Thomas A. Mack \u0026 Co., and Walter\n Wallingford \u0026 Co. (successors to Thomas A. Mack\n \u0026 Co.) - orders, 1902/1906"],"text":["Thomas A. Mack \u0026 Co., and Walter\n Wallingford \u0026 Co. (successors to Thomas A. Mack\n \u0026 Co.) - orders, 1902/1906","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records","(2 folders)","box Box 65"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Records"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1902/1906"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1902 -1906"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":761,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["(2 folders)"],"containers_ssim":["box Box 65"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1902,1903,1904,1905,1906],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#576","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c02_c577"}},{"id":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c23","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Thomas D. Ranson to R. T. W. Duke, Jr., 1882/1914","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c23#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c23","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c23"],"id":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c23","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00187","_root_":"viu_viu00187","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01","parent_ssim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR."],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00187","viu_viu00187_c01","viu_viu00187_c01_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Thomas D. Ranson to R. T. W. Duke,\n Jr.","title_ssm":["Thomas D. Ranson to R. T. W. Duke, Jr."],"title_tesim":["Thomas D. Ranson to R. T. W. Duke, Jr."],"normalized_title_ssm":["Thomas D. Ranson to R. T. W. Duke, Jr., 1882/1914"],"text":["Thomas D. Ranson to R. T. W. Duke, Jr., 1882/1914","Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR.","Box Box 9"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR."],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR."],"normalized_date_ssm":["1882/1914"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1882-1898, \u0026 1914"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":25,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 9"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0/components#22","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00187","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00187","_root_":"viu_viu00187","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00187","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00187.xml","title_ssm":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"title_tesim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"text":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","9521-h","ca. 10,400 items","There are no restrictions.","Because this collection was not received by the Library in\n any discernible order, the material has been arbitrarily\n placed into seven different series. These include: I)\n Correspondence; II) Manuscripts and Miscellaneous Papers; III)\n Photographs; IV) Bound Volumes and Notebooks; V) Postcards;\n VI) Papers from the Duke and Duke law firm; and VII) Oversize\n Items.","Due to the large amount of correspondence present in this\n collection, the correspondence series has been further broken\n down into seven subseries: A) Letters to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 1-9); B) Letters\n to \n Edith Duke (boxes 10-11); C) Letters from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke (box 12); D) Letters to and\n from the children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 13-20); E) \n Slaughter Family Correspondence (boxes\n 20-22); F) Miscellaneous Correspondence (box 23); G) Topical\n Correspondence (box 24)","Slaughter Family","Edith Ridgeway married \n Charles M. Harker (d. 1876), and their\n daughter \n Mary Haines Harker (d. 1897) married\n (1853) \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. (1828-1893),\n son of \n Robert Harrison Slaughter , and \n Mary Rice Garland , whom he married in\n 1818. Seven of \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter 's children survived\n to adulthood. The following genealogical information is\n incomplete.","A. \n Charles Slaughter , M.D. \n m. (1) \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby m. \n Claude Marshall Lee m. (2) \n Hattie Gray a \n Charles Slaughter,\n Jr. (1887-1953)b. \n John\n Slaughter (1888-1889)c. \n Susan Gray\n Slaughter (1890-?)\n B. \n John Flavel Slaughter,\n Jr. (1856-?)\n C. \n Robert Slaughter m. 1890 \n Augusta Bannister a. \n Robert Slaughter,\n Jr. (1890-?)b. \n M. Bannister (1895-?)\n D. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter m. 1890 \n Mary Wall Richardson (\"Maymee\") \n a. \n Rosalie Slaughter (1892-?) m. \n William Dulaney Anderson b. \n Lillas (?) Richardson\n Slaughter (1895-?)c. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter, Jr. m. \n Rhoda Howard \n E. \n William Austin\n Slaughter (1873-?)\n F. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter (1871-?)\n m. 1905 \n George Baxter Morton, Jr. (?\n -1912)\n G. \n Edith Ridgeway Slaughter (1863-1921)\n m. 1884 \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) (For children see under \n Duke family )","Duke Family","Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Sr. (1822-1898), son of \n Richard Duke and \n Maria Walker , married (1846) \n Elizabeth Scott Eskridge (1820-1896),\n daughter of \n William Scott Eskridge and \n Margaret Frances Brown . Their children\n were:","A. \n William Richard Duke (1848-1929) m.\n (1894) \n Edith May Colemann (1873-1943) \n a. \n Elizabeth Eskridge\n Duke (1898-1899)b. \n Cammann Coleman Duke (1900-?) m.\n (1933) \n Mary Perrin\n White (1904-1984)c. \n William Richard Duke,\n Jr. (1902-?) m. (1933) \n Nancy Montgomery\n Wood (1902-?)\n B. \n Margaret Brown\n Duke (1850-1851)\n C. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) \n m. (1884) (1) \n Edith Ridgeway\n Slaughter (1863-1921) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Duke (1885-1966)b. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke\n III (1887-1960) \n m. (1917) \n Myrtle Judson (?\n -1941)m. (1942) \n Cecile Grotta (1947) \n Florence\n Watts (\"Jeri\")c. \n John Flavel Slaughter\n Duke (1889-1933) m. \n Kathleen Timmons (?\n -1940)d. \n William Eskridge\n Duke (1893-1959) m. (1923) \n Lucy Marshall Lee (i) \n R.T.W. Duke\n IV (1924-1926)(ii) \n William Eskridge Duke,\n Jr. , (\"Bill\") (1927-) m. \n Frances Armistead\n Marston (iii) \n Lucy Marshall Duke (1931-)\n m. \n Gerald Kinne e. \n Helen Risdon\n Duke (1895-1984)f. \n Edwin Ellicott\n Duke (1899-1900)m. (1923) (2) \n Mary Richardson\n Slaughter (\"Maymee\")\n D. \n Maria Walker Duke (1855-1856)\n E. \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) m.\n (1882) Dr. \n Charles Slaughter a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Slaughter (1883-?) m. (1905) \n Claude Marshall Lee (1882-?) \n (i) \n Martha Eskridge Lee\n Poston (1906-?)(ii) \n Mary Willoughby\n Lee (1908-1918)(iii) \n Lucy Ambler Lee\n Roberts (1910-)(iv) \n Claude Marshall Lee,\n Jr. (1911-)(v) \n Charlotte Slaughter Lee\n Lauck (1913-)(vi) \n Elizabeth Duke Lee\n Kopper (1919-)(vii) \n Mary Cary Lee (1926-)","This addition to the \n Duke family papers contains ca. 10,400 items\n (38 Hollinger boxes, 12 linear shelf feet), 1764-1983, chiefly\n personal and topical correspondence, business papers, and\n legal papers of this prominent \n Charlottesvillefamily, and the related \n Slaughter family of \n Lynchburg, Virginia. The collection also\n has genealogical material, invitations (arranged by year),\n literary manuscripts and poetry by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (1853-1926),\n miscellaneous papers, printed material, school records and\n papers, photographs, diaries, account books, notebooks and\n other bound volumes, postcards and papers concerning a few\n legal clients of the \n Duke and Duke law firm.","The overwhelming bulk of the correspondence consists of\n letters to and from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Edith Slaughter Duke (1863-1921), his\n wife, and their children, \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1885-1966); \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n III (1887-1960); \n John Flavel Slaughter Duke , \"Jack\"\n (1889-1933); \n William Eskridge Duke (1893-1959); and \n Helen Risdon Duke (1895-1984).","The correspondence subseries devoted to letters written to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. contains three\n different groups of material: 1) letters from his wife, \n Edith Slaughter Duke ; 2) an\n alphabetically arranged group of miscellaneous correspondents;\n and 3) a group of individual correspondents, each with his own\n folder.","The letters from Edith to \n Tom Duke , 1882-1921, were written\n whenever they were separated during their courtship, family\n visits, vacations, and business trips. As could be expected,\n most of these letters contain plans for furnishing their new\n home, family news, and personal messages, all of which\n chronicles the growth of the \n Duke family .","The alphabetical miscellaneous correspondence file has\n letters from college, fraternity and Masonic friends, business\n associates, and other acquaintances and includes merchandise\n orders, requests for speaking engagements, business matters,\n literary concerns, letters of sympathy and personal news.","Letters of note in this group include the following\n correspondents and topics: \n S. A. Duke (Dec. 9, 1908) re\n reconstruction and \"the great negro question;\" \n A. Ranken Ford (Nov.23, 1914) re America's\n Civil War, \n England's preparation for World War I and\n Germany's spying activities prior to the\n war; \n George Gilmer (Jul. 28, 1918) re the\n important role of the \n Y.M.C.A. in keeping up the morale of the\n American soldier in \n Europe; \n T. H. Harrison (Apr. 21 and Jun. 25, 1916)\n re Canadian involvement in World War I; \n H. C. Marchant (Sep.[15], 1895) re vestry\n records of \n Christ Episcopal Church ; and \n Jessie Uppleby (Apr. 18, Jul. 5, Aug. 19,\n Nov. 22, 1917, and Aug. 29 [n.y.]) re World War I war news\n from \n Scotland.","The group of individual correspondents to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. include the following\n people: \n B. Johnson Barbour , \n Mary Carey , \n J. E. Creary , \n John Singleton Diggs , \n Elizabeth Eskridge Duke , \n Maymee R. Slaughter Duke , \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , \n William R. Duke , \n Eugene Ellicott , fraternity brothers, \n Kate Gunther , \n Lizzie Gunther , and \n Maude Gunther , \n Paul Jones and \n Peter Tudor Jones , \n Luther Kountze , \n Nancy Leary , \n Thomas Nelson Page , \n Thomas D. Ransom , \n Schele De Vere , \n John F. Slaughter, Sr. , \n John F. Slaughter, Jr. , \n Mary Harker Slaughter and \n Mary Willoughby Duke Slaughter .","The letters to \n Edith Duke include correspondence from \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Susan Harker Risdon and miscellaneous\n letters from friends and family, excluding her children.","A third subseries of correspondence consists of letters\n from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke to their children, Mr. and Mrs.\n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. and miscellaneous\n correspondents. Of note in this group is a volume of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. 's letters from \n Europewhich contains transcripts of his\n letters home during his European tour of 1882. Duke describes\n his voyage over on a ship \"Egypt,\" his companions and\n acquaintances, his itinerary in \n England, \n Holland, \n Germany, \n Switzerland, and \n France, and the many museums, historic\n sites, and towns which he visited.","The fourth subseries contains letters to and from the\n children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , including\n correspondence with their parents and with each other. The\n sons of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , Walker, Jack, and\n Eskridge, were all in the armed forces during World War I, and\n their letters that decribe camp life and their war experiences\n are in the correspondence to their parents, 1917-1919.","Jack \n (John Flavel) Duke was an Air Service\n officer stationed at \n Post Field, Sill, Oklahoma, and at \n Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, and his\n correspondence, 1917-1919, and no date, describes his flying\n experiences. Although \n Eskridge Duke attended the \n U.S. Naval Academy preparatory school at \n Annapolis, Marylandand sailed as a\n midshipman on the U.S.S. Illinois from 1911-1913, he served\n during World War I in \n Franceas an army officer with the \n American Expeditionary Forces , from\n September of 1918 until May of 1919.","R. T. Walker Duke 's letters to his\n parents from 1908-1911 describe his experiences in \n Montana as a cowboy, his interest in\n homesteading, bronco riding, and his work as a printer. In\n 1917, Walker was assigned to the \n 5th Illinois Company , \n Ft. Sheridan, Illinois. His letters\n written during his service in \n Europerun from October 1918 to March\n 1919. After the conclusion of the war, Walker served with the \n Judge Advocate General Department in \n Washington, D.C.(letters to his parents,\n 1920-1925).","Mary Duke 's letters to her parents,\n 1918-1926, and no date, describe her nursing experiences and\n other charitable work in the \n Archdeaconry of Southwest Virginia with\n Mrs. \n Hugh F. Binns at \n Nora, Dickinson County, Virginia .","Another interesting group of letters in this subseries are\n those of \n William Eskridge Duke, Jr. to his family\n and to his aunts, \n Mary Duke and \n Helen Duke . \n Bill Duke served in the navy during the\n Korean War and his letters describe the places which he\n visited on his tours of duty, such as \n Naples, \n Athens, \n Marseilles, \n Guam, and \n Yokosuka, Japan, 1949-1951.","The correspondence of the Duke brothers and sisters to each\n other consists almost entirely of carbons or originals of\n letters concerning the personal business transactions of the\n family. It also reveals the financial difficulties of various\n family members during the Depression years.","The \n Slaughter family correspondence comprises\n the fifth subseries of correspondence and contains letters to\n and from members of \n Edith Slaughter Duke 's family, including\n her parents, \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. , and her\n brothers and sisters. The letters from Dr. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter Morton , a\n graduate of the \n Women's Medical College of\n Pennsylvania (1897) and practicing surgeon, form one\n of the most interesting sections of this correspondence. She\n describes her travels in \n Europe(May 11, September 19, and 24,\n 1899); her concern for the \n Lee family in \n Chinaduring the struggle of the\n Kuomintang with the warlords for political supremacy (March\n 29, 1927); her trip to \n Mexico(July 25, 1928) and the \n Middle East(November 4, 1935).","Most of the Slaughter correspondence concerns either\n business matters or family news with a few exceptions. \n Charles Slaughter, Sr. writes concerning a\n strike and riot in \n Duluth, Minnesota(July 7, 1889); \n Charles M. Harker, Sr. describes the\n meeting of the American Convention ( \n Know-Nothing Party ) in \n Philadelphia(June 10, 1855); Mary B[?]\n R[?]'s letters, 1861-1862, provide a woman's view of the Civil\n War; and \n Samuel Slaughter describes his trip to \n Ireland, \n Scotland, and \n England(July 24, August 1 \u0026 5, 1889).\n Members of the \n Garland family write concerning family news,\n Dr. \n [Erasmus] Darwin 's theory of the earth,\n and the significance of fossils, and General Hull's activities\n at \n Sandwichin \n Canadaduring the beginning of the War of\n 1812 (August 4, 1812); and a trip to \n Bostonand \n Montreal(August 1 \u0026 11, 1851).","Of note among the miscellaneous correspondence are two\n letters from \n John Singleton Mosby , one to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (September 27, 1915)\n acknowledging Duke's letter of sympathy on the loss of Mosby's\n son, and another to Captain \n Sam Chapman (September 30, 1919)\n concerning the manifesto of the \"Stonewall Jackson Camp\" at \n Stauntonabout the role of Southern\n soldiers in the Civil War.","Also of interest are the letters, 1895-1954, from \n Mary Lee and \n Claude Lee , an Episcopal medical\n missionary family in \n Wisuh, China. They ran a hospital and\n dispensary from 1908 until ca. 1947. Although their letters\n reveal various aspects of missionary life and personal family\n news, they contain little of Chinese events. One letter by \n Claude Lee (October 13, 1918) speaks of\n the participation of the \n 8th Czecho-Slovak Regiment in a battle\n against the Bolsheviks in the \n Ural Mountainsnear \n [Tagelove ?], Russia, during World War\n I.","The last subseries of correspondence consists of topical\n files concerning the American Legion and World War I; business\n correspondence of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the publication of\n the poetry of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the rental of the\n Duke's Park Street house; the will of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; and the \n St. Paul's Memorial Building Fund .","The other six non-correspondence series comprise about a\n third of the collection and include: manuscripts and\n miscellaneous papers, photographs, bound volumes and\n notebooks, postcards, papers from the \n Duke and Duke law firm and oversize\n items.","The manuscripts and miscellaneous papers series contain the\n personal business papers of the \n Duke and related families, especially the \n Slaughter family . There is also a sizeable\n amount of family financial material in the Papers of the \n Duke and Duke Law Firm at the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","Other types of material in this series include;\n genealogical material, with a typescript about \n Mary Harker Slaughter by her son, \n William A. Slaughter ; invitations; legal\n papers, including indentures, deeds, agreements, land surveys,\n etc.; manuscripts by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , both poetry and\n prose, including \"Albemarle County and the City of\n Charlottesville in War Time,\" \"Libraries and Their Contents,\"\n \"Pearls and Pebbles,\" typescripts of portions of his\n \"Recollections,\" (the whole five volumes of Duke's\n \"Recollections\" of his life can be found in 9521-i); printed\n material, including Masonic items and an undated political\n pamphlet entitled \"Mahoneism Unveiled!\"; and Duke family\n school records and papers.","The photographic series consists of both identified and\n unidentified photographs. Identified photographs contain the\n following categories: Judge \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , men and women in the \n Duke and related families, \n Rosalie Slaughter Morton , miscellaneous\n men and women, European scenes, places, photographs of a trip,\n University of Virginia , and \n Zeta Psi Brothers and \n University of Virginia friends.\n Unidentified photographs have been placed in the following\n groups: animals, children, groups and families, men, places,\n and women.","Series four, consisting of bound volumes and notebooks,\n contains primarily diaries and notebooks of the immediate \n Duke family members. The fifth series has \n United States, foreign, and topical\n postcards. The \n United Statespostcards are separated\n first by state and then by city or county; the foreign by\n country only, and the topicals are grouped together.","The papers of the \n Duke and Duke law firm contain incomplete\n case files handled by the family law firm. Among these are \n Maria Carter v. \n Roy Brown ; \n J. E. Costan v. \n Downing L. Smith ; Dr. Funsten v. \n W. Ed. Pickering ; \n Insurance Company of Charlottesville v. \n V. W. F. Carter, Jr. ; the \n Kentucky Coal Company , \n Pike County Coal Company , and \n Ohio and Big Sandy Coal Company ; \n Jefferson M. Levy Legal Papers; \n Piedmont Gas and Oil Corporation v. \n R. S. Duncan ; and Snyder v. \n University of Virginia . Most of the law\n firm's papers are located in the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","The last series consists of oversize documents and\n photographs.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"collection_ssim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["9521-h"],"unitid_tesim":["9521-h"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Duke family papers were given to the Library by Mrs. Gerald Kinne of Setauket, New York, and Mr. William E. Duke\n of Richmond, Virginia, on August 20, 1985."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 10,400 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBecause this collection was not received by the Library in\n any discernible order, the material has been arbitrarily\n placed into seven different series. These include: I)\n Correspondence; II) Manuscripts and Miscellaneous Papers; III)\n Photographs; IV) Bound Volumes and Notebooks; V) Postcards;\n VI) Papers from the Duke and Duke law firm; and VII) Oversize\n Items.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDue to the large amount of correspondence present in this\n collection, the correspondence series has been further broken\n down into seven subseries: A) Letters to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 1-9); B) Letters\n to \n Edith Duke (boxes 10-11); C) Letters from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke (box 12); D) Letters to and\n from the children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 13-20); E) \n Slaughter Family Correspondence (boxes\n 20-22); F) Miscellaneous Correspondence (box 23); G) Topical\n Correspondence (box 24)\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["Because this collection was not received by the Library in\n any discernible order, the material has been arbitrarily\n placed into seven different series. These include: I)\n Correspondence; II) Manuscripts and Miscellaneous Papers; III)\n Photographs; IV) Bound Volumes and Notebooks; V) Postcards;\n VI) Papers from the Duke and Duke law firm; and VII) Oversize\n Items.","Due to the large amount of correspondence present in this\n collection, the correspondence series has been further broken\n down into seven subseries: A) Letters to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 1-9); B) Letters\n to \n Edith Duke (boxes 10-11); C) Letters from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke (box 12); D) Letters to and\n from the children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 13-20); E) \n Slaughter Family Correspondence (boxes\n 20-22); F) Miscellaneous Correspondence (box 23); G) Topical\n Correspondence (box 24)"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n Slaughter Family \n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e Edith Ridgeway married \n Charles M. Harker (d. 1876), and their\n daughter \n Mary Haines Harker (d. 1897) married\n (1853) \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. (1828-1893),\n son of \n Robert Harrison Slaughter , and \n Mary Rice Garland , whom he married in\n 1818. Seven of \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter 's children survived\n to adulthood. The following genealogical information is\n incomplete.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eA. \n Charles Slaughter , M.D. \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1) \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Mary Willoughby m. \n Claude Marshall Lee \u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (2) \n Hattie Gray \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea \n Charles Slaughter,\n Jr. (1887-1953)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n John\n Slaughter (1888-1889)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n Susan Gray\n Slaughter (1890-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eB. \n John Flavel Slaughter,\n Jr. (1856-?)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eC. \n Robert Slaughter m. 1890 \n Augusta Bannister \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Robert Slaughter,\n Jr. (1890-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n M. Bannister (1895-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eD. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter m. 1890 \n Mary Wall Richardson (\"Maymee\") \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Rosalie Slaughter (1892-?) m. \n William Dulaney Anderson \u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n Lillas (?) Richardson\n Slaughter (1895-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter, Jr. m. \n Rhoda Howard \u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eE. \n William Austin\n Slaughter (1873-?)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eF. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter (1871-?)\n m. 1905 \n George Baxter Morton, Jr. (?\n -1912)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eG. \n Edith Ridgeway Slaughter (1863-1921)\n m. 1884 \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) (For children see under \n Duke family )\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n Duke Family \n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Sr. (1822-1898), son of \n Richard Duke and \n Maria Walker , married (1846) \n Elizabeth Scott Eskridge (1820-1896),\n daughter of \n William Scott Eskridge and \n Margaret Frances Brown . Their children\n were:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eA. \n William Richard Duke (1848-1929) m.\n (1894) \n Edith May Colemann (1873-1943) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Elizabeth Eskridge\n Duke (1898-1899)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n Cammann Coleman Duke (1900-?) m.\n (1933) \n Mary Perrin\n White (1904-1984)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n William Richard Duke,\n Jr. (1902-?) m. (1933) \n Nancy Montgomery\n Wood (1902-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eB. \n Margaret Brown\n Duke (1850-1851)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eC. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1884) (1) \n Edith Ridgeway\n Slaughter (1863-1921) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Mary Willoughby\n Duke (1885-1966)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke\n III (1887-1960) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1917) \n Myrtle Judson (?\n -1941)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1942) \n Cecile Grotta \u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(1947) \n Florence\n Watts (\"Jeri\")\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n John Flavel Slaughter\n Duke (1889-1933) m. \n Kathleen Timmons (?\n -1940)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ed. \n William Eskridge\n Duke (1893-1959) m. (1923) \n Lucy Marshall Lee \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003e(i) \n R.T.W. Duke\n IV (1924-1926)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(ii) \n William Eskridge Duke,\n Jr. , (\"Bill\") (1927-) m. \n Frances Armistead\n Marston \u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(iii) \n Lucy Marshall Duke (1931-)\n m. \n Gerald Kinne \u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ee. \n Helen Risdon\n Duke (1895-1984)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ef. \n Edwin Ellicott\n Duke (1899-1900)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1923) (2) \n Mary Richardson\n Slaughter (\"Maymee\")\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eD. \n Maria Walker Duke (1855-1856)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eE. \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) m.\n (1882) Dr. \n Charles Slaughter \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Mary Willoughby\n Slaughter (1883-?) m. (1905) \n Claude Marshall Lee (1882-?) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003e(i) \n Martha Eskridge Lee\n Poston (1906-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(ii) \n Mary Willoughby\n Lee (1908-1918)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(iii) \n Lucy Ambler Lee\n Roberts (1910-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(iv) \n Claude Marshall Lee,\n Jr. (1911-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(v) \n Charlotte Slaughter Lee\n Lauck (1913-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(vi) \n Elizabeth Duke Lee\n Kopper (1919-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(vii) \n Mary Cary Lee (1926-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n \u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Genealogical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Slaughter Family","Edith Ridgeway married \n Charles M. Harker (d. 1876), and their\n daughter \n Mary Haines Harker (d. 1897) married\n (1853) \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. (1828-1893),\n son of \n Robert Harrison Slaughter , and \n Mary Rice Garland , whom he married in\n 1818. Seven of \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter 's children survived\n to adulthood. The following genealogical information is\n incomplete.","A. \n Charles Slaughter , M.D. \n m. (1) \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby m. \n Claude Marshall Lee m. (2) \n Hattie Gray a \n Charles Slaughter,\n Jr. (1887-1953)b. \n John\n Slaughter (1888-1889)c. \n Susan Gray\n Slaughter (1890-?)\n B. \n John Flavel Slaughter,\n Jr. (1856-?)\n C. \n Robert Slaughter m. 1890 \n Augusta Bannister a. \n Robert Slaughter,\n Jr. (1890-?)b. \n M. Bannister (1895-?)\n D. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter m. 1890 \n Mary Wall Richardson (\"Maymee\") \n a. \n Rosalie Slaughter (1892-?) m. \n William Dulaney Anderson b. \n Lillas (?) Richardson\n Slaughter (1895-?)c. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter, Jr. m. \n Rhoda Howard \n E. \n William Austin\n Slaughter (1873-?)\n F. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter (1871-?)\n m. 1905 \n George Baxter Morton, Jr. (?\n -1912)\n G. \n Edith Ridgeway Slaughter (1863-1921)\n m. 1884 \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) (For children see under \n Duke family )","Duke Family","Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Sr. (1822-1898), son of \n Richard Duke and \n Maria Walker , married (1846) \n Elizabeth Scott Eskridge (1820-1896),\n daughter of \n William Scott Eskridge and \n Margaret Frances Brown . Their children\n were:","A. \n William Richard Duke (1848-1929) m.\n (1894) \n Edith May Colemann (1873-1943) \n a. \n Elizabeth Eskridge\n Duke (1898-1899)b. \n Cammann Coleman Duke (1900-?) m.\n (1933) \n Mary Perrin\n White (1904-1984)c. \n William Richard Duke,\n Jr. (1902-?) m. (1933) \n Nancy Montgomery\n Wood (1902-?)\n B. \n Margaret Brown\n Duke (1850-1851)\n C. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) \n m. (1884) (1) \n Edith Ridgeway\n Slaughter (1863-1921) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Duke (1885-1966)b. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke\n III (1887-1960) \n m. (1917) \n Myrtle Judson (?\n -1941)m. (1942) \n Cecile Grotta (1947) \n Florence\n Watts (\"Jeri\")c. \n John Flavel Slaughter\n Duke (1889-1933) m. \n Kathleen Timmons (?\n -1940)d. \n William Eskridge\n Duke (1893-1959) m. (1923) \n Lucy Marshall Lee (i) \n R.T.W. Duke\n IV (1924-1926)(ii) \n William Eskridge Duke,\n Jr. , (\"Bill\") (1927-) m. \n Frances Armistead\n Marston (iii) \n Lucy Marshall Duke (1931-)\n m. \n Gerald Kinne e. \n Helen Risdon\n Duke (1895-1984)f. \n Edwin Ellicott\n Duke (1899-1900)m. (1923) (2) \n Mary Richardson\n Slaughter (\"Maymee\")\n D. \n Maria Walker Duke (1855-1856)\n E. \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) m.\n (1882) Dr. \n Charles Slaughter a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Slaughter (1883-?) m. (1905) \n Claude Marshall Lee (1882-?) \n (i) \n Martha Eskridge Lee\n Poston (1906-?)(ii) \n Mary Willoughby\n Lee (1908-1918)(iii) \n Lucy Ambler Lee\n Roberts (1910-)(iv) \n Claude Marshall Lee,\n Jr. (1911-)(v) \n Charlotte Slaughter Lee\n Lauck (1913-)(vi) \n Elizabeth Duke Lee\n Kopper (1919-)(vii) \n Mary Cary Lee (1926-)"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDuke Family Papers, Accession #9521-h, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottessville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Duke Family Papers, Accession #9521-h, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottessville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis addition to the \n Duke family papers contains ca. 10,400 items\n (38 Hollinger boxes, 12 linear shelf feet), 1764-1983, chiefly\n personal and topical correspondence, business papers, and\n legal papers of this prominent \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville\u003c/geogname\u003efamily, and the related \n Slaughter family of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLynchburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The collection also\n has genealogical material, invitations (arranged by year),\n literary manuscripts and poetry by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (1853-1926),\n miscellaneous papers, printed material, school records and\n papers, photographs, diaries, account books, notebooks and\n other bound volumes, postcards and papers concerning a few\n legal clients of the \n Duke and Duke law firm.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe overwhelming bulk of the correspondence consists of\n letters to and from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Edith Slaughter Duke (1863-1921), his\n wife, and their children, \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1885-1966); \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n III (1887-1960); \n John Flavel Slaughter Duke , \"Jack\"\n (1889-1933); \n William Eskridge Duke (1893-1959); and \n Helen Risdon Duke (1895-1984).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence subseries devoted to letters written to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. contains three\n different groups of material: 1) letters from his wife, \n Edith Slaughter Duke ; 2) an\n alphabetically arranged group of miscellaneous correspondents;\n and 3) a group of individual correspondents, each with his own\n folder.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe letters from Edith to \n Tom Duke , 1882-1921, were written\n whenever they were separated during their courtship, family\n visits, vacations, and business trips. As could be expected,\n most of these letters contain plans for furnishing their new\n home, family news, and personal messages, all of which\n chronicles the growth of the \n Duke family .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe alphabetical miscellaneous correspondence file has\n letters from college, fraternity and Masonic friends, business\n associates, and other acquaintances and includes merchandise\n orders, requests for speaking engagements, business matters,\n literary concerns, letters of sympathy and personal news.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters of note in this group include the following\n correspondents and topics: \n S. A. Duke (Dec. 9, 1908) re\n reconstruction and \"the great negro question;\" \n A. Ranken Ford (Nov.23, 1914) re America's\n Civil War, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e's preparation for World War I and\n \u003cgeogname\u003eGermany\u003c/geogname\u003e's spying activities prior to the\n war; \n George Gilmer (Jul. 28, 1918) re the\n important role of the \n Y.M.C.A. in keeping up the morale of the\n American soldier in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003e; \n T. H. Harrison (Apr. 21 and Jun. 25, 1916)\n re Canadian involvement in World War I; \n H. C. Marchant (Sep.[15], 1895) re vestry\n records of \n Christ Episcopal Church ; and \n Jessie Uppleby (Apr. 18, Jul. 5, Aug. 19,\n Nov. 22, 1917, and Aug. 29 [n.y.]) re World War I war news\n from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eScotland\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe group of individual correspondents to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. include the following\n people: \n B. Johnson Barbour , \n Mary Carey , \n J. E. Creary , \n John Singleton Diggs , \n Elizabeth Eskridge Duke , \n Maymee R. Slaughter Duke , \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , \n William R. Duke , \n Eugene Ellicott , fraternity brothers, \n Kate Gunther , \n Lizzie Gunther , and \n Maude Gunther , \n Paul Jones and \n Peter Tudor Jones , \n Luther Kountze , \n Nancy Leary , \n Thomas Nelson Page , \n Thomas D. Ransom , \n Schele De Vere , \n John F. Slaughter, Sr. , \n John F. Slaughter, Jr. , \n Mary Harker Slaughter and \n Mary Willoughby Duke Slaughter .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe letters to \n Edith Duke include correspondence from \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Susan Harker Risdon and miscellaneous\n letters from friends and family, excluding her children.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA third subseries of correspondence consists of letters\n from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke to their children, Mr. and Mrs.\n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. and miscellaneous\n correspondents. Of note in this group is a volume of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. 's letters from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003ewhich contains transcripts of his\n letters home during his European tour of 1882. Duke describes\n his voyage over on a ship \"Egypt,\" his companions and\n acquaintances, his itinerary in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHolland\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGermany\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSwitzerland\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the many museums, historic\n sites, and towns which he visited.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe fourth subseries contains letters to and from the\n children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , including\n correspondence with their parents and with each other. The\n sons of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , Walker, Jack, and\n Eskridge, were all in the armed forces during World War I, and\n their letters that decribe camp life and their war experiences\n are in the correspondence to their parents, 1917-1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eJack \n (John Flavel) Duke was an Air Service\n officer stationed at \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePost Field, Sill, Oklahoma\u003c/geogname\u003e, and at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFt. Leavenworth, Kansas\u003c/geogname\u003e, and his\n correspondence, 1917-1919, and no date, describes his flying\n experiences. Although \n Eskridge Duke attended the \n U.S. Naval Academy preparatory school at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAnnapolis, Maryland\u003c/geogname\u003eand sailed as a\n midshipman on the U.S.S. Illinois from 1911-1913, he served\n during World War I in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003eas an army officer with the \n American Expeditionary Forces , from\n September of 1918 until May of 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e R. T. Walker Duke 's letters to his\n parents from 1908-1911 describe his experiences in \n Montana as a cowboy, his interest in\n homesteading, bronco riding, and his work as a printer. In\n 1917, Walker was assigned to the \n 5th Illinois Company , \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFt. Sheridan, Illinois\u003c/geogname\u003e. His letters\n written during his service in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003erun from October 1918 to March\n 1919. After the conclusion of the war, Walker served with the \n Judge Advocate General Department in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWashington, D.C.\u003c/geogname\u003e(letters to his parents,\n 1920-1925).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e Mary Duke 's letters to her parents,\n 1918-1926, and no date, describe her nursing experiences and\n other charitable work in the \n Archdeaconry of Southwest Virginia with\n Mrs. \n Hugh F. Binns at \n Nora, Dickinson County, Virginia .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAnother interesting group of letters in this subseries are\n those of \n William Eskridge Duke, Jr. to his family\n and to his aunts, \n Mary Duke and \n Helen Duke . \n Bill Duke served in the navy during the\n Korean War and his letters describe the places which he\n visited on his tours of duty, such as \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNaples\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAthens\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMarseilles\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGuam\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eYokosuka, Japan\u003c/geogname\u003e, 1949-1951.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence of the Duke brothers and sisters to each\n other consists almost entirely of carbons or originals of\n letters concerning the personal business transactions of the\n family. It also reveals the financial difficulties of various\n family members during the Depression years.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe \n Slaughter family correspondence comprises\n the fifth subseries of correspondence and contains letters to\n and from members of \n Edith Slaughter Duke 's family, including\n her parents, \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. , and her\n brothers and sisters. The letters from Dr. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter Morton , a\n graduate of the \n Women's Medical College of\n Pennsylvania (1897) and practicing surgeon, form one\n of the most interesting sections of this correspondence. She\n describes her travels in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003e(May 11, September 19, and 24,\n 1899); her concern for the \n Lee family in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eChina\u003c/geogname\u003eduring the struggle of the\n Kuomintang with the warlords for political supremacy (March\n 29, 1927); her trip to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMexico\u003c/geogname\u003e(July 25, 1928) and the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMiddle East\u003c/geogname\u003e(November 4, 1935).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the Slaughter correspondence concerns either\n business matters or family news with a few exceptions. \n Charles Slaughter, Sr. writes concerning a\n strike and riot in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDuluth, Minnesota\u003c/geogname\u003e(July 7, 1889); \n Charles M. Harker, Sr. describes the\n meeting of the American Convention ( \n Know-Nothing Party ) in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePhiladelphia\u003c/geogname\u003e(June 10, 1855); Mary B[?]\n R[?]'s letters, 1861-1862, provide a woman's view of the Civil\n War; and \n Samuel Slaughter describes his trip to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eIreland\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eScotland\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e(July 24, August 1 \u0026amp; 5, 1889).\n Members of the \n Garland family write concerning family news,\n Dr. \n [Erasmus] Darwin 's theory of the earth,\n and the significance of fossils, and General Hull's activities\n at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSandwich\u003c/geogname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCanada\u003c/geogname\u003eduring the beginning of the War of\n 1812 (August 4, 1812); and a trip to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBoston\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMontreal\u003c/geogname\u003e(August 1 \u0026amp; 11, 1851).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOf note among the miscellaneous correspondence are two\n letters from \n John Singleton Mosby , one to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (September 27, 1915)\n acknowledging Duke's letter of sympathy on the loss of Mosby's\n son, and another to Captain \n Sam Chapman (September 30, 1919)\n concerning the manifesto of the \"Stonewall Jackson Camp\" at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eStaunton\u003c/geogname\u003eabout the role of Southern\n soldiers in the Civil War.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlso of interest are the letters, 1895-1954, from \n Mary Lee and \n Claude Lee , an Episcopal medical\n missionary family in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWisuh, China\u003c/geogname\u003e. They ran a hospital and\n dispensary from 1908 until ca. 1947. Although their letters\n reveal various aspects of missionary life and personal family\n news, they contain little of Chinese events. One letter by \n Claude Lee (October 13, 1918) speaks of\n the participation of the \n 8th Czecho-Slovak Regiment in a battle\n against the Bolsheviks in the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUral Mountains\u003c/geogname\u003enear \n \u003cgeogname\u003e[Tagelove ?], Russia\u003c/geogname\u003e, during World War\n I.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe last subseries of correspondence consists of topical\n files concerning the American Legion and World War I; business\n correspondence of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the publication of\n the poetry of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the rental of the\n Duke's Park Street house; the will of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; and the \n St. Paul's Memorial Building Fund .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe other six non-correspondence series comprise about a\n third of the collection and include: manuscripts and\n miscellaneous papers, photographs, bound volumes and\n notebooks, postcards, papers from the \n Duke and Duke law firm and oversize\n items.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe manuscripts and miscellaneous papers series contain the\n personal business papers of the \n Duke and related families, especially the \n Slaughter family . There is also a sizeable\n amount of family financial material in the Papers of the \n Duke and Duke Law Firm at the \n University of Virginia Law Library .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOther types of material in this series include;\n genealogical material, with a typescript about \n Mary Harker Slaughter by her son, \n William A. Slaughter ; invitations; legal\n papers, including indentures, deeds, agreements, land surveys,\n etc.; manuscripts by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , both poetry and\n prose, including \"Albemarle County and the City of\n Charlottesville in War Time,\" \"Libraries and Their Contents,\"\n \"Pearls and Pebbles,\" typescripts of portions of his\n \"Recollections,\" (the whole five volumes of Duke's\n \"Recollections\" of his life can be found in 9521-i); printed\n material, including Masonic items and an undated political\n pamphlet entitled \"Mahoneism Unveiled!\"; and Duke family\n school records and papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe photographic series consists of both identified and\n unidentified photographs. Identified photographs contain the\n following categories: Judge \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , men and women in the \n Duke and related families, \n Rosalie Slaughter Morton , miscellaneous\n men and women, European scenes, places, photographs of a trip,\n University of Virginia , and \n Zeta Psi Brothers and \n University of Virginia friends.\n Unidentified photographs have been placed in the following\n groups: animals, children, groups and families, men, places,\n and women.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSeries four, consisting of bound volumes and notebooks,\n contains primarily diaries and notebooks of the immediate \n Duke family members. The fifth series has \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, foreign, and topical\n postcards. The \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003epostcards are separated\n first by state and then by city or county; the foreign by\n country only, and the topicals are grouped together.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers of the \n Duke and Duke law firm contain incomplete\n case files handled by the family law firm. Among these are \n Maria Carter v. \n Roy Brown ; \n J. E. Costan v. \n Downing L. Smith ; Dr. Funsten v. \n W. Ed. Pickering ; \n Insurance Company of Charlottesville v. \n V. W. F. Carter, Jr. ; the \n Kentucky Coal Company , \n Pike County Coal Company , and \n Ohio and Big Sandy Coal Company ; \n Jefferson M. Levy Legal Papers; \n Piedmont Gas and Oil Corporation v. \n R. S. Duncan ; and Snyder v. \n University of Virginia . Most of the law\n firm's papers are located in the \n University of Virginia Law Library .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe last series consists of oversize documents and\n photographs.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This addition to the \n Duke family papers contains ca. 10,400 items\n (38 Hollinger boxes, 12 linear shelf feet), 1764-1983, chiefly\n personal and topical correspondence, business papers, and\n legal papers of this prominent \n Charlottesvillefamily, and the related \n Slaughter family of \n Lynchburg, Virginia. The collection also\n has genealogical material, invitations (arranged by year),\n literary manuscripts and poetry by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (1853-1926),\n miscellaneous papers, printed material, school records and\n papers, photographs, diaries, account books, notebooks and\n other bound volumes, postcards and papers concerning a few\n legal clients of the \n Duke and Duke law firm.","The overwhelming bulk of the correspondence consists of\n letters to and from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Edith Slaughter Duke (1863-1921), his\n wife, and their children, \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1885-1966); \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n III (1887-1960); \n John Flavel Slaughter Duke , \"Jack\"\n (1889-1933); \n William Eskridge Duke (1893-1959); and \n Helen Risdon Duke (1895-1984).","The correspondence subseries devoted to letters written to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. contains three\n different groups of material: 1) letters from his wife, \n Edith Slaughter Duke ; 2) an\n alphabetically arranged group of miscellaneous correspondents;\n and 3) a group of individual correspondents, each with his own\n folder.","The letters from Edith to \n Tom Duke , 1882-1921, were written\n whenever they were separated during their courtship, family\n visits, vacations, and business trips. As could be expected,\n most of these letters contain plans for furnishing their new\n home, family news, and personal messages, all of which\n chronicles the growth of the \n Duke family .","The alphabetical miscellaneous correspondence file has\n letters from college, fraternity and Masonic friends, business\n associates, and other acquaintances and includes merchandise\n orders, requests for speaking engagements, business matters,\n literary concerns, letters of sympathy and personal news.","Letters of note in this group include the following\n correspondents and topics: \n S. A. Duke (Dec. 9, 1908) re\n reconstruction and \"the great negro question;\" \n A. Ranken Ford (Nov.23, 1914) re America's\n Civil War, \n England's preparation for World War I and\n Germany's spying activities prior to the\n war; \n George Gilmer (Jul. 28, 1918) re the\n important role of the \n Y.M.C.A. in keeping up the morale of the\n American soldier in \n Europe; \n T. H. Harrison (Apr. 21 and Jun. 25, 1916)\n re Canadian involvement in World War I; \n H. C. Marchant (Sep.[15], 1895) re vestry\n records of \n Christ Episcopal Church ; and \n Jessie Uppleby (Apr. 18, Jul. 5, Aug. 19,\n Nov. 22, 1917, and Aug. 29 [n.y.]) re World War I war news\n from \n Scotland.","The group of individual correspondents to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. include the following\n people: \n B. Johnson Barbour , \n Mary Carey , \n J. E. Creary , \n John Singleton Diggs , \n Elizabeth Eskridge Duke , \n Maymee R. Slaughter Duke , \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , \n William R. Duke , \n Eugene Ellicott , fraternity brothers, \n Kate Gunther , \n Lizzie Gunther , and \n Maude Gunther , \n Paul Jones and \n Peter Tudor Jones , \n Luther Kountze , \n Nancy Leary , \n Thomas Nelson Page , \n Thomas D. Ransom , \n Schele De Vere , \n John F. Slaughter, Sr. , \n John F. Slaughter, Jr. , \n Mary Harker Slaughter and \n Mary Willoughby Duke Slaughter .","The letters to \n Edith Duke include correspondence from \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Susan Harker Risdon and miscellaneous\n letters from friends and family, excluding her children.","A third subseries of correspondence consists of letters\n from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke to their children, Mr. and Mrs.\n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. and miscellaneous\n correspondents. Of note in this group is a volume of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. 's letters from \n Europewhich contains transcripts of his\n letters home during his European tour of 1882. Duke describes\n his voyage over on a ship \"Egypt,\" his companions and\n acquaintances, his itinerary in \n England, \n Holland, \n Germany, \n Switzerland, and \n France, and the many museums, historic\n sites, and towns which he visited.","The fourth subseries contains letters to and from the\n children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , including\n correspondence with their parents and with each other. The\n sons of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , Walker, Jack, and\n Eskridge, were all in the armed forces during World War I, and\n their letters that decribe camp life and their war experiences\n are in the correspondence to their parents, 1917-1919.","Jack \n (John Flavel) Duke was an Air Service\n officer stationed at \n Post Field, Sill, Oklahoma, and at \n Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, and his\n correspondence, 1917-1919, and no date, describes his flying\n experiences. Although \n Eskridge Duke attended the \n U.S. Naval Academy preparatory school at \n Annapolis, Marylandand sailed as a\n midshipman on the U.S.S. Illinois from 1911-1913, he served\n during World War I in \n Franceas an army officer with the \n American Expeditionary Forces , from\n September of 1918 until May of 1919.","R. T. Walker Duke 's letters to his\n parents from 1908-1911 describe his experiences in \n Montana as a cowboy, his interest in\n homesteading, bronco riding, and his work as a printer. In\n 1917, Walker was assigned to the \n 5th Illinois Company , \n Ft. Sheridan, Illinois. His letters\n written during his service in \n Europerun from October 1918 to March\n 1919. After the conclusion of the war, Walker served with the \n Judge Advocate General Department in \n Washington, D.C.(letters to his parents,\n 1920-1925).","Mary Duke 's letters to her parents,\n 1918-1926, and no date, describe her nursing experiences and\n other charitable work in the \n Archdeaconry of Southwest Virginia with\n Mrs. \n Hugh F. Binns at \n Nora, Dickinson County, Virginia .","Another interesting group of letters in this subseries are\n those of \n William Eskridge Duke, Jr. to his family\n and to his aunts, \n Mary Duke and \n Helen Duke . \n Bill Duke served in the navy during the\n Korean War and his letters describe the places which he\n visited on his tours of duty, such as \n Naples, \n Athens, \n Marseilles, \n Guam, and \n Yokosuka, Japan, 1949-1951.","The correspondence of the Duke brothers and sisters to each\n other consists almost entirely of carbons or originals of\n letters concerning the personal business transactions of the\n family. It also reveals the financial difficulties of various\n family members during the Depression years.","The \n Slaughter family correspondence comprises\n the fifth subseries of correspondence and contains letters to\n and from members of \n Edith Slaughter Duke 's family, including\n her parents, \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. , and her\n brothers and sisters. The letters from Dr. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter Morton , a\n graduate of the \n Women's Medical College of\n Pennsylvania (1897) and practicing surgeon, form one\n of the most interesting sections of this correspondence. She\n describes her travels in \n Europe(May 11, September 19, and 24,\n 1899); her concern for the \n Lee family in \n Chinaduring the struggle of the\n Kuomintang with the warlords for political supremacy (March\n 29, 1927); her trip to \n Mexico(July 25, 1928) and the \n Middle East(November 4, 1935).","Most of the Slaughter correspondence concerns either\n business matters or family news with a few exceptions. \n Charles Slaughter, Sr. writes concerning a\n strike and riot in \n Duluth, Minnesota(July 7, 1889); \n Charles M. Harker, Sr. describes the\n meeting of the American Convention ( \n Know-Nothing Party ) in \n Philadelphia(June 10, 1855); Mary B[?]\n R[?]'s letters, 1861-1862, provide a woman's view of the Civil\n War; and \n Samuel Slaughter describes his trip to \n Ireland, \n Scotland, and \n England(July 24, August 1 \u0026 5, 1889).\n Members of the \n Garland family write concerning family news,\n Dr. \n [Erasmus] Darwin 's theory of the earth,\n and the significance of fossils, and General Hull's activities\n at \n Sandwichin \n Canadaduring the beginning of the War of\n 1812 (August 4, 1812); and a trip to \n Bostonand \n Montreal(August 1 \u0026 11, 1851).","Of note among the miscellaneous correspondence are two\n letters from \n John Singleton Mosby , one to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (September 27, 1915)\n acknowledging Duke's letter of sympathy on the loss of Mosby's\n son, and another to Captain \n Sam Chapman (September 30, 1919)\n concerning the manifesto of the \"Stonewall Jackson Camp\" at \n Stauntonabout the role of Southern\n soldiers in the Civil War.","Also of interest are the letters, 1895-1954, from \n Mary Lee and \n Claude Lee , an Episcopal medical\n missionary family in \n Wisuh, China. They ran a hospital and\n dispensary from 1908 until ca. 1947. Although their letters\n reveal various aspects of missionary life and personal family\n news, they contain little of Chinese events. One letter by \n Claude Lee (October 13, 1918) speaks of\n the participation of the \n 8th Czecho-Slovak Regiment in a battle\n against the Bolsheviks in the \n Ural Mountainsnear \n [Tagelove ?], Russia, during World War\n I.","The last subseries of correspondence consists of topical\n files concerning the American Legion and World War I; business\n correspondence of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the publication of\n the poetry of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the rental of the\n Duke's Park Street house; the will of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; and the \n St. Paul's Memorial Building Fund .","The other six non-correspondence series comprise about a\n third of the collection and include: manuscripts and\n miscellaneous papers, photographs, bound volumes and\n notebooks, postcards, papers from the \n Duke and Duke law firm and oversize\n items.","The manuscripts and miscellaneous papers series contain the\n personal business papers of the \n Duke and related families, especially the \n Slaughter family . There is also a sizeable\n amount of family financial material in the Papers of the \n Duke and Duke Law Firm at the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","Other types of material in this series include;\n genealogical material, with a typescript about \n Mary Harker Slaughter by her son, \n William A. Slaughter ; invitations; legal\n papers, including indentures, deeds, agreements, land surveys,\n etc.; manuscripts by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , both poetry and\n prose, including \"Albemarle County and the City of\n Charlottesville in War Time,\" \"Libraries and Their Contents,\"\n \"Pearls and Pebbles,\" typescripts of portions of his\n \"Recollections,\" (the whole five volumes of Duke's\n \"Recollections\" of his life can be found in 9521-i); printed\n material, including Masonic items and an undated political\n pamphlet entitled \"Mahoneism Unveiled!\"; and Duke family\n school records and papers.","The photographic series consists of both identified and\n unidentified photographs. Identified photographs contain the\n following categories: Judge \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , men and women in the \n Duke and related families, \n Rosalie Slaughter Morton , miscellaneous\n men and women, European scenes, places, photographs of a trip,\n University of Virginia , and \n Zeta Psi Brothers and \n University of Virginia friends.\n Unidentified photographs have been placed in the following\n groups: animals, children, groups and families, men, places,\n and women.","Series four, consisting of bound volumes and notebooks,\n contains primarily diaries and notebooks of the immediate \n Duke family members. The fifth series has \n United States, foreign, and topical\n postcards. The \n United Statespostcards are separated\n first by state and then by city or county; the foreign by\n country only, and the topicals are grouped together.","The papers of the \n Duke and Duke law firm contain incomplete\n case files handled by the family law firm. Among these are \n Maria Carter v. \n Roy Brown ; \n J. E. Costan v. \n Downing L. Smith ; Dr. Funsten v. \n W. Ed. Pickering ; \n Insurance Company of Charlottesville v. \n V. W. F. Carter, Jr. ; the \n Kentucky Coal Company , \n Pike County Coal Company , and \n Ohio and Big Sandy Coal Company ; \n Jefferson M. Levy Legal Papers; \n Piedmont Gas and Oil Corporation v. \n R. S. Duncan ; and Snyder v. \n University of Virginia . Most of the law\n firm's papers are located in the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","The last series consists of oversize documents and\n photographs."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":229,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c23"}},{"id":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c22","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Thomas Nelson Page to R. T. W. Duke, Jr., 1876/1921","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c22#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c22","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c22"],"id":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c22","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00187","_root_":"viu_viu00187","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00187_c01_c01","parent_ssim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR."],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00187","viu_viu00187_c01","viu_viu00187_c01_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Thomas Nelson Page to R. T. W. Duke,\n Jr.","title_ssm":["Thomas Nelson Page to R. T. W. Duke, Jr."],"title_tesim":["Thomas Nelson Page to R. T. W. Duke, Jr."],"normalized_title_ssm":["Thomas Nelson Page to R. T. W. Duke, Jr., 1876/1921"],"text":["Thomas Nelson Page to R. T. W. Duke, Jr., 1876/1921","Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR.","Box Box 9"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR."],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","SERIES I: CORRESPONDENCE","SUBSERIES A: LETTERS TO R. T. W. DUKE, JR."],"normalized_date_ssm":["1876/1921"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1876-1921"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":24,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 9"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0/components#21","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00187","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00187","_root_":"viu_viu00187","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00187","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00187.xml","title_ssm":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"title_tesim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"text":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983","9521-h","ca. 10,400 items","There are no restrictions.","Because this collection was not received by the Library in\n any discernible order, the material has been arbitrarily\n placed into seven different series. These include: I)\n Correspondence; II) Manuscripts and Miscellaneous Papers; III)\n Photographs; IV) Bound Volumes and Notebooks; V) Postcards;\n VI) Papers from the Duke and Duke law firm; and VII) Oversize\n Items.","Due to the large amount of correspondence present in this\n collection, the correspondence series has been further broken\n down into seven subseries: A) Letters to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 1-9); B) Letters\n to \n Edith Duke (boxes 10-11); C) Letters from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke (box 12); D) Letters to and\n from the children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 13-20); E) \n Slaughter Family Correspondence (boxes\n 20-22); F) Miscellaneous Correspondence (box 23); G) Topical\n Correspondence (box 24)","Slaughter Family","Edith Ridgeway married \n Charles M. Harker (d. 1876), and their\n daughter \n Mary Haines Harker (d. 1897) married\n (1853) \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. (1828-1893),\n son of \n Robert Harrison Slaughter , and \n Mary Rice Garland , whom he married in\n 1818. Seven of \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter 's children survived\n to adulthood. The following genealogical information is\n incomplete.","A. \n Charles Slaughter , M.D. \n m. (1) \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby m. \n Claude Marshall Lee m. (2) \n Hattie Gray a \n Charles Slaughter,\n Jr. (1887-1953)b. \n John\n Slaughter (1888-1889)c. \n Susan Gray\n Slaughter (1890-?)\n B. \n John Flavel Slaughter,\n Jr. (1856-?)\n C. \n Robert Slaughter m. 1890 \n Augusta Bannister a. \n Robert Slaughter,\n Jr. (1890-?)b. \n M. Bannister (1895-?)\n D. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter m. 1890 \n Mary Wall Richardson (\"Maymee\") \n a. \n Rosalie Slaughter (1892-?) m. \n William Dulaney Anderson b. \n Lillas (?) Richardson\n Slaughter (1895-?)c. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter, Jr. m. \n Rhoda Howard \n E. \n William Austin\n Slaughter (1873-?)\n F. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter (1871-?)\n m. 1905 \n George Baxter Morton, Jr. (?\n -1912)\n G. \n Edith Ridgeway Slaughter (1863-1921)\n m. 1884 \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) (For children see under \n Duke family )","Duke Family","Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Sr. (1822-1898), son of \n Richard Duke and \n Maria Walker , married (1846) \n Elizabeth Scott Eskridge (1820-1896),\n daughter of \n William Scott Eskridge and \n Margaret Frances Brown . Their children\n were:","A. \n William Richard Duke (1848-1929) m.\n (1894) \n Edith May Colemann (1873-1943) \n a. \n Elizabeth Eskridge\n Duke (1898-1899)b. \n Cammann Coleman Duke (1900-?) m.\n (1933) \n Mary Perrin\n White (1904-1984)c. \n William Richard Duke,\n Jr. (1902-?) m. (1933) \n Nancy Montgomery\n Wood (1902-?)\n B. \n Margaret Brown\n Duke (1850-1851)\n C. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) \n m. (1884) (1) \n Edith Ridgeway\n Slaughter (1863-1921) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Duke (1885-1966)b. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke\n III (1887-1960) \n m. (1917) \n Myrtle Judson (?\n -1941)m. (1942) \n Cecile Grotta (1947) \n Florence\n Watts (\"Jeri\")c. \n John Flavel Slaughter\n Duke (1889-1933) m. \n Kathleen Timmons (?\n -1940)d. \n William Eskridge\n Duke (1893-1959) m. (1923) \n Lucy Marshall Lee (i) \n R.T.W. Duke\n IV (1924-1926)(ii) \n William Eskridge Duke,\n Jr. , (\"Bill\") (1927-) m. \n Frances Armistead\n Marston (iii) \n Lucy Marshall Duke (1931-)\n m. \n Gerald Kinne e. \n Helen Risdon\n Duke (1895-1984)f. \n Edwin Ellicott\n Duke (1899-1900)m. (1923) (2) \n Mary Richardson\n Slaughter (\"Maymee\")\n D. \n Maria Walker Duke (1855-1856)\n E. \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) m.\n (1882) Dr. \n Charles Slaughter a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Slaughter (1883-?) m. (1905) \n Claude Marshall Lee (1882-?) \n (i) \n Martha Eskridge Lee\n Poston (1906-?)(ii) \n Mary Willoughby\n Lee (1908-1918)(iii) \n Lucy Ambler Lee\n Roberts (1910-)(iv) \n Claude Marshall Lee,\n Jr. (1911-)(v) \n Charlotte Slaughter Lee\n Lauck (1913-)(vi) \n Elizabeth Duke Lee\n Kopper (1919-)(vii) \n Mary Cary Lee (1926-)","This addition to the \n Duke family papers contains ca. 10,400 items\n (38 Hollinger boxes, 12 linear shelf feet), 1764-1983, chiefly\n personal and topical correspondence, business papers, and\n legal papers of this prominent \n Charlottesvillefamily, and the related \n Slaughter family of \n Lynchburg, Virginia. The collection also\n has genealogical material, invitations (arranged by year),\n literary manuscripts and poetry by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (1853-1926),\n miscellaneous papers, printed material, school records and\n papers, photographs, diaries, account books, notebooks and\n other bound volumes, postcards and papers concerning a few\n legal clients of the \n Duke and Duke law firm.","The overwhelming bulk of the correspondence consists of\n letters to and from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Edith Slaughter Duke (1863-1921), his\n wife, and their children, \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1885-1966); \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n III (1887-1960); \n John Flavel Slaughter Duke , \"Jack\"\n (1889-1933); \n William Eskridge Duke (1893-1959); and \n Helen Risdon Duke (1895-1984).","The correspondence subseries devoted to letters written to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. contains three\n different groups of material: 1) letters from his wife, \n Edith Slaughter Duke ; 2) an\n alphabetically arranged group of miscellaneous correspondents;\n and 3) a group of individual correspondents, each with his own\n folder.","The letters from Edith to \n Tom Duke , 1882-1921, were written\n whenever they were separated during their courtship, family\n visits, vacations, and business trips. As could be expected,\n most of these letters contain plans for furnishing their new\n home, family news, and personal messages, all of which\n chronicles the growth of the \n Duke family .","The alphabetical miscellaneous correspondence file has\n letters from college, fraternity and Masonic friends, business\n associates, and other acquaintances and includes merchandise\n orders, requests for speaking engagements, business matters,\n literary concerns, letters of sympathy and personal news.","Letters of note in this group include the following\n correspondents and topics: \n S. A. Duke (Dec. 9, 1908) re\n reconstruction and \"the great negro question;\" \n A. Ranken Ford (Nov.23, 1914) re America's\n Civil War, \n England's preparation for World War I and\n Germany's spying activities prior to the\n war; \n George Gilmer (Jul. 28, 1918) re the\n important role of the \n Y.M.C.A. in keeping up the morale of the\n American soldier in \n Europe; \n T. H. Harrison (Apr. 21 and Jun. 25, 1916)\n re Canadian involvement in World War I; \n H. C. Marchant (Sep.[15], 1895) re vestry\n records of \n Christ Episcopal Church ; and \n Jessie Uppleby (Apr. 18, Jul. 5, Aug. 19,\n Nov. 22, 1917, and Aug. 29 [n.y.]) re World War I war news\n from \n Scotland.","The group of individual correspondents to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. include the following\n people: \n B. Johnson Barbour , \n Mary Carey , \n J. E. Creary , \n John Singleton Diggs , \n Elizabeth Eskridge Duke , \n Maymee R. Slaughter Duke , \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , \n William R. Duke , \n Eugene Ellicott , fraternity brothers, \n Kate Gunther , \n Lizzie Gunther , and \n Maude Gunther , \n Paul Jones and \n Peter Tudor Jones , \n Luther Kountze , \n Nancy Leary , \n Thomas Nelson Page , \n Thomas D. Ransom , \n Schele De Vere , \n John F. Slaughter, Sr. , \n John F. Slaughter, Jr. , \n Mary Harker Slaughter and \n Mary Willoughby Duke Slaughter .","The letters to \n Edith Duke include correspondence from \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Susan Harker Risdon and miscellaneous\n letters from friends and family, excluding her children.","A third subseries of correspondence consists of letters\n from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke to their children, Mr. and Mrs.\n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. and miscellaneous\n correspondents. Of note in this group is a volume of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. 's letters from \n Europewhich contains transcripts of his\n letters home during his European tour of 1882. Duke describes\n his voyage over on a ship \"Egypt,\" his companions and\n acquaintances, his itinerary in \n England, \n Holland, \n Germany, \n Switzerland, and \n France, and the many museums, historic\n sites, and towns which he visited.","The fourth subseries contains letters to and from the\n children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , including\n correspondence with their parents and with each other. The\n sons of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , Walker, Jack, and\n Eskridge, were all in the armed forces during World War I, and\n their letters that decribe camp life and their war experiences\n are in the correspondence to their parents, 1917-1919.","Jack \n (John Flavel) Duke was an Air Service\n officer stationed at \n Post Field, Sill, Oklahoma, and at \n Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, and his\n correspondence, 1917-1919, and no date, describes his flying\n experiences. Although \n Eskridge Duke attended the \n U.S. Naval Academy preparatory school at \n Annapolis, Marylandand sailed as a\n midshipman on the U.S.S. Illinois from 1911-1913, he served\n during World War I in \n Franceas an army officer with the \n American Expeditionary Forces , from\n September of 1918 until May of 1919.","R. T. Walker Duke 's letters to his\n parents from 1908-1911 describe his experiences in \n Montana as a cowboy, his interest in\n homesteading, bronco riding, and his work as a printer. In\n 1917, Walker was assigned to the \n 5th Illinois Company , \n Ft. Sheridan, Illinois. His letters\n written during his service in \n Europerun from October 1918 to March\n 1919. After the conclusion of the war, Walker served with the \n Judge Advocate General Department in \n Washington, D.C.(letters to his parents,\n 1920-1925).","Mary Duke 's letters to her parents,\n 1918-1926, and no date, describe her nursing experiences and\n other charitable work in the \n Archdeaconry of Southwest Virginia with\n Mrs. \n Hugh F. Binns at \n Nora, Dickinson County, Virginia .","Another interesting group of letters in this subseries are\n those of \n William Eskridge Duke, Jr. to his family\n and to his aunts, \n Mary Duke and \n Helen Duke . \n Bill Duke served in the navy during the\n Korean War and his letters describe the places which he\n visited on his tours of duty, such as \n Naples, \n Athens, \n Marseilles, \n Guam, and \n Yokosuka, Japan, 1949-1951.","The correspondence of the Duke brothers and sisters to each\n other consists almost entirely of carbons or originals of\n letters concerning the personal business transactions of the\n family. It also reveals the financial difficulties of various\n family members during the Depression years.","The \n Slaughter family correspondence comprises\n the fifth subseries of correspondence and contains letters to\n and from members of \n Edith Slaughter Duke 's family, including\n her parents, \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. , and her\n brothers and sisters. The letters from Dr. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter Morton , a\n graduate of the \n Women's Medical College of\n Pennsylvania (1897) and practicing surgeon, form one\n of the most interesting sections of this correspondence. She\n describes her travels in \n Europe(May 11, September 19, and 24,\n 1899); her concern for the \n Lee family in \n Chinaduring the struggle of the\n Kuomintang with the warlords for political supremacy (March\n 29, 1927); her trip to \n Mexico(July 25, 1928) and the \n Middle East(November 4, 1935).","Most of the Slaughter correspondence concerns either\n business matters or family news with a few exceptions. \n Charles Slaughter, Sr. writes concerning a\n strike and riot in \n Duluth, Minnesota(July 7, 1889); \n Charles M. Harker, Sr. describes the\n meeting of the American Convention ( \n Know-Nothing Party ) in \n Philadelphia(June 10, 1855); Mary B[?]\n R[?]'s letters, 1861-1862, provide a woman's view of the Civil\n War; and \n Samuel Slaughter describes his trip to \n Ireland, \n Scotland, and \n England(July 24, August 1 \u0026 5, 1889).\n Members of the \n Garland family write concerning family news,\n Dr. \n [Erasmus] Darwin 's theory of the earth,\n and the significance of fossils, and General Hull's activities\n at \n Sandwichin \n Canadaduring the beginning of the War of\n 1812 (August 4, 1812); and a trip to \n Bostonand \n Montreal(August 1 \u0026 11, 1851).","Of note among the miscellaneous correspondence are two\n letters from \n John Singleton Mosby , one to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (September 27, 1915)\n acknowledging Duke's letter of sympathy on the loss of Mosby's\n son, and another to Captain \n Sam Chapman (September 30, 1919)\n concerning the manifesto of the \"Stonewall Jackson Camp\" at \n Stauntonabout the role of Southern\n soldiers in the Civil War.","Also of interest are the letters, 1895-1954, from \n Mary Lee and \n Claude Lee , an Episcopal medical\n missionary family in \n Wisuh, China. They ran a hospital and\n dispensary from 1908 until ca. 1947. Although their letters\n reveal various aspects of missionary life and personal family\n news, they contain little of Chinese events. One letter by \n Claude Lee (October 13, 1918) speaks of\n the participation of the \n 8th Czecho-Slovak Regiment in a battle\n against the Bolsheviks in the \n Ural Mountainsnear \n [Tagelove ?], Russia, during World War\n I.","The last subseries of correspondence consists of topical\n files concerning the American Legion and World War I; business\n correspondence of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the publication of\n the poetry of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the rental of the\n Duke's Park Street house; the will of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; and the \n St. Paul's Memorial Building Fund .","The other six non-correspondence series comprise about a\n third of the collection and include: manuscripts and\n miscellaneous papers, photographs, bound volumes and\n notebooks, postcards, papers from the \n Duke and Duke law firm and oversize\n items.","The manuscripts and miscellaneous papers series contain the\n personal business papers of the \n Duke and related families, especially the \n Slaughter family . There is also a sizeable\n amount of family financial material in the Papers of the \n Duke and Duke Law Firm at the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","Other types of material in this series include;\n genealogical material, with a typescript about \n Mary Harker Slaughter by her son, \n William A. Slaughter ; invitations; legal\n papers, including indentures, deeds, agreements, land surveys,\n etc.; manuscripts by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , both poetry and\n prose, including \"Albemarle County and the City of\n Charlottesville in War Time,\" \"Libraries and Their Contents,\"\n \"Pearls and Pebbles,\" typescripts of portions of his\n \"Recollections,\" (the whole five volumes of Duke's\n \"Recollections\" of his life can be found in 9521-i); printed\n material, including Masonic items and an undated political\n pamphlet entitled \"Mahoneism Unveiled!\"; and Duke family\n school records and papers.","The photographic series consists of both identified and\n unidentified photographs. Identified photographs contain the\n following categories: Judge \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , men and women in the \n Duke and related families, \n Rosalie Slaughter Morton , miscellaneous\n men and women, European scenes, places, photographs of a trip,\n University of Virginia , and \n Zeta Psi Brothers and \n University of Virginia friends.\n Unidentified photographs have been placed in the following\n groups: animals, children, groups and families, men, places,\n and women.","Series four, consisting of bound volumes and notebooks,\n contains primarily diaries and notebooks of the immediate \n Duke family members. The fifth series has \n United States, foreign, and topical\n postcards. The \n United Statespostcards are separated\n first by state and then by city or county; the foreign by\n country only, and the topicals are grouped together.","The papers of the \n Duke and Duke law firm contain incomplete\n case files handled by the family law firm. Among these are \n Maria Carter v. \n Roy Brown ; \n J. E. Costan v. \n Downing L. Smith ; Dr. Funsten v. \n W. Ed. Pickering ; \n Insurance Company of Charlottesville v. \n V. W. F. Carter, Jr. ; the \n Kentucky Coal Company , \n Pike County Coal Company , and \n Ohio and Big Sandy Coal Company ; \n Jefferson M. Levy Legal Papers; \n Piedmont Gas and Oil Corporation v. \n R. S. Duncan ; and Snyder v. \n University of Virginia . Most of the law\n firm's papers are located in the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","The last series consists of oversize documents and\n photographs.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"collection_ssim":["Duke Family Papers \n 1764-1983"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["9521-h"],"unitid_tesim":["9521-h"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The Duke family papers were given to the Library by Mrs. Gerald Kinne of Setauket, New York, and Mr. William E. Duke\n of Richmond, Virginia, on August 20, 1985."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 10,400 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBecause this collection was not received by the Library in\n any discernible order, the material has been arbitrarily\n placed into seven different series. These include: I)\n Correspondence; II) Manuscripts and Miscellaneous Papers; III)\n Photographs; IV) Bound Volumes and Notebooks; V) Postcards;\n VI) Papers from the Duke and Duke law firm; and VII) Oversize\n Items.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDue to the large amount of correspondence present in this\n collection, the correspondence series has been further broken\n down into seven subseries: A) Letters to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 1-9); B) Letters\n to \n Edith Duke (boxes 10-11); C) Letters from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke (box 12); D) Letters to and\n from the children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 13-20); E) \n Slaughter Family Correspondence (boxes\n 20-22); F) Miscellaneous Correspondence (box 23); G) Topical\n Correspondence (box 24)\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["Because this collection was not received by the Library in\n any discernible order, the material has been arbitrarily\n placed into seven different series. These include: I)\n Correspondence; II) Manuscripts and Miscellaneous Papers; III)\n Photographs; IV) Bound Volumes and Notebooks; V) Postcards;\n VI) Papers from the Duke and Duke law firm; and VII) Oversize\n Items.","Due to the large amount of correspondence present in this\n collection, the correspondence series has been further broken\n down into seven subseries: A) Letters to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 1-9); B) Letters\n to \n Edith Duke (boxes 10-11); C) Letters from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke (box 12); D) Letters to and\n from the children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (boxes 13-20); E) \n Slaughter Family Correspondence (boxes\n 20-22); F) Miscellaneous Correspondence (box 23); G) Topical\n Correspondence (box 24)"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n Slaughter Family \n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e Edith Ridgeway married \n Charles M. Harker (d. 1876), and their\n daughter \n Mary Haines Harker (d. 1897) married\n (1853) \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. (1828-1893),\n son of \n Robert Harrison Slaughter , and \n Mary Rice Garland , whom he married in\n 1818. Seven of \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter 's children survived\n to adulthood. The following genealogical information is\n incomplete.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eA. \n Charles Slaughter , M.D. \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1) \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Mary Willoughby m. \n Claude Marshall Lee \u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (2) \n Hattie Gray \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea \n Charles Slaughter,\n Jr. (1887-1953)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n John\n Slaughter (1888-1889)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n Susan Gray\n Slaughter (1890-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eB. \n John Flavel Slaughter,\n Jr. (1856-?)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eC. \n Robert Slaughter m. 1890 \n Augusta Bannister \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Robert Slaughter,\n Jr. (1890-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n M. Bannister (1895-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eD. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter m. 1890 \n Mary Wall Richardson (\"Maymee\") \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Rosalie Slaughter (1892-?) m. \n William Dulaney Anderson \u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n Lillas (?) Richardson\n Slaughter (1895-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter, Jr. m. \n Rhoda Howard \u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eE. \n William Austin\n Slaughter (1873-?)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eF. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter (1871-?)\n m. 1905 \n George Baxter Morton, Jr. (?\n -1912)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eG. \n Edith Ridgeway Slaughter (1863-1921)\n m. 1884 \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) (For children see under \n Duke family )\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n Duke Family \n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Sr. (1822-1898), son of \n Richard Duke and \n Maria Walker , married (1846) \n Elizabeth Scott Eskridge (1820-1896),\n daughter of \n William Scott Eskridge and \n Margaret Frances Brown . Their children\n were:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eA. \n William Richard Duke (1848-1929) m.\n (1894) \n Edith May Colemann (1873-1943) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Elizabeth Eskridge\n Duke (1898-1899)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n Cammann Coleman Duke (1900-?) m.\n (1933) \n Mary Perrin\n White (1904-1984)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n William Richard Duke,\n Jr. (1902-?) m. (1933) \n Nancy Montgomery\n Wood (1902-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eB. \n Margaret Brown\n Duke (1850-1851)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eC. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1884) (1) \n Edith Ridgeway\n Slaughter (1863-1921) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Mary Willoughby\n Duke (1885-1966)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003eb. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke\n III (1887-1960) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1917) \n Myrtle Judson (?\n -1941)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1942) \n Cecile Grotta \u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(1947) \n Florence\n Watts (\"Jeri\")\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ec. \n John Flavel Slaughter\n Duke (1889-1933) m. \n Kathleen Timmons (?\n -1940)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ed. \n William Eskridge\n Duke (1893-1959) m. (1923) \n Lucy Marshall Lee \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003e(i) \n R.T.W. Duke\n IV (1924-1926)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(ii) \n William Eskridge Duke,\n Jr. , (\"Bill\") (1927-) m. \n Frances Armistead\n Marston \u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(iii) \n Lucy Marshall Duke (1931-)\n m. \n Gerald Kinne \u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ee. \n Helen Risdon\n Duke (1895-1984)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003ef. \n Edwin Ellicott\n Duke (1899-1900)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003em. (1923) (2) \n Mary Richardson\n Slaughter (\"Maymee\")\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eD. \n Maria Walker Duke (1855-1856)\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eE. \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) m.\n (1882) Dr. \n Charles Slaughter \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003ea. \n Mary Willoughby\n Slaughter (1883-?) m. (1905) \n Claude Marshall Lee (1882-?) \n \u003clist type=\"simple\"\u003e\u003citem\u003e(i) \n Martha Eskridge Lee\n Poston (1906-?)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(ii) \n Mary Willoughby\n Lee (1908-1918)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(iii) \n Lucy Ambler Lee\n Roberts (1910-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(iv) \n Claude Marshall Lee,\n Jr. (1911-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(v) \n Charlotte Slaughter Lee\n Lauck (1913-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(vi) \n Elizabeth Duke Lee\n Kopper (1919-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003citem\u003e(vii) \n Mary Cary Lee (1926-)\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\u003c/list\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n \u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Genealogical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Slaughter Family","Edith Ridgeway married \n Charles M. Harker (d. 1876), and their\n daughter \n Mary Haines Harker (d. 1897) married\n (1853) \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. (1828-1893),\n son of \n Robert Harrison Slaughter , and \n Mary Rice Garland , whom he married in\n 1818. Seven of \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter 's children survived\n to adulthood. The following genealogical information is\n incomplete.","A. \n Charles Slaughter , M.D. \n m. (1) \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby m. \n Claude Marshall Lee m. (2) \n Hattie Gray a \n Charles Slaughter,\n Jr. (1887-1953)b. \n John\n Slaughter (1888-1889)c. \n Susan Gray\n Slaughter (1890-?)\n B. \n John Flavel Slaughter,\n Jr. (1856-?)\n C. \n Robert Slaughter m. 1890 \n Augusta Bannister a. \n Robert Slaughter,\n Jr. (1890-?)b. \n M. Bannister (1895-?)\n D. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter m. 1890 \n Mary Wall Richardson (\"Maymee\") \n a. \n Rosalie Slaughter (1892-?) m. \n William Dulaney Anderson b. \n Lillas (?) Richardson\n Slaughter (1895-?)c. \n Samuel Garland Slaughter, Jr. m. \n Rhoda Howard \n E. \n William Austin\n Slaughter (1873-?)\n F. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter (1871-?)\n m. 1905 \n George Baxter Morton, Jr. (?\n -1912)\n G. \n Edith Ridgeway Slaughter (1863-1921)\n m. 1884 \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) (For children see under \n Duke family )","Duke Family","Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Sr. (1822-1898), son of \n Richard Duke and \n Maria Walker , married (1846) \n Elizabeth Scott Eskridge (1820-1896),\n daughter of \n William Scott Eskridge and \n Margaret Frances Brown . Their children\n were:","A. \n William Richard Duke (1848-1929) m.\n (1894) \n Edith May Colemann (1873-1943) \n a. \n Elizabeth Eskridge\n Duke (1898-1899)b. \n Cammann Coleman Duke (1900-?) m.\n (1933) \n Mary Perrin\n White (1904-1984)c. \n William Richard Duke,\n Jr. (1902-?) m. (1933) \n Nancy Montgomery\n Wood (1902-?)\n B. \n Margaret Brown\n Duke (1850-1851)\n C. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n Jr. (1853-1926) \n m. (1884) (1) \n Edith Ridgeway\n Slaughter (1863-1921) \n a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Duke (1885-1966)b. \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke\n III (1887-1960) \n m. (1917) \n Myrtle Judson (?\n -1941)m. (1942) \n Cecile Grotta (1947) \n Florence\n Watts (\"Jeri\")c. \n John Flavel Slaughter\n Duke (1889-1933) m. \n Kathleen Timmons (?\n -1940)d. \n William Eskridge\n Duke (1893-1959) m. (1923) \n Lucy Marshall Lee (i) \n R.T.W. Duke\n IV (1924-1926)(ii) \n William Eskridge Duke,\n Jr. , (\"Bill\") (1927-) m. \n Frances Armistead\n Marston (iii) \n Lucy Marshall Duke (1931-)\n m. \n Gerald Kinne e. \n Helen Risdon\n Duke (1895-1984)f. \n Edwin Ellicott\n Duke (1899-1900)m. (1923) (2) \n Mary Richardson\n Slaughter (\"Maymee\")\n D. \n Maria Walker Duke (1855-1856)\n E. \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1857-1883) m.\n (1882) Dr. \n Charles Slaughter a. \n Mary Willoughby\n Slaughter (1883-?) m. (1905) \n Claude Marshall Lee (1882-?) \n (i) \n Martha Eskridge Lee\n Poston (1906-?)(ii) \n Mary Willoughby\n Lee (1908-1918)(iii) \n Lucy Ambler Lee\n Roberts (1910-)(iv) \n Claude Marshall Lee,\n Jr. (1911-)(v) \n Charlotte Slaughter Lee\n Lauck (1913-)(vi) \n Elizabeth Duke Lee\n Kopper (1919-)(vii) \n Mary Cary Lee (1926-)"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDuke Family Papers, Accession #9521-h, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottessville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Duke Family Papers, Accession #9521-h, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottessville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis addition to the \n Duke family papers contains ca. 10,400 items\n (38 Hollinger boxes, 12 linear shelf feet), 1764-1983, chiefly\n personal and topical correspondence, business papers, and\n legal papers of this prominent \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCharlottesville\u003c/geogname\u003efamily, and the related \n Slaughter family of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLynchburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The collection also\n has genealogical material, invitations (arranged by year),\n literary manuscripts and poetry by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (1853-1926),\n miscellaneous papers, printed material, school records and\n papers, photographs, diaries, account books, notebooks and\n other bound volumes, postcards and papers concerning a few\n legal clients of the \n Duke and Duke law firm.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe overwhelming bulk of the correspondence consists of\n letters to and from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Edith Slaughter Duke (1863-1921), his\n wife, and their children, \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1885-1966); \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n III (1887-1960); \n John Flavel Slaughter Duke , \"Jack\"\n (1889-1933); \n William Eskridge Duke (1893-1959); and \n Helen Risdon Duke (1895-1984).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence subseries devoted to letters written to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. contains three\n different groups of material: 1) letters from his wife, \n Edith Slaughter Duke ; 2) an\n alphabetically arranged group of miscellaneous correspondents;\n and 3) a group of individual correspondents, each with his own\n folder.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe letters from Edith to \n Tom Duke , 1882-1921, were written\n whenever they were separated during their courtship, family\n visits, vacations, and business trips. As could be expected,\n most of these letters contain plans for furnishing their new\n home, family news, and personal messages, all of which\n chronicles the growth of the \n Duke family .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe alphabetical miscellaneous correspondence file has\n letters from college, fraternity and Masonic friends, business\n associates, and other acquaintances and includes merchandise\n orders, requests for speaking engagements, business matters,\n literary concerns, letters of sympathy and personal news.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters of note in this group include the following\n correspondents and topics: \n S. A. Duke (Dec. 9, 1908) re\n reconstruction and \"the great negro question;\" \n A. Ranken Ford (Nov.23, 1914) re America's\n Civil War, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e's preparation for World War I and\n \u003cgeogname\u003eGermany\u003c/geogname\u003e's spying activities prior to the\n war; \n George Gilmer (Jul. 28, 1918) re the\n important role of the \n Y.M.C.A. in keeping up the morale of the\n American soldier in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003e; \n T. H. Harrison (Apr. 21 and Jun. 25, 1916)\n re Canadian involvement in World War I; \n H. C. Marchant (Sep.[15], 1895) re vestry\n records of \n Christ Episcopal Church ; and \n Jessie Uppleby (Apr. 18, Jul. 5, Aug. 19,\n Nov. 22, 1917, and Aug. 29 [n.y.]) re World War I war news\n from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eScotland\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe group of individual correspondents to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. include the following\n people: \n B. Johnson Barbour , \n Mary Carey , \n J. E. Creary , \n John Singleton Diggs , \n Elizabeth Eskridge Duke , \n Maymee R. Slaughter Duke , \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , \n William R. Duke , \n Eugene Ellicott , fraternity brothers, \n Kate Gunther , \n Lizzie Gunther , and \n Maude Gunther , \n Paul Jones and \n Peter Tudor Jones , \n Luther Kountze , \n Nancy Leary , \n Thomas Nelson Page , \n Thomas D. Ransom , \n Schele De Vere , \n John F. Slaughter, Sr. , \n John F. Slaughter, Jr. , \n Mary Harker Slaughter and \n Mary Willoughby Duke Slaughter .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe letters to \n Edith Duke include correspondence from \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Susan Harker Risdon and miscellaneous\n letters from friends and family, excluding her children.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA third subseries of correspondence consists of letters\n from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke to their children, Mr. and Mrs.\n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. and miscellaneous\n correspondents. Of note in this group is a volume of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. 's letters from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003ewhich contains transcripts of his\n letters home during his European tour of 1882. Duke describes\n his voyage over on a ship \"Egypt,\" his companions and\n acquaintances, his itinerary in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHolland\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGermany\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSwitzerland\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the many museums, historic\n sites, and towns which he visited.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe fourth subseries contains letters to and from the\n children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , including\n correspondence with their parents and with each other. The\n sons of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , Walker, Jack, and\n Eskridge, were all in the armed forces during World War I, and\n their letters that decribe camp life and their war experiences\n are in the correspondence to their parents, 1917-1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eJack \n (John Flavel) Duke was an Air Service\n officer stationed at \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePost Field, Sill, Oklahoma\u003c/geogname\u003e, and at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFt. Leavenworth, Kansas\u003c/geogname\u003e, and his\n correspondence, 1917-1919, and no date, describes his flying\n experiences. Although \n Eskridge Duke attended the \n U.S. Naval Academy preparatory school at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAnnapolis, Maryland\u003c/geogname\u003eand sailed as a\n midshipman on the U.S.S. Illinois from 1911-1913, he served\n during World War I in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003eas an army officer with the \n American Expeditionary Forces , from\n September of 1918 until May of 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e R. T. Walker Duke 's letters to his\n parents from 1908-1911 describe his experiences in \n Montana as a cowboy, his interest in\n homesteading, bronco riding, and his work as a printer. In\n 1917, Walker was assigned to the \n 5th Illinois Company , \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFt. Sheridan, Illinois\u003c/geogname\u003e. His letters\n written during his service in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003erun from October 1918 to March\n 1919. After the conclusion of the war, Walker served with the \n Judge Advocate General Department in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWashington, D.C.\u003c/geogname\u003e(letters to his parents,\n 1920-1925).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e Mary Duke 's letters to her parents,\n 1918-1926, and no date, describe her nursing experiences and\n other charitable work in the \n Archdeaconry of Southwest Virginia with\n Mrs. \n Hugh F. Binns at \n Nora, Dickinson County, Virginia .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAnother interesting group of letters in this subseries are\n those of \n William Eskridge Duke, Jr. to his family\n and to his aunts, \n Mary Duke and \n Helen Duke . \n Bill Duke served in the navy during the\n Korean War and his letters describe the places which he\n visited on his tours of duty, such as \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNaples\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAthens\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMarseilles\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGuam\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eYokosuka, Japan\u003c/geogname\u003e, 1949-1951.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence of the Duke brothers and sisters to each\n other consists almost entirely of carbons or originals of\n letters concerning the personal business transactions of the\n family. It also reveals the financial difficulties of various\n family members during the Depression years.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe \n Slaughter family correspondence comprises\n the fifth subseries of correspondence and contains letters to\n and from members of \n Edith Slaughter Duke 's family, including\n her parents, \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. , and her\n brothers and sisters. The letters from Dr. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter Morton , a\n graduate of the \n Women's Medical College of\n Pennsylvania (1897) and practicing surgeon, form one\n of the most interesting sections of this correspondence. She\n describes her travels in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEurope\u003c/geogname\u003e(May 11, September 19, and 24,\n 1899); her concern for the \n Lee family in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eChina\u003c/geogname\u003eduring the struggle of the\n Kuomintang with the warlords for political supremacy (March\n 29, 1927); her trip to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMexico\u003c/geogname\u003e(July 25, 1928) and the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMiddle East\u003c/geogname\u003e(November 4, 1935).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the Slaughter correspondence concerns either\n business matters or family news with a few exceptions. \n Charles Slaughter, Sr. writes concerning a\n strike and riot in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDuluth, Minnesota\u003c/geogname\u003e(July 7, 1889); \n Charles M. Harker, Sr. describes the\n meeting of the American Convention ( \n Know-Nothing Party ) in \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePhiladelphia\u003c/geogname\u003e(June 10, 1855); Mary B[?]\n R[?]'s letters, 1861-1862, provide a woman's view of the Civil\n War; and \n Samuel Slaughter describes his trip to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eIreland\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eScotland\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e(July 24, August 1 \u0026amp; 5, 1889).\n Members of the \n Garland family write concerning family news,\n Dr. \n [Erasmus] Darwin 's theory of the earth,\n and the significance of fossils, and General Hull's activities\n at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eSandwich\u003c/geogname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCanada\u003c/geogname\u003eduring the beginning of the War of\n 1812 (August 4, 1812); and a trip to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBoston\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMontreal\u003c/geogname\u003e(August 1 \u0026amp; 11, 1851).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOf note among the miscellaneous correspondence are two\n letters from \n John Singleton Mosby , one to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (September 27, 1915)\n acknowledging Duke's letter of sympathy on the loss of Mosby's\n son, and another to Captain \n Sam Chapman (September 30, 1919)\n concerning the manifesto of the \"Stonewall Jackson Camp\" at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eStaunton\u003c/geogname\u003eabout the role of Southern\n soldiers in the Civil War.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlso of interest are the letters, 1895-1954, from \n Mary Lee and \n Claude Lee , an Episcopal medical\n missionary family in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWisuh, China\u003c/geogname\u003e. They ran a hospital and\n dispensary from 1908 until ca. 1947. Although their letters\n reveal various aspects of missionary life and personal family\n news, they contain little of Chinese events. One letter by \n Claude Lee (October 13, 1918) speaks of\n the participation of the \n 8th Czecho-Slovak Regiment in a battle\n against the Bolsheviks in the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUral Mountains\u003c/geogname\u003enear \n \u003cgeogname\u003e[Tagelove ?], Russia\u003c/geogname\u003e, during World War\n I.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe last subseries of correspondence consists of topical\n files concerning the American Legion and World War I; business\n correspondence of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the publication of\n the poetry of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the rental of the\n Duke's Park Street house; the will of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; and the \n St. Paul's Memorial Building Fund .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe other six non-correspondence series comprise about a\n third of the collection and include: manuscripts and\n miscellaneous papers, photographs, bound volumes and\n notebooks, postcards, papers from the \n Duke and Duke law firm and oversize\n items.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe manuscripts and miscellaneous papers series contain the\n personal business papers of the \n Duke and related families, especially the \n Slaughter family . There is also a sizeable\n amount of family financial material in the Papers of the \n Duke and Duke Law Firm at the \n University of Virginia Law Library .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOther types of material in this series include;\n genealogical material, with a typescript about \n Mary Harker Slaughter by her son, \n William A. Slaughter ; invitations; legal\n papers, including indentures, deeds, agreements, land surveys,\n etc.; manuscripts by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , both poetry and\n prose, including \"Albemarle County and the City of\n Charlottesville in War Time,\" \"Libraries and Their Contents,\"\n \"Pearls and Pebbles,\" typescripts of portions of his\n \"Recollections,\" (the whole five volumes of Duke's\n \"Recollections\" of his life can be found in 9521-i); printed\n material, including Masonic items and an undated political\n pamphlet entitled \"Mahoneism Unveiled!\"; and Duke family\n school records and papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe photographic series consists of both identified and\n unidentified photographs. Identified photographs contain the\n following categories: Judge \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , men and women in the \n Duke and related families, \n Rosalie Slaughter Morton , miscellaneous\n men and women, European scenes, places, photographs of a trip,\n University of Virginia , and \n Zeta Psi Brothers and \n University of Virginia friends.\n Unidentified photographs have been placed in the following\n groups: animals, children, groups and families, men, places,\n and women.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSeries four, consisting of bound volumes and notebooks,\n contains primarily diaries and notebooks of the immediate \n Duke family members. The fifth series has \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, foreign, and topical\n postcards. The \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003epostcards are separated\n first by state and then by city or county; the foreign by\n country only, and the topicals are grouped together.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe papers of the \n Duke and Duke law firm contain incomplete\n case files handled by the family law firm. Among these are \n Maria Carter v. \n Roy Brown ; \n J. E. Costan v. \n Downing L. Smith ; Dr. Funsten v. \n W. Ed. Pickering ; \n Insurance Company of Charlottesville v. \n V. W. F. Carter, Jr. ; the \n Kentucky Coal Company , \n Pike County Coal Company , and \n Ohio and Big Sandy Coal Company ; \n Jefferson M. Levy Legal Papers; \n Piedmont Gas and Oil Corporation v. \n R. S. Duncan ; and Snyder v. \n University of Virginia . Most of the law\n firm's papers are located in the \n University of Virginia Law Library .\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe last series consists of oversize documents and\n photographs.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This addition to the \n Duke family papers contains ca. 10,400 items\n (38 Hollinger boxes, 12 linear shelf feet), 1764-1983, chiefly\n personal and topical correspondence, business papers, and\n legal papers of this prominent \n Charlottesvillefamily, and the related \n Slaughter family of \n Lynchburg, Virginia. The collection also\n has genealogical material, invitations (arranged by year),\n literary manuscripts and poetry by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (1853-1926),\n miscellaneous papers, printed material, school records and\n papers, photographs, diaries, account books, notebooks and\n other bound volumes, postcards and papers concerning a few\n legal clients of the \n Duke and Duke law firm.","The overwhelming bulk of the correspondence consists of\n letters to and from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Edith Slaughter Duke (1863-1921), his\n wife, and their children, \n Mary Willoughby Duke (1885-1966); \n Richard Thomas Walker Duke,\n III (1887-1960); \n John Flavel Slaughter Duke , \"Jack\"\n (1889-1933); \n William Eskridge Duke (1893-1959); and \n Helen Risdon Duke (1895-1984).","The correspondence subseries devoted to letters written to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. contains three\n different groups of material: 1) letters from his wife, \n Edith Slaughter Duke ; 2) an\n alphabetically arranged group of miscellaneous correspondents;\n and 3) a group of individual correspondents, each with his own\n folder.","The letters from Edith to \n Tom Duke , 1882-1921, were written\n whenever they were separated during their courtship, family\n visits, vacations, and business trips. As could be expected,\n most of these letters contain plans for furnishing their new\n home, family news, and personal messages, all of which\n chronicles the growth of the \n Duke family .","The alphabetical miscellaneous correspondence file has\n letters from college, fraternity and Masonic friends, business\n associates, and other acquaintances and includes merchandise\n orders, requests for speaking engagements, business matters,\n literary concerns, letters of sympathy and personal news.","Letters of note in this group include the following\n correspondents and topics: \n S. A. Duke (Dec. 9, 1908) re\n reconstruction and \"the great negro question;\" \n A. Ranken Ford (Nov.23, 1914) re America's\n Civil War, \n England's preparation for World War I and\n Germany's spying activities prior to the\n war; \n George Gilmer (Jul. 28, 1918) re the\n important role of the \n Y.M.C.A. in keeping up the morale of the\n American soldier in \n Europe; \n T. H. Harrison (Apr. 21 and Jun. 25, 1916)\n re Canadian involvement in World War I; \n H. C. Marchant (Sep.[15], 1895) re vestry\n records of \n Christ Episcopal Church ; and \n Jessie Uppleby (Apr. 18, Jul. 5, Aug. 19,\n Nov. 22, 1917, and Aug. 29 [n.y.]) re World War I war news\n from \n Scotland.","The group of individual correspondents to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. include the following\n people: \n B. Johnson Barbour , \n Mary Carey , \n J. E. Creary , \n John Singleton Diggs , \n Elizabeth Eskridge Duke , \n Maymee R. Slaughter Duke , \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , \n William R. Duke , \n Eugene Ellicott , fraternity brothers, \n Kate Gunther , \n Lizzie Gunther , and \n Maude Gunther , \n Paul Jones and \n Peter Tudor Jones , \n Luther Kountze , \n Nancy Leary , \n Thomas Nelson Page , \n Thomas D. Ransom , \n Schele De Vere , \n John F. Slaughter, Sr. , \n John F. Slaughter, Jr. , \n Mary Harker Slaughter and \n Mary Willoughby Duke Slaughter .","The letters to \n Edith Duke include correspondence from \n Myrtle Judson Duke , \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n Susan Harker Risdon and miscellaneous\n letters from friends and family, excluding her children.","A third subseries of correspondence consists of letters\n from \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. and \n Edith Duke to their children, Mr. and Mrs.\n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. and miscellaneous\n correspondents. Of note in this group is a volume of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. 's letters from \n Europewhich contains transcripts of his\n letters home during his European tour of 1882. Duke describes\n his voyage over on a ship \"Egypt,\" his companions and\n acquaintances, his itinerary in \n England, \n Holland, \n Germany, \n Switzerland, and \n France, and the many museums, historic\n sites, and towns which he visited.","The fourth subseries contains letters to and from the\n children of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , including\n correspondence with their parents and with each other. The\n sons of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , Walker, Jack, and\n Eskridge, were all in the armed forces during World War I, and\n their letters that decribe camp life and their war experiences\n are in the correspondence to their parents, 1917-1919.","Jack \n (John Flavel) Duke was an Air Service\n officer stationed at \n Post Field, Sill, Oklahoma, and at \n Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, and his\n correspondence, 1917-1919, and no date, describes his flying\n experiences. Although \n Eskridge Duke attended the \n U.S. Naval Academy preparatory school at \n Annapolis, Marylandand sailed as a\n midshipman on the U.S.S. Illinois from 1911-1913, he served\n during World War I in \n Franceas an army officer with the \n American Expeditionary Forces , from\n September of 1918 until May of 1919.","R. T. Walker Duke 's letters to his\n parents from 1908-1911 describe his experiences in \n Montana as a cowboy, his interest in\n homesteading, bronco riding, and his work as a printer. In\n 1917, Walker was assigned to the \n 5th Illinois Company , \n Ft. Sheridan, Illinois. His letters\n written during his service in \n Europerun from October 1918 to March\n 1919. After the conclusion of the war, Walker served with the \n Judge Advocate General Department in \n Washington, D.C.(letters to his parents,\n 1920-1925).","Mary Duke 's letters to her parents,\n 1918-1926, and no date, describe her nursing experiences and\n other charitable work in the \n Archdeaconry of Southwest Virginia with\n Mrs. \n Hugh F. Binns at \n Nora, Dickinson County, Virginia .","Another interesting group of letters in this subseries are\n those of \n William Eskridge Duke, Jr. to his family\n and to his aunts, \n Mary Duke and \n Helen Duke . \n Bill Duke served in the navy during the\n Korean War and his letters describe the places which he\n visited on his tours of duty, such as \n Naples, \n Athens, \n Marseilles, \n Guam, and \n Yokosuka, Japan, 1949-1951.","The correspondence of the Duke brothers and sisters to each\n other consists almost entirely of carbons or originals of\n letters concerning the personal business transactions of the\n family. It also reveals the financial difficulties of various\n family members during the Depression years.","The \n Slaughter family correspondence comprises\n the fifth subseries of correspondence and contains letters to\n and from members of \n Edith Slaughter Duke 's family, including\n her parents, \n Mary Harker and \n John Flavel Slaughter, Sr. , and her\n brothers and sisters. The letters from Dr. \n Blanche Rosalie Slaughter Morton , a\n graduate of the \n Women's Medical College of\n Pennsylvania (1897) and practicing surgeon, form one\n of the most interesting sections of this correspondence. She\n describes her travels in \n Europe(May 11, September 19, and 24,\n 1899); her concern for the \n Lee family in \n Chinaduring the struggle of the\n Kuomintang with the warlords for political supremacy (March\n 29, 1927); her trip to \n Mexico(July 25, 1928) and the \n Middle East(November 4, 1935).","Most of the Slaughter correspondence concerns either\n business matters or family news with a few exceptions. \n Charles Slaughter, Sr. writes concerning a\n strike and riot in \n Duluth, Minnesota(July 7, 1889); \n Charles M. Harker, Sr. describes the\n meeting of the American Convention ( \n Know-Nothing Party ) in \n Philadelphia(June 10, 1855); Mary B[?]\n R[?]'s letters, 1861-1862, provide a woman's view of the Civil\n War; and \n Samuel Slaughter describes his trip to \n Ireland, \n Scotland, and \n England(July 24, August 1 \u0026 5, 1889).\n Members of the \n Garland family write concerning family news,\n Dr. \n [Erasmus] Darwin 's theory of the earth,\n and the significance of fossils, and General Hull's activities\n at \n Sandwichin \n Canadaduring the beginning of the War of\n 1812 (August 4, 1812); and a trip to \n Bostonand \n Montreal(August 1 \u0026 11, 1851).","Of note among the miscellaneous correspondence are two\n letters from \n John Singleton Mosby , one to \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. (September 27, 1915)\n acknowledging Duke's letter of sympathy on the loss of Mosby's\n son, and another to Captain \n Sam Chapman (September 30, 1919)\n concerning the manifesto of the \"Stonewall Jackson Camp\" at \n Stauntonabout the role of Southern\n soldiers in the Civil War.","Also of interest are the letters, 1895-1954, from \n Mary Lee and \n Claude Lee , an Episcopal medical\n missionary family in \n Wisuh, China. They ran a hospital and\n dispensary from 1908 until ca. 1947. Although their letters\n reveal various aspects of missionary life and personal family\n news, they contain little of Chinese events. One letter by \n Claude Lee (October 13, 1918) speaks of\n the participation of the \n 8th Czecho-Slovak Regiment in a battle\n against the Bolsheviks in the \n Ural Mountainsnear \n [Tagelove ?], Russia, during World War\n I.","The last subseries of correspondence consists of topical\n files concerning the American Legion and World War I; business\n correspondence of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the publication of\n the poetry of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; the rental of the\n Duke's Park Street house; the will of \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. ; and the \n St. Paul's Memorial Building Fund .","The other six non-correspondence series comprise about a\n third of the collection and include: manuscripts and\n miscellaneous papers, photographs, bound volumes and\n notebooks, postcards, papers from the \n Duke and Duke law firm and oversize\n items.","The manuscripts and miscellaneous papers series contain the\n personal business papers of the \n Duke and related families, especially the \n Slaughter family . There is also a sizeable\n amount of family financial material in the Papers of the \n Duke and Duke Law Firm at the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","Other types of material in this series include;\n genealogical material, with a typescript about \n Mary Harker Slaughter by her son, \n William A. Slaughter ; invitations; legal\n papers, including indentures, deeds, agreements, land surveys,\n etc.; manuscripts by \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , both poetry and\n prose, including \"Albemarle County and the City of\n Charlottesville in War Time,\" \"Libraries and Their Contents,\"\n \"Pearls and Pebbles,\" typescripts of portions of his\n \"Recollections,\" (the whole five volumes of Duke's\n \"Recollections\" of his life can be found in 9521-i); printed\n material, including Masonic items and an undated political\n pamphlet entitled \"Mahoneism Unveiled!\"; and Duke family\n school records and papers.","The photographic series consists of both identified and\n unidentified photographs. Identified photographs contain the\n following categories: Judge \n R. T. W. Duke, Jr. , \n R. T. W. Duke, Sr. , men and women in the \n Duke and related families, \n Rosalie Slaughter Morton , miscellaneous\n men and women, European scenes, places, photographs of a trip,\n University of Virginia , and \n Zeta Psi Brothers and \n University of Virginia friends.\n Unidentified photographs have been placed in the following\n groups: animals, children, groups and families, men, places,\n and women.","Series four, consisting of bound volumes and notebooks,\n contains primarily diaries and notebooks of the immediate \n Duke family members. The fifth series has \n United States, foreign, and topical\n postcards. The \n United Statespostcards are separated\n first by state and then by city or county; the foreign by\n country only, and the topicals are grouped together.","The papers of the \n Duke and Duke law firm contain incomplete\n case files handled by the family law firm. Among these are \n Maria Carter v. \n Roy Brown ; \n J. E. Costan v. \n Downing L. Smith ; Dr. Funsten v. \n W. Ed. Pickering ; \n Insurance Company of Charlottesville v. \n V. W. F. Carter, Jr. ; the \n Kentucky Coal Company , \n Pike County Coal Company , and \n Ohio and Big Sandy Coal Company ; \n Jefferson M. Levy Legal Papers; \n Piedmont Gas and Oil Corporation v. \n R. S. Duncan ; and Snyder v. \n University of Virginia . Most of the law\n firm's papers are located in the \n University of Virginia Law Library .","The last series consists of oversize documents and\n photographs."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":229,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00187_c01_c01_c22"}},{"id":"viu_viu00584_c01_c04","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Thomas Wolfe, seated, 1906","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00584_c01_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00584_c01_c04","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00584_c01_c04"],"id":"viu_viu00584_c01_c04","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00584","_root_":"viu_viu00584","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00584_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00584_c01","parent_ssim":["Thomas Wolfe Collection","Photographs"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00584","viu_viu00584_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Thomas Wolfe, seated","title_ssm":["Thomas Wolfe, seated"],"title_tesim":["Thomas Wolfe, seated"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Thomas Wolfe, seated, 1906"],"text":["Thomas Wolfe, seated, 1906","Thomas Wolfe Collection","Photographs","Thomas Wolfe"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Thomas Wolfe Collection","Photographs"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Thomas Wolfe Collection","Photographs"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1906"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1906"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":5,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Thomas Wolfe Collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"persname_ssim":["Thomas Wolfe"],"names_ssim":["Thomas Wolfe"],"date_range_isim":[1906],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#3","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00584","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00584","_root_":"viu_viu00584","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00584","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00584.xml","title_ssm":["Thomas Wolfe Collection"],"title_tesim":["Thomas Wolfe Collection"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Thomas Wolfe Collection"],"text":["Thomas Wolfe Collection","6348-f","ca. 28 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of North\n Carolina","The Virginian","University of\n Virginia","Wolfe family","Thomas Wolfe","Julia Wolfe","Fred Wolfe","William Oliver Wolfe","James Southall Wilson","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Thomas Wolfe Collection"],"collection_ssim":["Thomas Wolfe Collection"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["6348-f"],"unitid_tesim":["6348-f"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_persname_ssim":["Thomas Wolfe","Julia Wolfe","Fred Wolfe","William Oliver Wolfe","James Southall Wilson"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. 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Special\n Collections Dept.","University of North\n Carolina","The Virginian","University of\n Virginia","Wolfe family"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Deposit \n 1971 Sep 29"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 28 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThomas Wolfe\n Collection, Accession 6348-f, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Thomas Wolfe\n Collection, Accession 6348-f, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of North\n Carolina","The Virginian","University of\n Virginia"],"famname_ssim":["Wolfe family"],"persname_ssim":["Thomas Wolfe","Julia Wolfe","Fred Wolfe","William Oliver Wolfe","James Southall Wilson"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of North\n Carolina","The Virginian","University of\n Virginia","Wolfe family","Thomas Wolfe","Julia Wolfe","Fred Wolfe","William Oliver Wolfe","James Southall Wilson"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":24,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:08.243Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00584_c01_c04"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_884#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThe Thruston family commonplace book (1604-1925; 0.03 cubic feet) documents the family history of the Thruston family of Bristol and Virginia, with early records concerning Martin's Hundred, Virginia, a plantation on the north shore of the James River, first settled in 1638. The manuscript opens with an \"Epistle dedicatory\" dated 25 October 1628 by Abell Louering, addressed to Robert Rogers, Esq., whose wife was present at the baptism of John Thruston's son John. The manuscript then passes to John Thruston, Chamberlain of Bristol (1606-1675), son of Malachais Thurston of Wellington. Thurston had 16 children with his first wife, Thomasine Rich. Their various births, deaths, and marriages are recorded here, including the birth of son Edward in 1638. Dr. Edward Thurston began writing in the book in 1666, and his entries contain the first reference to Virginia in the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_884#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_884.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/133387","title_filing_ssi":"Thruston family commonplace book","title_ssm":["Thruston family commonplace book"],"title_tesim":["Thruston family commonplace book"],"unitdate_ssm":["1604-1925"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1604-1925"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1604/1925"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925"],"text":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925","MSS 16427","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/884","Commonplace books","Poor.","Item was in preservation awaiting an enclosure. Work was completed by 2020.","The Thruston family moved to Virginia from Bristol, England in the mid-17th century and later moved to Kentucky.","Source: Materials within collection.","The Thruston family commonplace book (1604-1925; 0.03 cubic feet) documents the family history of the Thruston family of Bristol and Virginia, with early records concerning Martin's Hundred, Virginia, a plantation on the north shore of the James River, first settled in 1638. The manuscript opens with an \"Epistle dedicatory\" dated 25 October 1628 by Abell Louering, addressed to Robert Rogers, Esq., whose wife was present at the baptism of John Thruston's son John. The manuscript then passes to John Thruston, Chamberlain of Bristol (1606-1675), son of Malachais Thurston of Wellington. Thurston had 16 children with his first wife, Thomasine Rich. Their various births, deaths, and marriages are recorded here, including the birth of son Edward in 1638. Dr. Edward Thurston began writing in the book in 1666, and his entries contain the first reference to Virginia in the manuscript.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Materials are in English."],"collection_title_tesim":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925"],"collection_ssim":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Item","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16427","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/884"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16427","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/884"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["2019-0169, purchased 19 April 2019, Elizabeth Cocke Coles Fund, 2018/2019."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Commonplace books"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Commonplace books"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["Poor."],"extent_ssm":["0.03 Cubic Feet 1 bound volume"],"extent_tesim":["0.03 Cubic Feet 1 bound volume"],"genreform_ssim":["Commonplace books"],"date_range_isim":[1604,1605,1606,1607,1608,1609,1610,1611,1612,1613,1614,1615,1616,1617,1618,1619,1620,1621,1622,1623,1624,1625,1626,1627,1628,1629,1630,1631,1632,1633,1634,1635,1636,1637,1638,1639,1640,1641,1642,1643,1644,1645,1646,1647,1648,1649,1650,1651,1652,1653,1654,1655,1656,1657,1658,1659,1660,1661,1662,1663,1664,1665,1666,1667,1668,1669,1670,1671,1672,1673,1674,1675,1676,1677,1678,1679,1680,1681,1682,1683,1684,1685,1686,1687,1688,1689,1690,1691,1692,1693,1694,1695,1696,1697,1698,1699,1700,1701,1702,1703,1704,1705,1706,1707,1708,1709,1710,1711,1712,1713,1714,1715,1716,1717,1718,1719,1720,1721,1722,1723,1724,1725,1726,1727,1728,1729,1730,1731,1732,1733,1734,1735,1736,1737,1738,1739,1740,1741,1742,1743,1744,1745,1746,1747,1748,1749,1750,1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eItem was in preservation awaiting an enclosure. Work was completed by 2020.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Item was in preservation awaiting an enclosure. Work was completed by 2020."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Thruston family moved to Virginia from Bristol, England in the mid-17th century and later moved to Kentucky.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: Materials within collection.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Thruston family moved to Virginia from Bristol, England in the mid-17th century and later moved to Kentucky.","Source: Materials within collection."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16427, Thruston family commonplace book, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16427, Thruston family commonplace book, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Thruston family commonplace book (1604-1925; 0.03 cubic feet) documents the family history of the Thruston family of Bristol and Virginia, with early records concerning Martin's Hundred, Virginia, a plantation on the north shore of the James River, first settled in 1638. The manuscript opens with an \"Epistle dedicatory\" dated 25 October 1628 by Abell Louering, addressed to Robert Rogers, Esq., whose wife was present at the baptism of John Thruston's son John. The manuscript then passes to John Thruston, Chamberlain of Bristol (1606-1675), son of Malachais Thurston of Wellington. Thurston had 16 children with his first wife, Thomasine Rich. Their various births, deaths, and marriages are recorded here, including the birth of son Edward in 1638. Dr. Edward Thurston began writing in the book in 1666, and his entries contain the first reference to Virginia in the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents Note"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Thruston family commonplace book (1604-1925; 0.03 cubic feet) documents the family history of the Thruston family of Bristol and Virginia, with early records concerning Martin's Hundred, Virginia, a plantation on the north shore of the James River, first settled in 1638. 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Dr. Edward Thurston began writing in the book in 1666, and his entries contain the first reference to Virginia in the manuscript."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["Materials are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:18.647Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_884","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_884.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/133387","title_filing_ssi":"Thruston family commonplace book","title_ssm":["Thruston family commonplace book"],"title_tesim":["Thruston family commonplace book"],"unitdate_ssm":["1604-1925"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1604-1925"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1604/1925"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925"],"text":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925","MSS 16427","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/884","Commonplace books","Poor.","Item was in preservation awaiting an enclosure. Work was completed by 2020.","The Thruston family moved to Virginia from Bristol, England in the mid-17th century and later moved to Kentucky.","Source: Materials within collection.","The Thruston family commonplace book (1604-1925; 0.03 cubic feet) documents the family history of the Thruston family of Bristol and Virginia, with early records concerning Martin's Hundred, Virginia, a plantation on the north shore of the James River, first settled in 1638. The manuscript opens with an \"Epistle dedicatory\" dated 25 October 1628 by Abell Louering, addressed to Robert Rogers, Esq., whose wife was present at the baptism of John Thruston's son John. The manuscript then passes to John Thruston, Chamberlain of Bristol (1606-1675), son of Malachais Thurston of Wellington. Thurston had 16 children with his first wife, Thomasine Rich. Their various births, deaths, and marriages are recorded here, including the birth of son Edward in 1638. Dr. Edward Thurston began writing in the book in 1666, and his entries contain the first reference to Virginia in the manuscript.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Materials are in English."],"collection_title_tesim":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925"],"collection_ssim":["Thruston family commonplace book, 1604/1925"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Item","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16427","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/884"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16427","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/884"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["2019-0169, purchased 19 April 2019, Elizabeth Cocke Coles Fund, 2018/2019."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Commonplace books"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Commonplace books"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["Poor."],"extent_ssm":["0.03 Cubic Feet 1 bound volume"],"extent_tesim":["0.03 Cubic Feet 1 bound volume"],"genreform_ssim":["Commonplace books"],"date_range_isim":[1604,1605,1606,1607,1608,1609,1610,1611,1612,1613,1614,1615,1616,1617,1618,1619,1620,1621,1622,1623,1624,1625,1626,1627,1628,1629,1630,1631,1632,1633,1634,1635,1636,1637,1638,1639,1640,1641,1642,1643,1644,1645,1646,1647,1648,1649,1650,1651,1652,1653,1654,1655,1656,1657,1658,1659,1660,1661,1662,1663,1664,1665,1666,1667,1668,1669,1670,1671,1672,1673,1674,1675,1676,1677,1678,1679,1680,1681,1682,1683,1684,1685,1686,1687,1688,1689,1690,1691,1692,1693,1694,1695,1696,1697,1698,1699,1700,1701,1702,1703,1704,1705,1706,1707,1708,1709,1710,1711,1712,1713,1714,1715,1716,1717,1718,1719,1720,1721,1722,1723,1724,1725,1726,1727,1728,1729,1730,1731,1732,1733,1734,1735,1736,1737,1738,1739,1740,1741,1742,1743,1744,1745,1746,1747,1748,1749,1750,1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eItem was in preservation awaiting an enclosure. Work was completed by 2020.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Item was in preservation awaiting an enclosure. Work was completed by 2020."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Thruston family moved to Virginia from Bristol, England in the mid-17th century and later moved to Kentucky.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSource: Materials within collection.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Thruston family moved to Virginia from Bristol, England in the mid-17th century and later moved to Kentucky.","Source: Materials within collection."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16427, Thruston family commonplace book, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16427, Thruston family commonplace book, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Thruston family commonplace book (1604-1925; 0.03 cubic feet) documents the family history of the Thruston family of Bristol and Virginia, with early records concerning Martin's Hundred, Virginia, a plantation on the north shore of the James River, first settled in 1638. The manuscript opens with an \"Epistle dedicatory\" dated 25 October 1628 by Abell Louering, addressed to Robert Rogers, Esq., whose wife was present at the baptism of John Thruston's son John. The manuscript then passes to John Thruston, Chamberlain of Bristol (1606-1675), son of Malachais Thurston of Wellington. Thurston had 16 children with his first wife, Thomasine Rich. Their various births, deaths, and marriages are recorded here, including the birth of son Edward in 1638. Dr. Edward Thurston began writing in the book in 1666, and his entries contain the first reference to Virginia in the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents Note"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Thruston family commonplace book (1604-1925; 0.03 cubic feet) documents the family history of the Thruston family of Bristol and Virginia, with early records concerning Martin's Hundred, Virginia, a plantation on the north shore of the James River, first settled in 1638. The manuscript opens with an \"Epistle dedicatory\" dated 25 October 1628 by Abell Louering, addressed to Robert Rogers, Esq., whose wife was present at the baptism of John Thruston's son John. The manuscript then passes to John Thruston, Chamberlain of Bristol (1606-1675), son of Malachais Thurston of Wellington. Thurston had 16 children with his first wife, Thomasine Rich. Their various births, deaths, and marriages are recorded here, including the birth of son Edward in 1638. Dr. Edward Thurston began writing in the book in 1666, and his entries contain the first reference to Virginia in the manuscript."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["Materials are in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:18.647Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_884"}},{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01_c04","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Timebook, 1904/1912","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01_c04","ref_ssm":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01_c04"],"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01_c04","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01","parent_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01","parent_ssim":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977","Ledgers and Papers, 1816/1945","Miscellaneous notebooks and ledgers, 1888/1912"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_410","vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03","vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Timebook","title_ssm":["Timebook"],"title_tesim":["Timebook"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Timebook, 1904/1912"],"text":["Timebook, 1904/1912","Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977","Ledgers and Papers, 1816/1945","Miscellaneous notebooks and ledgers, 1888/1912"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977","Ledgers and Papers, 1816/1945","Miscellaneous notebooks and ledgers, 1888/1912"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977","Ledgers and Papers, 1816/1945","Miscellaneous notebooks and ledgers, 1888/1912"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1904/1912"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1904-1912"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":38,"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"collection_ssim":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"date_range_isim":[1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#0/components#3","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:35:59.804Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_410","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/JMU/repositories_4_resources_410.xml","title_ssm":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers"],"title_tesim":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1816-1977"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1816-1977"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1816/1977"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977"],"text":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977","SC 0241","Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Social life and customs","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Genealogy","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Rural families","Social history -- 19th century","Social history -- 20th century","Letters (correspondence)","Printed Ephemera","Notebooks","Account books","Ledgers (account books)","Indentures","Certificates","Plats (maps)","Stock certificates","Photographs","Scrapbooks","Photograph albums","Love letters","Family papers","Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.","The collection is arranged in four series. Series 1 is arranged by letter recipient and further arranged chronologically. Series 2 is arranged chronologically. Series 3 is arranged by form and further arranged chronologically. Series 4 is arranged by form and further arranged chronologically.","Correspondence, 1891-1919, 1940\n Ephemera, 1911-1967\n Ledgers and Papers, 1816-1945\n Photographs and Scrapbooks, 1919-1977","Obituary for Charles L. Davis, Daily News-Record, July 6, 1960.","Obituary for Edith Long Davis, Daily News-Record, April 12, 1965.","Obituary for Earl A. Kline, Daily News-Record, September 22, 1967.","Obituary for Letha Davis Kline, Daily News-Record, March 5, 1986.","Obituary for Mary Kline Hutton, Daily News-Record, May 18, 2017.","Program for the Forty-sixth Annual Commencement Exercises, Madison College, June 5, 1955.","Charles L. Davis (1874-1960) was born to John Conrad Davis and Mahulda Simmons Davis of Lewis County, West Virginia. Davis moved to Broadway, Virginia in 1892 and to Singers Glen, Virginia in 1896 where he lived the remainder of his life. While in West Virginia, Davis was a school teacher. He pursued the carpentry trade after moving to Virginia. Additionally, Davis served his community as a clerk, judge, and county committeeman for Singers Glen. He was a member of the Evangelical United Brethren (EUB) Church in Singers Glen. Davis married Edith Belle Long (1876-1965) of Singers Glen and together they had three children – Letha (1899-1986), Charles Russell (1906-1976), and Price Albert (1907-1979). Edith was born to Conrad Long and Phoebe Catherine Burgendine Long. Like her husband, Edith was a member of the local EUB congregation.","Their daughter Letha, a lifelong member of the Singers Glen EUB church and a member of the Disabled American Veterans auxiliary, went on to marry Earl Alpheus Kline (1896-1967). Kline was born to Benjamin B. Kline and Ella Mae Wilkins Kline. He was employed as one of the first electrical contractors in Rockingham County and later worked at REA and Madison College. The Klines had three children – Earl Jr., Eleanor Aletha (1922-2016), and Mary Davis (1934-2017).","On June 22, 1957, Mary Davis Kline married Ralph Bartlett \"Penny\" Hutton (1923-1993). The couple had one child, born Ralph Bartlett Hutton II (November 12, 1958-November 13, 1958), who died in infancy. Mary graduated from Broadway High School and from Madison College in 1955 with a Bachelor of Science degree in home economics education. She taught at Elkton High School for 10 years before working as a home economist for VEPCO (now Virginia Power) and went on to serve as the first school food service supervisor for Harrisonburg City Schools. She retired in 1991 after 17 years with the Virginia Department of Education. She was a member of the American Home Economics Association and the American School Food Service Association. Mary was a prolific scrapbooker and chronicled much of her adult life in this way.","This collection was originally housed in a photo album with most documents placed in Mylar sleeves. The materials were without a clear arrangement scheme. The archivist removed the documents from the album and imposed an artificial arrangement based on person or group of persons. However, it is unclear how some of the family names represented in this collection relate to the Davises, Klines, or Huttons. Box 3 which contains seven ledgers and notebooks is inaccessible due to ongoing preservation treatment. The ledgers within exhibit evidence of mold and are being treated accordingly.","The Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, are comprised of correspondence, scrapbooks, photographs, legal documents, and miscellaneous papers relating to Charles L. Davis of Singers Glen, Virginia and his descendants. Some documents are seemingly unrelated to the aforementioned families, but concern other local persons. Correspondence between Charles and Edith Long Davis and letters from their daughter Letha to Earl Kline comprise the bulk of the collection. Scrapbooks created by Mary Kline Hutton also make up a significant portion of the collection.","The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).","The Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, are comprised of correspondence, scrapbooks, photographs, legal documents, and miscellaneous papers relating to Charles L. Davis of Singers Glen, Virginia and his descendants. Some documents are seemingly unrelated to the aforementioned families, but concern other local persons.","James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Hutton, Mary Davis Kline, 1934-2017","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021","English\n."],"collection_title_tesim":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977"],"collection_ssim":["Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family papers, 1816/1977"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["SC 0241"],"unitid_tesim":["SC 0241"],"repository_ssm":["James Madison University"],"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"geogname_ssm":["Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Social life and customs","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Genealogy","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"geogname_ssim":["Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Social life and customs","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Genealogy","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"places_ssim":["Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Social life and customs","Singers Glen (Va.) -- Genealogy","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Rockingham County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"creator_ssm":["Hutton, Mary Davis Kline, 1934-2017","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"creator_ssim":["Hutton, Mary Davis Kline, 1934-2017","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Hutton, Mary Davis Kline, 1934-2017","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections"],"creators_ssim":["Hutton, Mary Davis Kline, 1934-2017","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021","James Madison University Libraries Special Collections"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The materials in this collection were purchased by Special Collections at the April 8, 2017 estate sale of Mary Hutton. The sale took place in Elkton, Virginia and was auctioneered by Charley Whetzel. A small lot of Ralph B. Hutton's membership cards were acquired in the spring of 2019 from Rolling Hills Antique Mall. The cards originated from the same auction."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Rural families","Social history -- 19th century","Social history -- 20th century","Letters (correspondence)","Printed Ephemera","Notebooks","Account books","Ledgers (account books)","Indentures","Certificates","Plats (maps)","Stock certificates","Photographs","Scrapbooks","Photograph albums","Love letters","Family papers"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Rural families","Social history -- 19th century","Social history -- 20th century","Letters (correspondence)","Printed Ephemera","Notebooks","Account books","Ledgers (account books)","Indentures","Certificates","Plats (maps)","Stock certificates","Photographs","Scrapbooks","Photograph albums","Love letters","Family papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["3 cubic feet 7 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["3 cubic feet 7 boxes"],"genreform_ssim":["Letters (correspondence)","Printed Ephemera","Notebooks","Account books","Ledgers (account books)","Indentures","Certificates","Plats (maps)","Stock certificates","Photographs","Scrapbooks","Photograph albums","Love letters","Family papers"],"date_range_isim":[1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged in four series. Series 1 is arranged by letter recipient and further arranged chronologically. Series 2 is arranged chronologically. Series 3 is arranged by form and further arranged chronologically. Series 4 is arranged by form and further arranged chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist numeration=\"arabic\" type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eCorrespondence, 1891-1919, 1940\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eEphemera, 1911-1967\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eLedgers and Papers, 1816-1945\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ePhotographs and Scrapbooks, 1919-1977\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged in four series. Series 1 is arranged by letter recipient and further arranged chronologically. Series 2 is arranged chronologically. Series 3 is arranged by form and further arranged chronologically. Series 4 is arranged by form and further arranged chronologically.","Correspondence, 1891-1919, 1940\n Ephemera, 1911-1967\n Ledgers and Papers, 1816-1945\n Photographs and Scrapbooks, 1919-1977"],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibref\u003eObituary for Charles L. Davis, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e, July 6, 1960.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n ","\u003cbibref\u003eObituary for Edith Long Davis, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e, April 12, 1965.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n ","\u003cbibref\u003eObituary for Earl A. Kline, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e, September 22, 1967.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n ","\u003cbibref\u003eObituary for Letha Davis Kline, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e, March 5, 1986.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n ","\u003cbibref\u003eObituary for Mary Kline Hutton, \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eDaily News-Record\u003c/emph\u003e, May 18, 2017.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n ","\u003cbibref\u003eProgram for the Forty-sixth Annual Commencement Exercises, Madison College, June 5, 1955.\u003c/bibref\u003e\n "],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography"],"bibliography_tesim":["Obituary for Charles L. Davis, Daily News-Record, July 6, 1960.","Obituary for Edith Long Davis, Daily News-Record, April 12, 1965.","Obituary for Earl A. Kline, Daily News-Record, September 22, 1967.","Obituary for Letha Davis Kline, Daily News-Record, March 5, 1986.","Obituary for Mary Kline Hutton, Daily News-Record, May 18, 2017.","Program for the Forty-sixth Annual Commencement Exercises, Madison College, June 5, 1955."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCharles L. Davis (1874-1960) was born to John Conrad Davis and Mahulda Simmons Davis of Lewis County, West Virginia. Davis moved to Broadway, Virginia in 1892 and to Singers Glen, Virginia in 1896 where he lived the remainder of his life. While in West Virginia, Davis was a school teacher. He pursued the carpentry trade after moving to Virginia. Additionally, Davis served his community as a clerk, judge, and county committeeman for Singers Glen. He was a member of the Evangelical United Brethren (EUB) Church in Singers Glen. Davis married Edith Belle Long (1876-1965) of Singers Glen and together they had three children – Letha (1899-1986), Charles Russell (1906-1976), and Price Albert (1907-1979). Edith was born to Conrad Long and Phoebe Catherine Burgendine Long. Like her husband, Edith was a member of the local EUB congregation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTheir daughter Letha, a lifelong member of the Singers Glen EUB church and a member of the Disabled American Veterans auxiliary, went on to marry Earl Alpheus Kline (1896-1967). Kline was born to Benjamin B. Kline and Ella Mae Wilkins Kline. He was employed as one of the first electrical contractors in Rockingham County and later worked at REA and Madison College. The Klines had three children – Earl Jr., Eleanor Aletha (1922-2016), and Mary Davis (1934-2017).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn June 22, 1957, Mary Davis Kline married Ralph Bartlett \"Penny\" Hutton (1923-1993). The couple had one child, born Ralph Bartlett Hutton II (November 12, 1958-November 13, 1958), who died in infancy. Mary graduated from Broadway High School and from Madison College in 1955 with a Bachelor of Science degree in home economics education. She taught at Elkton High School for 10 years before working as a home economist for VEPCO (now Virginia Power) and went on to serve as the first school food service supervisor for Harrisonburg City Schools. She retired in 1991 after 17 years with the Virginia Department of Education. She was a member of the American Home Economics Association and the American School Food Service Association. Mary was a prolific scrapbooker and chronicled much of her adult life in this way.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Bio/Historical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Charles L. Davis (1874-1960) was born to John Conrad Davis and Mahulda Simmons Davis of Lewis County, West Virginia. Davis moved to Broadway, Virginia in 1892 and to Singers Glen, Virginia in 1896 where he lived the remainder of his life. While in West Virginia, Davis was a school teacher. He pursued the carpentry trade after moving to Virginia. Additionally, Davis served his community as a clerk, judge, and county committeeman for Singers Glen. He was a member of the Evangelical United Brethren (EUB) Church in Singers Glen. Davis married Edith Belle Long (1876-1965) of Singers Glen and together they had three children – Letha (1899-1986), Charles Russell (1906-1976), and Price Albert (1907-1979). Edith was born to Conrad Long and Phoebe Catherine Burgendine Long. Like her husband, Edith was a member of the local EUB congregation.","Their daughter Letha, a lifelong member of the Singers Glen EUB church and a member of the Disabled American Veterans auxiliary, went on to marry Earl Alpheus Kline (1896-1967). Kline was born to Benjamin B. Kline and Ella Mae Wilkins Kline. He was employed as one of the first electrical contractors in Rockingham County and later worked at REA and Madison College. The Klines had three children – Earl Jr., Eleanor Aletha (1922-2016), and Mary Davis (1934-2017).","On June 22, 1957, Mary Davis Kline married Ralph Bartlett \"Penny\" Hutton (1923-1993). The couple had one child, born Ralph Bartlett Hutton II (November 12, 1958-November 13, 1958), who died in infancy. Mary graduated from Broadway High School and from Madison College in 1955 with a Bachelor of Science degree in home economics education. She taught at Elkton High School for 10 years before working as a home economist for VEPCO (now Virginia Power) and went on to serve as the first school food service supervisor for Harrisonburg City Schools. She retired in 1991 after 17 years with the Virginia Department of Education. She was a member of the American Home Economics Association and the American School Food Service Association. Mary was a prolific scrapbooker and chronicled much of her adult life in this way."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[identification of item], [box #, folder #], Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, SC 0241, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["[identification of item], [box #, folder #], Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, SC 0241, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection was originally housed in a photo album with most documents placed in Mylar sleeves. The materials were without a clear arrangement scheme. The archivist removed the documents from the album and imposed an artificial arrangement based on person or group of persons. However, it is unclear how some of the family names represented in this collection relate to the Davises, Klines, or Huttons. Box 3 which contains seven ledgers and notebooks is inaccessible due to ongoing preservation treatment. The ledgers within exhibit evidence of mold and are being treated accordingly.\u003c/p\u003e "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["This collection was originally housed in a photo album with most documents placed in Mylar sleeves. The materials were without a clear arrangement scheme. The archivist removed the documents from the album and imposed an artificial arrangement based on person or group of persons. However, it is unclear how some of the family names represented in this collection relate to the Davises, Klines, or Huttons. Box 3 which contains seven ledgers and notebooks is inaccessible due to ongoing preservation treatment. The ledgers within exhibit evidence of mold and are being treated accordingly."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, are comprised of correspondence, scrapbooks, photographs, legal documents, and miscellaneous papers relating to Charles L. Davis of Singers Glen, Virginia and his descendants. Some documents are seemingly unrelated to the aforementioned families, but concern other local persons. Correspondence between Charles and Edith Long Davis and letters from their daughter Letha to Earl Kline comprise the bulk of the collection. Scrapbooks created by Mary Kline Hutton also make up a significant portion of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, are comprised of correspondence, scrapbooks, photographs, legal documents, and miscellaneous papers relating to Charles L. Davis of Singers Glen, Virginia and his descendants. Some documents are seemingly unrelated to the aforementioned families, but concern other local persons. Correspondence between Charles and Edith Long Davis and letters from their daughter Letha to Earl Kline comprise the bulk of the collection. Scrapbooks created by Mary Kline Hutton also make up a significant portion of the collection."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_aed0f3a6145b2e329ac85678817bf83e\"\u003eThe Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, are comprised of correspondence, scrapbooks, photographs, legal documents, and miscellaneous papers relating to Charles L. Davis of Singers Glen, Virginia and his descendants. Some documents are seemingly unrelated to the aforementioned families, but concern other local persons.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n "],"abstract_tesim":["The Davis, Kline, and Hutton Family Papers, 1816-1977, are comprised of correspondence, scrapbooks, photographs, legal documents, and miscellaneous papers relating to Charles L. Davis of Singers Glen, Virginia and his descendants. Some documents are seemingly unrelated to the aforementioned families, but concern other local persons."],"corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections"],"persname_ssim":["Hutton, Mary Davis Kline, 1934-2017","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"names_coll_ssim":["Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"names_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Hutton, Mary Davis Kline, 1934-2017","Whetzel, Charlie, 1940-2021"],"language_ssim":["English\n."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":65,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:35:59.804Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_410_c03_c01_c04"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Timeline of Aristides Agramonte's service with the Army Medical Corps, 1900/1940","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01_c01#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis document outlines Agramonte's career; from April 18, 1898 to June 15, 1903.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01_c01"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01","parent_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series VI. Alphabetical files, 1860/1966, bulk 1940/1956","Biographical information relating to Aristides Agramonte, 1920/1940"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Timeline of Aristides Agramonte's service with the Army Medical Corps","title_ssm":["Timeline of Aristides Agramonte's service with the Army Medical Corps"],"title_tesim":["Timeline of Aristides Agramonte's service with the Army Medical Corps"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Timeline of Aristides Agramonte's service with the Army Medical Corps, 1900/1940"],"text":["Timeline of Aristides Agramonte's service with the Army Medical Corps, 1900/1940","Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series VI. Alphabetical files, 1860/1966, bulk 1940/1956","Biographical information relating to Aristides Agramonte, 1920/1940","box 58","folder 1","timelines (chronologies)","English","This document outlines Agramonte's career; from April 18, 1898 to June 15, 1903."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series VI. Alphabetical files, 1860/1966, bulk 1940/1956","Biographical information relating to Aristides Agramonte, 1920/1940"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","Series VI. Alphabetical files, 1860/1966, bulk 1940/1956","Biographical information relating to Aristides Agramonte, 1920/1940"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1900/1940"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1900-1940"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":7311,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"extent_ssm":["3 pages"],"extent_tesim":["3 pages"],"containers_ssim":["box 58","folder 1"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"access_subjects_ssim":["timelines (chronologies)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["timelines (chronologies)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis document outlines Agramonte's career; from April 18, 1898 to June 15, 1903.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This document outlines Agramonte's career; from April 18, 1898 to June 15, 1903."],"_nest_path_":"/components#5/components#0/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:59.526Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_1710.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202324","title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998","bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1863-1974"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"text":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974","MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710","Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever","There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear\n II. Henry Rose Carter\n III. Walter Reed\n IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n V. Maps\n VI. Alphabetical files\n VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n VIII. Miscellany\n IX. Photographs\n X. Photographic negatives\n XI. Reprints\n XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\n XIII. Reed family additions\n XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\n XV. Laura Wood\n XVI. Edward Hook additions","The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.","When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.","The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.","In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.","Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued thatBacillus icteroideswas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.","Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, theB. icteroidestheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of theicteroidesproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle theB. icteroidesquestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.","Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identifiedB. icteroidesin tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.","What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.Bacillus icteroidesand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.","\"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.","Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.","On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.","These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.","Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.","Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.","The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the varietyCulex fasciata(later calledStegomyia fasciata, and later stillAedes aegypti) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected?\n When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\n Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.","The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.","The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.","Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.Culex pungensfailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated thatCulex fasciatawas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]","A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle theBacillus icteroidesquestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow anyB. icteroides, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.","Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.","Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:","\"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"","\"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]","The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.","That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.","The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.","For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.","Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper asThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note, published immediately in theJournal of the American Medical Association. [16]","Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.","Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note,Medical News(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\n [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\n [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\n [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\n [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health AssociationIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\n [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note,Journal of the American Medical Association36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\n [8] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n [9] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n [10] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\n [11]Culex fasciatawas reclassified shortly after the experiments asStegomyiaand later becameAedes aegypti.\n [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\n [13] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\n [14] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\n [15] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n [16] Please see note [7].\n [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,Experimental Yellow Fever,American MedicineII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\n [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note),American MedicineIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.","Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.","At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.","Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.","Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.","Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.","Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in theArmy Register, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\n [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,Walter Reed and Yellow Fever(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.","\"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.","Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]","These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on theAnophelesmosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.","The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship ofBacillus icteroidesto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.","The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.","Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.","[1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.","Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\n [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\n [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\n [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\n [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.","Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.","Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.","Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]","Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in theNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]","Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.[5]","Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man,Southern Medical Journal32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\n [2] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\n [5] Carter, Henry Rose.Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.","\"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.","Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.","Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.","In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,The Military Surgeon, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.","Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\n [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\n [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.","Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.","The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.","For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.","In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\n [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.","Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n Series III. Walter Reed\n Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n Series V. Maps\n Series VI. Alphabetical files\n Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n Series VIII. Miscellany\n Series IX. Photographs\n Series X. Negatives\n Series XI. Reprints\n Series XIII. Reed family additions\n Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.","Processed by:\n Historical Collections Staff","Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.","Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.","In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.","Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.","Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.","In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.","In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.","In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.","In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.","In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\n correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\n genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\n legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\n military records relating to Jesse;\n certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\n obituaries;\n copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\n newspaper articles;\n a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\n and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\n scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\n journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n research notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\n and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.","In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\n condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\n and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\n military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\n Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\n medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\n articles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\n and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\n biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\n copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,Yellow Jack.","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\n materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\n scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\n autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\n notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\n correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\n correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\n newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\n drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\n meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\n scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\n and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs;\n Cuba;\n sites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.","Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\n other correspondence;\n newspaper and magazine clippings;\n unpublished manuscripts;\n biographical and autobiographical accounts;\n transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.","Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\n Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\n a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode;\n and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\n the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\n articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\n a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\n and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\n diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\n copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\n copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\n correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\n articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\n notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\n family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\n Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\n the U.S.S.Maineand the Spanish-American War;\n aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\n scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\n the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\n the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n still scenes from the movies,Yellow JackandJezebel;\n other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\n documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\n and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.","Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.","The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.","Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\n biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\n the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\n scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\n and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\n newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\n and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.","In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\n newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\n correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\n an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\n and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants;\n correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\n correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\n press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\n oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\n photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\n genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\n autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\n unpublished manuscripts;\n artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\n Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.","Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\n a journal article by George Sternberg;\n and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,Walter Reed and yellow Fever.","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.","Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\n copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\n and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.","Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"collection_title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection, 1800/1998, bulk 1863/1974"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"creators_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Materials from the following series were donated to the University of Virginia's Alderman Library in the fall of 1966 and the summer of 1970 by Philip Showalter Hench's widow, Mary Kahler Hench, with the approval of his estate:","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n Series III. Walter Reed\n Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n Series V. Maps\n Series VI. Alphabetical files\n Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n Series VIII. Miscellany\n Series IX. Photographs\n Series X. Negatives\n Series XI. Reprints","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were donated to the HAM/TMC by Philip Showalter Hench as a small part of a larger collection of materials.","Materials from Series XIII. Reed family additions were donated by various individuals to Alderman Library between 1947 and 1972. Box 139, Folder 1 contains a list that describes each of these donations in detail.","Materials from Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, in 1988 and 1989.","Materials from Series XV. Laura Wood were most likely donated to Alderman Library between 1972 and 1982.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library as a part of the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eI. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eII. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eIII. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eIV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eV. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eVI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eVII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eVIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eIX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eX. Photographic negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eXI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eXII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eXIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eXIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eXV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eXVI. Edward Hook additions\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization of the Collection"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear\n II. Henry Rose Carter\n III. Walter Reed\n IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n V. Maps\n VI. Alphabetical files\n VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n VIII. Miscellany\n IX. Photographs\n X. Photographic negatives\n XI. Reprints\n XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\n XIII. Reed family additions\n XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\n XV. Laura Wood\n XVI. Edward Hook additions"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Information for the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission","Biographical Information for Walter Reed","Biographical Information for Jesse W. Lazear","Biographical Information for Henry Rose Carter","Biographical Information for Jefferson Randolph Kean","Biographical Information for Philip Showalter Hench"],"bioghist_tesim":["The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.","When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.","The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.","In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.","Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued thatBacillus icteroideswas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.","Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, theB. icteroidestheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of theicteroidesproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle theB. icteroidesquestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.","Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identifiedB. icteroidesin tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.","What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.Bacillus icteroidesand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.","\"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.","Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.","On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.","These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.","Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.","Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.","The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the varietyCulex fasciata(later calledStegomyia fasciata, and later stillAedes aegypti) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected?\n When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\n Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.","The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.","The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.","Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.Culex pungensfailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated thatCulex fasciatawas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]","A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle theBacillus icteroidesquestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow anyB. icteroides, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.","Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.","Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:","\"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"","\"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]","The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.","That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.","The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.","For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.","Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper asThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note, published immediately in theJournal of the American Medical Association. [16]","Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.","Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note,Medical News(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\n [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\n [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\n [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\n [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health AssociationIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\n [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note,Journal of the American Medical Association36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\n [8] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n [9] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n [10] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\n [11]Culex fasciatawas reclassified shortly after the experiments asStegomyiaand later becameAedes aegypti.\n [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\n [13] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\n [14] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\n [15] Walter Reed,The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\n [16] Please see note [7].\n [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,Experimental Yellow Fever,American MedicineII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\n [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note),American MedicineIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.","Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.","At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.","Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.","Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.","Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.","Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in theArmy Register, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\n [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,Walter Reed and Yellow Fever(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.","\"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.","Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]","These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on theAnophelesmosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.","The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship ofBacillus icteroidesto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.","The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.","Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.","[1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.","Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\n [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\n [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\n [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\n [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\n [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.","Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.","Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.","Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]","Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in theNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]","Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.[5]","Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man,Southern Medical Journal32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\n [2] Henry Rose Carter,A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation,Medical Record59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\n [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\n [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\n [5] Carter, Henry Rose.Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.","\"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.","Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.","Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.","In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,The Military Surgeon, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.","Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\n [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\n [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.","Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.","The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.","For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.","In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.","Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\n [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries I. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries V. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries VI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries IX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries X. Negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries XI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eSeries XV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMaterials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear\n Series II. Henry Rose Carter\n Series III. Walter Reed\n Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench\n Series V. Maps\n Series VI. Alphabetical files\n Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\n Series VIII. Miscellany\n Series IX. Photographs\n Series X. Negatives\n Series XI. Reprints\n Series XIII. Reed family additions\n Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.","Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n \u003cdefitem\u003e\n \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/defitem\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n "],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by:\n Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePhilip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.\u003c/p\u003e "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing History"],"processinfo_tesim":["Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.","Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.","In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.","Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.","Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.","In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.","In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.","In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.","In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003egenealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003elegal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecertificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eobituaries;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecopies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ea microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003escientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ejournal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eresearch notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecopies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003econdolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eWalter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003emedical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003earticles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003earticles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ebiographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003erecords relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecopies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFinally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eitems (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ematerials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003escientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eHench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enotes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003edrafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003emeeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003escripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enotes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eHavana and its environs;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eCuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003esites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand military installations in the United States.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eother correspondence;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enewspaper and magazine clippings;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ebiographical and autobiographical accounts;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003etranscripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ea scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enotes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ea short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003einformed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ediplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecopies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eartifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecopies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003emanuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eitems that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ephotographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enotes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ephysicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003efamily members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eCamp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe U.S.S.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMaine\u003c/emph\u003eand the Spanish-American War;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eaerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003escenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003estill scenes from the movies,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003eand\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJezebel\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eother events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003edocuments and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench and his family.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ebiographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003escientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ethe correspondence of experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003epress clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eoral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003escientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003egenealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eartifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's research notes.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ephotocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ea journal article by George Sternberg;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003ecopies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eand exhibition materials.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.","In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\n correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\n genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\n legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\n military records relating to Jesse;\n certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\n obituaries;\n copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\n newspaper articles;\n a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\n and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\n scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\n journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n research notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\n and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.","In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\n condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\n and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\n military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\n Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\n medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\n articles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\n and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\n biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\n copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\n and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,Yellow Jack.","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\n materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\n scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\n and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\n autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\n notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\n correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\n correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\n newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\n drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\n meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\n scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\n and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs;\n Cuba;\n sites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.","Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\n other correspondence;\n newspaper and magazine clippings;\n unpublished manuscripts;\n biographical and autobiographical accounts;\n transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.","Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\n Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\n a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode;\n and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\n the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\n articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\n a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\n and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\n diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\n copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\n copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\n correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\n articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\n photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\n notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\n family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\n Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\n the U.S.S.Maineand the Spanish-American War;\n aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\n scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\n the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\n the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,Conquerors of Yellow Fever;\n still scenes from the movies,Yellow JackandJezebel;\n other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\n documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\n and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.","Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.","The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.","Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\n biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\n the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\n scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\n and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\n newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\n photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\n and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.","In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\n newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\n a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\n correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\n an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\n and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants;\n correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\n correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\n press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\n oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\n scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\n photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\n genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\n autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\n unpublished manuscripts;\n artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\n Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.","Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\n a journal article by George Sternberg;\n and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,Walter Reed and yellow Fever.","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.","Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\n copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\n and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Copyright Status"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_98fe81a152b4be0b7388b1814ffaf4bd\"\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.\u003c/abstract\u003e\n "],"abstract_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission."],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":10452,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:59.526Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ewas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003etheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eicteroides\u003c/emph\u003eproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ein tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e(later called\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e, and later still\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti\u003c/emph\u003e) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eHow could a building become infected?\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eWhen does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003eOver what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex pungens\u003c/emph\u003efailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003e, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e, published immediately in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e. [16]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eBacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical News\u003c/title\u003e(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association\u003c/title\u003eIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[8] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[9] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[10] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[11]\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas reclassified shortly after the experiments as\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia\u003c/emph\u003eand later became\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti.\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[13] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[14] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[15] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[16] Please see note [7].\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eExperimental Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note)\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWalter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eArmy Register\u003c/title\u003e, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eJesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAnopheles\u003c/emph\u003emosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,\u003c/title\u003e \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal\u003c/title\u003e, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e[5]\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eHenry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSouthern Medical Journal\u003c/title\u003e32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[2] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[5] Carter, Henry Rose.\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003eBaltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eJefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Military Surgeon\u003c/title\u003e, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.\u003c/item\u003e\n \u003c/list\u003e\n "]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c06_c01_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02_c06","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Tin Charlottesville Woolen Mills Advert Sign, 1868/1952","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02_c06#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02_c06","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02_c06"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02_c06","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02","parent_ssim":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956","Miscellaneous, 1868/1952"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_509","viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Tin Charlottesville Woolen Mills Advert Sign","title_ssm":["Tin Charlottesville Woolen Mills Advert Sign"],"title_tesim":["Tin Charlottesville Woolen Mills Advert Sign"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Tin Charlottesville Woolen Mills Advert Sign, 1868/1952"],"text":["Tin Charlottesville Woolen Mills Advert Sign, 1868/1952","Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956","Miscellaneous, 1868/1952","Flat_Box M-46"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956","Miscellaneous, 1868/1952"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956","Miscellaneous, 1868/1952"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1868/1952"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1868-1952"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":145,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956"],"containers_ssim":["Flat_Box M-46"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["\"The library has not investigated the copyright status of these materials, and some or all may be protected by copyright. Users are responsible for making their own determinations about copyright status of these materials.\"","Please refer to:\nhttp://rightsstatements.org/page/CNE/1.0/?language=en"],"date_range_isim":[1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#5","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:12.250Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_509","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_509.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/447","title_filing_ssi":"Charlottesville Woolen Mills records","title_ssm":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records"],"title_tesim":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1868-1956"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1868-1956"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1868/1956"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956"],"text":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956","MSS 16353","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/509","Industries -- Virginia","Textile industry","Wool fabrics","Textile workers","Supervisors, Industrial","Business records","Ledgers (account books)","Correspondence","Shop signs","Plats (maps)","The collection is open for research use.","This collection is organized into two series: Business records and Miscellaenous materials. \nSeries 1:","Business Records, 1868-1956 (20.63 cubic feet). This series is arranged at the file and item level and chronologically. In order to maintain original order, the titles of each item begin with the names of the individual administrative departments to which they belong.\nBecause they all fall under the category of business records, one series by that name suffices for the purposes of this record.","This series contains 125 business ledgers that have been numbered sequentially, and other paperwork and material that directly related to the business dealings of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills. This includes loose legal documents, correspondence, newspaper clipping, or materials from the ledgers themselves, all part of the greater business records of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.","Board of Directors and Stockholders:\nLedgers 1-12,\nLoose materials in minute books,\n\"Comparison of yearly earnings\",\nStock sales register, and\nLoose Materials in Stock Ledgers","Executive:\nLedger 13, and\nCorrespondence","Financial:\nLedgers 14-26","Superintendent:\nLedgers 27-71","Sales:\nLedgers 72-75","Labor:\nLedgers 76-118, and\nLoose materials in timebooks","Production:\nLedgers 119-125","Legal and Property:\nAbstract of title: Shadwell Dam, Virginia,\nTrademark patent,\nData re. Sale to C + O RR Co of Shadwell Property, and\nBlueprint of \"property to be acquired from Charlottesville woolen mills near Shadwell, VA\"","Series 2:","Miscellaneous, ~1913-1933 (3.75 cubic feet). This series is arranged first chronoligically according to the dates provided. The materials in this series vary from tools used in the factory to samples used for sales. The date range is a rough estimate based on what dates are provided. Some artifacts have no dates attributed to them and may have been created prior to 1913. The fabric samples dated from 1913 to 1933 are themselves arranged numerically according to their respective pattern numbers. The tin advert sign was made in Philadelphia, PA.","The Charlottesville Woolen Mills factory was incorporated in 1868 by H.C. Marchant and was located in the southeastern part of Charlottesville, VA.","From the 1830s until it's seizure by the Confederate governement in 1861, the building operated as a combination wool, cotton, flour and lumber mill, and later also included a blacksmith's shop, corn mill, grist mill, plaster mill, and a store selling dry goods. During this time the land was sold a number of times until 1960, when the company was reorganized as the Charlottesville Manufacturing Company, with John A. Marchant, his son. Henry Clay Marchant, John Wood, H. L. Anderson, T. J. Wertenbaker, and John C. Patterson operating a joint stock company. The textile plant provided wool uniforms for the soldiers of the Confederacy during the Civil War. A second reorganization in 1964 made Henry Clay Marchant the sole owner. Following the destruction of the mill during the Civil War and after the war had ended, the factory was rebuilt, and, on December 18, 1868, Charlottesville Woolen Mills was chartered \"for the manufacture, purchase and sale of woolen, cotton, silk and other fabrics ...\"","The plant went on to provide high quality textiles used by Brooks Brothers clothiers, uniforms for the cadets of West Point, and police officers in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Los Angeles. At one point 90 percent of the country's military schools, including the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, purchased uniforms made here. Coffin makers in Atlanta and Burlington, N.C., also used the soft cloth to line caskets.","Charlottesvills Woolen Mills survived the Great Depression of the 1930s mainly because of its uniform contracts. It experienced its greatest prosperity manufacturing uniforms for soldiers during World War I and II. During the height of World War II a work force of about 400 people was producing 15,000 yards of uniform cloth a month.","In 1959 Charlottesville Woolen Mills was bought by Kent Manufacturing Company, of Philadelphia. The introduction of synthetic fabrics in the late 1950s led to a decrease in demand for wool. In 1962 Kent Manufacturing Company dissolved the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.","Sources:","Maurer, David. \"Woolen Mills wove a tight community.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/lifestyles/woolen-mills-wove-a-tight-community/article_467a3534-5d1b-5f83-abdb-f1a170eb0396.html. 28 Aug. 2011.","Delesline, Nate. \"Historic Woolen Mills under contract for sale.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/news/historic-woolen-mills-under-contract-for-sale/article_7512bd70-b082-11e3-9f64-0017a43b2370.html. 20 March 2014.","Dailty Progress Staff. \"Labor dispute at Woolen Mills leads to worker strike.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/125yearsofprogress/labor-dispute-at-woolen-mills-leads-to-worker-strike/article_49c5dff0-ec7d-11e6-9604-4f40db426882.html. 6 Feb. 2017.","Gianniny, Jr., Allan, Compiler. \"Charlottesville Woolen Mills Chronology.\" Historic Woolen Mills, http://historicwoolenmills.org/chronology.html. Accessed 19 Feb. 2018.","Britton, Rick. \"The Charlottesville Woolen Mills, Clothing a Nation.\" Historic Woolen Mills, http://historicwoolenmills.org/Charlottesville.html. 2006.","Poindexter, Harry Edward. \"A History of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.\" Thesis (M.A.), University of Virginia, 1955.","Daily Progress Staff. \"City's Oldest Industry is Regaining Health.\" The Daily Progress Charlottesville Bicentennial Edition, vol. 72, no. 89, 1962, p. 58.","Sandbeck, Peter. A History of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.Nichols Student Papers, University of Virginia School of Architecture, 1975.","Charlottesville Woolen Mills, Charlottesville, VA. \nBusiness records, 1868-1956. Incorporated 1868 by H.C. Marchant; operated until 1962.","This collection is comprised of ledgers, papers, artifacts, a map, and a panoramic photograph. It is divided into two series: Business Records and Miscellaneous. The first series, Business Records contains ledgers and business related paperwork, such as correspondence and legal documetns. The second series, Miscellaneous, contains the remaining artifacts and materials not directly associated with the business dealings of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.","A list of names located within this collection:\nMr. George R.B. Michie,\nMr. Edward Van Wagenen,\nMr. P.M. Greene,\nMr. John S. White,\nMr. Rigby,\nW. Erskine Buford,\nFred L. Watson,\nArchibald Lammey,\nHenry J. Wilkinson,\nGeorge W. Sommers,\nCharles H. Dickinson, Jr.,\nDonal G. Chester,\nGeorge T. Huff,\nAustin Kilham,\nClark E. Lindsay,\nDr. John R. Morris, Jr.,\nHerbert J. Smith, Jr.,\nDuryee Van Wagenen,\nH.A. Dinwiddie,\nL.T. Hankel,\nJohn H. Robinson","The tin advert sign is in poor condition and should not be handled. The sign is housed in a box with a tray so that lifting the tray with its handles will negate any need for touching the item itself.","\"The library has not investigated the copyright status of these materials, and some or all may be protected by copyright. Users are responsible for making their own determinations about copyright status of these materials.\"","Please refer to:\nhttp://rightsstatements.org/page/CNE/1.0/?language=en","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956"],"collection_ssim":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills records, 1868/1956"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["File","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16353","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/509"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16353","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/509"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["The tin advert sign is in poor condition and should not be handled. The sign is housed in a box with a tray so that lifting the tray with its handles will negate any need for touching the item itself.","\"The library has not investigated the copyright status of these materials, and some or all may be protected by copyright. Users are responsible for making their own determinations about copyright status of these materials.\"","Please refer to:\nhttp://rightsstatements.org/page/CNE/1.0/?language=en"],"acqinfo_ssim":["Donated by the American Textile History Museum, 16 May 2017."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Industries -- Virginia","Textile industry","Wool fabrics","Textile workers","Supervisors, Industrial","Business records","Ledgers (account books)","Correspondence","Shop signs","Plats (maps)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Industries -- Virginia","Textile industry","Wool fabrics","Textile workers","Supervisors, Industrial","Business records","Ledgers (account books)","Correspondence","Shop signs","Plats (maps)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["24.38 Cubic Feet 81 volumes,\n3 cubic foot boxes, \n4 document boxes,\n5 oversized flat boxes,\n4 oversized folders\n1 odd sized artifact box,\n2 artifacts"],"extent_tesim":["24.38 Cubic Feet 81 volumes,\n3 cubic foot boxes, \n4 document boxes,\n5 oversized flat boxes,\n4 oversized folders\n1 odd sized artifact box,\n2 artifacts"],"genreform_ssim":["Business records","Ledgers (account books)","Correspondence","Shop signs","Plats (maps)"],"date_range_isim":[1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is organized into two series: Business records and Miscellaenous materials. \nSeries 1:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Records, 1868-1956 (20.63 cubic feet). This series is arranged at the file and item level and chronologically. In order to maintain original order, the titles of each item begin with the names of the individual administrative departments to which they belong.\nBecause they all fall under the category of business records, one series by that name suffices for the purposes of this record.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis series contains 125 business ledgers that have been numbered sequentially, and other paperwork and material that directly related to the business dealings of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills. This includes loose legal documents, correspondence, newspaper clipping, or materials from the ledgers themselves, all part of the greater business records of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBoard of Directors and Stockholders:\nLedgers 1-12,\nLoose materials in minute books,\n\"Comparison of yearly earnings\",\nStock sales register, and\nLoose Materials in Stock Ledgers\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive:\nLedger 13, and\nCorrespondence\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFinancial:\nLedgers 14-26\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSuperintendent:\nLedgers 27-71\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSales:\nLedgers 72-75\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLabor:\nLedgers 76-118, and\nLoose materials in timebooks\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eProduction:\nLedgers 119-125\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLegal and Property:\nAbstract of title: Shadwell Dam, Virginia,\nTrademark patent,\nData re. Sale to C + O RR Co of Shadwell Property, and\nBlueprint of \"property to be acquired from Charlottesville woolen mills near Shadwell, VA\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 2:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous, ~1913-1933 (3.75 cubic feet). This series is arranged first chronoligically according to the dates provided. The materials in this series vary from tools used in the factory to samples used for sales. The date range is a rough estimate based on what dates are provided. Some artifacts have no dates attributed to them and may have been created prior to 1913. The fabric samples dated from 1913 to 1933 are themselves arranged numerically according to their respective pattern numbers. The tin advert sign was made in Philadelphia, PA.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection is organized into two series: Business records and Miscellaenous materials. \nSeries 1:","Business Records, 1868-1956 (20.63 cubic feet). This series is arranged at the file and item level and chronologically. In order to maintain original order, the titles of each item begin with the names of the individual administrative departments to which they belong.\nBecause they all fall under the category of business records, one series by that name suffices for the purposes of this record.","This series contains 125 business ledgers that have been numbered sequentially, and other paperwork and material that directly related to the business dealings of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills. This includes loose legal documents, correspondence, newspaper clipping, or materials from the ledgers themselves, all part of the greater business records of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.","Board of Directors and Stockholders:\nLedgers 1-12,\nLoose materials in minute books,\n\"Comparison of yearly earnings\",\nStock sales register, and\nLoose Materials in Stock Ledgers","Executive:\nLedger 13, and\nCorrespondence","Financial:\nLedgers 14-26","Superintendent:\nLedgers 27-71","Sales:\nLedgers 72-75","Labor:\nLedgers 76-118, and\nLoose materials in timebooks","Production:\nLedgers 119-125","Legal and Property:\nAbstract of title: Shadwell Dam, Virginia,\nTrademark patent,\nData re. Sale to C + O RR Co of Shadwell Property, and\nBlueprint of \"property to be acquired from Charlottesville woolen mills near Shadwell, VA\"","Series 2:","Miscellaneous, ~1913-1933 (3.75 cubic feet). This series is arranged first chronoligically according to the dates provided. The materials in this series vary from tools used in the factory to samples used for sales. The date range is a rough estimate based on what dates are provided. Some artifacts have no dates attributed to them and may have been created prior to 1913. The fabric samples dated from 1913 to 1933 are themselves arranged numerically according to their respective pattern numbers. The tin advert sign was made in Philadelphia, PA."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Charlottesville Woolen Mills factory was incorporated in 1868 by H.C. Marchant and was located in the southeastern part of Charlottesville, VA.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFrom the 1830s until it's seizure by the Confederate governement in 1861, the building operated as a combination wool, cotton, flour and lumber mill, and later also included a blacksmith's shop, corn mill, grist mill, plaster mill, and a store selling dry goods. During this time the land was sold a number of times until 1960, when the company was reorganized as the Charlottesville Manufacturing Company, with John A. Marchant, his son. Henry Clay Marchant, John Wood, H. L. Anderson, T. J. Wertenbaker, and John C. Patterson operating a joint stock company. The textile plant provided wool uniforms for the soldiers of the Confederacy during the Civil War. A second reorganization in 1964 made Henry Clay Marchant the sole owner. Following the destruction of the mill during the Civil War and after the war had ended, the factory was rebuilt, and, on December 18, 1868, Charlottesville Woolen Mills was chartered \"for the manufacture, purchase and sale of woolen, cotton, silk and other fabrics ...\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe plant went on to provide high quality textiles used by Brooks Brothers clothiers, uniforms for the cadets of West Point, and police officers in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Los Angeles. At one point 90 percent of the country's military schools, including the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, purchased uniforms made here. Coffin makers in Atlanta and Burlington, N.C., also used the soft cloth to line caskets.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCharlottesvills Woolen Mills survived the Great Depression of the 1930s mainly because of its uniform contracts. It experienced its greatest prosperity manufacturing uniforms for soldiers during World War I and II. During the height of World War II a work force of about 400 people was producing 15,000 yards of uniform cloth a month.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1959 Charlottesville Woolen Mills was bought by Kent Manufacturing Company, of Philadelphia. The introduction of synthetic fabrics in the late 1950s led to a decrease in demand for wool. In 1962 Kent Manufacturing Company dissolved the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMaurer, David. \"Woolen Mills wove a tight community.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/lifestyles/woolen-mills-wove-a-tight-community/article_467a3534-5d1b-5f83-abdb-f1a170eb0396.html. 28 Aug. 2011.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDelesline, Nate. \"Historic Woolen Mills under contract for sale.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/news/historic-woolen-mills-under-contract-for-sale/article_7512bd70-b082-11e3-9f64-0017a43b2370.html. 20 March 2014.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDailty Progress Staff. \"Labor dispute at Woolen Mills leads to worker strike.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/125yearsofprogress/labor-dispute-at-woolen-mills-leads-to-worker-strike/article_49c5dff0-ec7d-11e6-9604-4f40db426882.html. 6 Feb. 2017.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGianniny, Jr., Allan, Compiler. \"Charlottesville Woolen Mills Chronology.\" Historic Woolen Mills, http://historicwoolenmills.org/chronology.html. Accessed 19 Feb. 2018.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBritton, Rick. \"The Charlottesville Woolen Mills, Clothing a Nation.\" Historic Woolen Mills, http://historicwoolenmills.org/Charlottesville.html. 2006.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePoindexter, Harry Edward. \"A History of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.\" Thesis (M.A.), University of Virginia, 1955.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDaily Progress Staff. \"City's Oldest Industry is Regaining Health.\" The Daily Progress Charlottesville Bicentennial Edition, vol. 72, no. 89, 1962, p. 58.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSandbeck, Peter. A History of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.Nichols Student Papers, University of Virginia School of Architecture, 1975.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Charlottesville Woolen Mills factory was incorporated in 1868 by H.C. Marchant and was located in the southeastern part of Charlottesville, VA.","From the 1830s until it's seizure by the Confederate governement in 1861, the building operated as a combination wool, cotton, flour and lumber mill, and later also included a blacksmith's shop, corn mill, grist mill, plaster mill, and a store selling dry goods. During this time the land was sold a number of times until 1960, when the company was reorganized as the Charlottesville Manufacturing Company, with John A. Marchant, his son. Henry Clay Marchant, John Wood, H. L. Anderson, T. J. Wertenbaker, and John C. Patterson operating a joint stock company. The textile plant provided wool uniforms for the soldiers of the Confederacy during the Civil War. A second reorganization in 1964 made Henry Clay Marchant the sole owner. Following the destruction of the mill during the Civil War and after the war had ended, the factory was rebuilt, and, on December 18, 1868, Charlottesville Woolen Mills was chartered \"for the manufacture, purchase and sale of woolen, cotton, silk and other fabrics ...\"","The plant went on to provide high quality textiles used by Brooks Brothers clothiers, uniforms for the cadets of West Point, and police officers in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Los Angeles. At one point 90 percent of the country's military schools, including the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, purchased uniforms made here. Coffin makers in Atlanta and Burlington, N.C., also used the soft cloth to line caskets.","Charlottesvills Woolen Mills survived the Great Depression of the 1930s mainly because of its uniform contracts. It experienced its greatest prosperity manufacturing uniforms for soldiers during World War I and II. During the height of World War II a work force of about 400 people was producing 15,000 yards of uniform cloth a month.","In 1959 Charlottesville Woolen Mills was bought by Kent Manufacturing Company, of Philadelphia. The introduction of synthetic fabrics in the late 1950s led to a decrease in demand for wool. In 1962 Kent Manufacturing Company dissolved the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.","Sources:","Maurer, David. \"Woolen Mills wove a tight community.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/lifestyles/woolen-mills-wove-a-tight-community/article_467a3534-5d1b-5f83-abdb-f1a170eb0396.html. 28 Aug. 2011.","Delesline, Nate. \"Historic Woolen Mills under contract for sale.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/news/historic-woolen-mills-under-contract-for-sale/article_7512bd70-b082-11e3-9f64-0017a43b2370.html. 20 March 2014.","Dailty Progress Staff. \"Labor dispute at Woolen Mills leads to worker strike.\" The Daily Progress, http://www.dailyprogress.com/125yearsofprogress/labor-dispute-at-woolen-mills-leads-to-worker-strike/article_49c5dff0-ec7d-11e6-9604-4f40db426882.html. 6 Feb. 2017.","Gianniny, Jr., Allan, Compiler. \"Charlottesville Woolen Mills Chronology.\" Historic Woolen Mills, http://historicwoolenmills.org/chronology.html. Accessed 19 Feb. 2018.","Britton, Rick. \"The Charlottesville Woolen Mills, Clothing a Nation.\" Historic Woolen Mills, http://historicwoolenmills.org/Charlottesville.html. 2006.","Poindexter, Harry Edward. \"A History of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.\" Thesis (M.A.), University of Virginia, 1955.","Daily Progress Staff. \"City's Oldest Industry is Regaining Health.\" The Daily Progress Charlottesville Bicentennial Edition, vol. 72, no. 89, 1962, p. 58.","Sandbeck, Peter. A History of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.Nichols Student Papers, University of Virginia School of Architecture, 1975."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16353 Charlottesville Woolen Mills Records, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16353 Charlottesville Woolen Mills Records, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCharlottesville Woolen Mills, Charlottesville, VA. \nBusiness records, 1868-1956. Incorporated 1868 by H.C. Marchant; operated until 1962.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection is comprised of ledgers, papers, artifacts, a map, and a panoramic photograph. It is divided into two series: Business Records and Miscellaneous. The first series, Business Records contains ledgers and business related paperwork, such as correspondence and legal documetns. The second series, Miscellaneous, contains the remaining artifacts and materials not directly associated with the business dealings of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA list of names located within this collection:\nMr. George R.B. Michie,\nMr. Edward Van Wagenen,\nMr. P.M. Greene,\nMr. John S. White,\nMr. Rigby,\nW. Erskine Buford,\nFred L. Watson,\nArchibald Lammey,\nHenry J. Wilkinson,\nGeorge W. Sommers,\nCharles H. Dickinson, Jr.,\nDonal G. Chester,\nGeorge T. Huff,\nAustin Kilham,\nClark E. Lindsay,\nDr. John R. Morris, Jr.,\nHerbert J. Smith, Jr.,\nDuryee Van Wagenen,\nH.A. Dinwiddie,\nL.T. Hankel,\nJohn H. Robinson\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Charlottesville Woolen Mills, Charlottesville, VA. \nBusiness records, 1868-1956. Incorporated 1868 by H.C. Marchant; operated until 1962.","This collection is comprised of ledgers, papers, artifacts, a map, and a panoramic photograph. It is divided into two series: Business Records and Miscellaneous. The first series, Business Records contains ledgers and business related paperwork, such as correspondence and legal documetns. The second series, Miscellaneous, contains the remaining artifacts and materials not directly associated with the business dealings of the Charlottesville Woolen Mills.","A list of names located within this collection:\nMr. George R.B. Michie,\nMr. Edward Van Wagenen,\nMr. P.M. Greene,\nMr. John S. White,\nMr. Rigby,\nW. Erskine Buford,\nFred L. Watson,\nArchibald Lammey,\nHenry J. Wilkinson,\nGeorge W. Sommers,\nCharles H. Dickinson, Jr.,\nDonal G. Chester,\nGeorge T. Huff,\nAustin Kilham,\nClark E. Lindsay,\nDr. John R. Morris, Jr.,\nHerbert J. Smith, Jr.,\nDuryee Van Wagenen,\nH.A. Dinwiddie,\nL.T. Hankel,\nJohn H. Robinson"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe tin advert sign is in poor condition and should not be handled. The sign is housed in a box with a tray so that lifting the tray with its handles will negate any need for touching the item itself.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003e\"The library has not investigated the copyright status of these materials, and some or all may be protected by copyright. Users are responsible for making their own determinations about copyright status of these materials.\" \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePlease refer to:\nhttp://rightsstatements.org/page/CNE/1.0/?language=en\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use","Copyright"],"userestrict_tesim":["The tin advert sign is in poor condition and should not be handled. The sign is housed in a box with a tray so that lifting the tray with its handles will negate any need for touching the item itself.","\"The library has not investigated the copyright status of these materials, and some or all may be protected by copyright. Users are responsible for making their own determinations about copyright status of these materials.\"","Please refer to:\nhttp://rightsstatements.org/page/CNE/1.0/?language=en"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":149,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:12.250Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_509_c02_c06"}},{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01_c43","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Tinder Box, 1760/1990","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01_c43#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01_c43","ref_ssm":["viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01_c43"],"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01_c43","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01","parent_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01","parent_ssim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900","Series 5: Artifacts and Textiles, 1800/2007","Subseries 5.1: Artifacts, 1760/1990"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_repositories_2_resources_8073","viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05","viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Tinder Box","title_ssm":["Tinder Box"],"title_tesim":["Tinder Box"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Tinder Box, 1760/1990"],"text":["Tinder Box, 1760/1990","Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900","Series 5: Artifacts and Textiles, 1800/2007","Subseries 5.1: Artifacts, 1760/1990","Box 22"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900","Series 5: Artifacts and Textiles, 1800/2007","Subseries 5.1: Artifacts, 1760/1990"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900","Series 5: Artifacts and Textiles, 1800/2007","Subseries 5.1: Artifacts, 1760/1990"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1760/1990"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["undated"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":477,"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900"],"containers_ssim":["Box 22"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"date_range_isim":[1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990],"_nest_path_":"/components#4/components#0/components#42","timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:03:33.557Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073","ead_ssi":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073","_root_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073","_nest_parent_":"viw_repositories_2_resources_8073","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WM/repositories_2_resources_8073.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker papers","title_ssm":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers"],"title_tesim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1760-1990","1800-1900"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1760-1990"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1800-1900"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900"],"text":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900","MS 00240","/repositories/2/resources/8073","Bermuda Island (Bermuda Islands)","Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902","Underwater exploration","Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.","The collection is arranged into series by family. Series 1 covers Teddy Tucker's Papers; Series 2 covers the papers of Teddy Tucker's immediate family; Series 3 covers the papers of the extended family; Series 4 covers related Taliaferro-Bolton families; and Series 5 consists of artifacts.","Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker was born in Bermuda on May 8th, 1925 to Edward Henry and Sue Taliaferro Bolton. Teddy became an underwater explorer, teacher, treasure hunter, and pioneer. He earned the Order of the British Empire from Queen Elizabeth II. Other achievements include the discovery of more than 100 ship wrecks off the Bermuda coast, work on the Beebe science project with National Geographic, collaboration with the University of Maryland to study gill sharks. Following service with the Royal Navy during World War II, Teddy endeavored to make a living as a salvage diver. He taught himself about ships, nautical history, and underwater archeology. Teddy died June 9, 2014. \nSources consulted for this biographical/ Historical History: The New York Times, Teddy Tucker Obituary, June 27, 2014.","The collection consists of correspondence, day books, blueprints, photographs, genealogical research, maps, DVDs, artwork, textiles, and artifacts, circa 1760-1990, relating to the Tucker family of Bermuda and the Taliaferro-Bolton families of Richmond, Virginia.","There is also a large amount of material relating to Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker, an underwater explorer and treasure hunter off the coast of Bermuda. The majority of the artwork in this collection is from Catharine and Ethel Tucker of Bermuda who were aunts of Edward \"Teddy\" Tucker. They created many landscape pieces and maintained a small store on Bermuda wher they sold their works.","Artifacts include wooden and metal trinkets made by prisoners of war held in Bermuda during the Anglo-Boer war from 1899-1902, textiles, tintype photographs, and family heirloom jewelry.","Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.","Special Collections Research Center","Bolton","Tucker","Tucker, Wendy Sue","Tucker, Teddy (Edward Bolton), 1825-2014","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900"],"collection_ssim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker Papers, 1760/2007, bulk 1800/1900"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS 00240","/repositories/2/resources/8073"],"unitid_tesim":["MS 00240","/repositories/2/resources/8073"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"geogname_ssm":["Bermuda Island (Bermuda Islands)"],"geogname_ssim":["Bermuda Island (Bermuda Islands)"],"places_ssim":["Bermuda Island (Bermuda Islands)"],"creator_ssm":["Tucker, Wendy Sue","Tucker, Teddy (Edward Bolton), 1825-2014","Bolton","Tucker"],"creator_ssim":["Tucker, Wendy Sue","Tucker, Teddy (Edward Bolton), 1825-2014","Bolton","Tucker"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Tucker, Wendy Sue","Tucker, Teddy (Edward Bolton), 1825-2014"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bolton","Tucker"],"creators_ssim":["Tucker, Wendy Sue","Tucker, Teddy (Edward Bolton), 1825-2014","Special Collections Research Center","Bolton","Tucker"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902","Underwater exploration"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902","Underwater exploration"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["20.0 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["20.0 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to all researchers. Manuscript collections and archival records may contain materials with sensitive or confidential information that is protected under federal or state right to privacy laws and regulations, such as the Virginia Public Records Act (Code of Virginia. § 42.1-76-91); and the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Code of Virginia § 2.2-3705.5). Confidential material may include, but is not limited to, educational, medical, and personnel records. If sensitive material is found in this collection, please contact a staff member immediately. The disclosure of personally identifiable information pertaining to a living individual may have legal consequences for which the College of William and Mary assumes no responsibility."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged into series by family. Series 1 covers Teddy Tucker's Papers; Series 2 covers the papers of Teddy Tucker's immediate family; Series 3 covers the papers of the extended family; Series 4 covers related Taliaferro-Bolton families; and Series 5 consists of artifacts.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged into series by family. Series 1 covers Teddy Tucker's Papers; Series 2 covers the papers of Teddy Tucker's immediate family; Series 3 covers the papers of the extended family; Series 4 covers related Taliaferro-Bolton families; and Series 5 consists of artifacts."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker was born in Bermuda on May 8th, 1925 to Edward Henry and Sue Taliaferro Bolton. Teddy became an underwater explorer, teacher, treasure hunter, and pioneer. He earned the Order of the British Empire from Queen Elizabeth II. Other achievements include the discovery of more than 100 ship wrecks off the Bermuda coast, work on the Beebe science project with National Geographic, collaboration with the University of Maryland to study gill sharks. Following service with the Royal Navy during World War II, Teddy endeavored to make a living as a salvage diver. He taught himself about ships, nautical history, and underwater archeology. Teddy died June 9, 2014. \nSources consulted for this biographical/ Historical History: The New York Times, Teddy Tucker Obituary, June 27, 2014.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker was born in Bermuda on May 8th, 1925 to Edward Henry and Sue Taliaferro Bolton. Teddy became an underwater explorer, teacher, treasure hunter, and pioneer. He earned the Order of the British Empire from Queen Elizabeth II. Other achievements include the discovery of more than 100 ship wrecks off the Bermuda coast, work on the Beebe science project with National Geographic, collaboration with the University of Maryland to study gill sharks. Following service with the Royal Navy during World War II, Teddy endeavored to make a living as a salvage diver. He taught himself about ships, nautical history, and underwater archeology. Teddy died June 9, 2014. \nSources consulted for this biographical/ Historical History: The New York Times, Teddy Tucker Obituary, June 27, 2014."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEdward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker papers, Special Collections Research Center, William \u0026amp; Mary Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker papers, Special Collections Research Center, William \u0026 Mary Libraries."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection consists of correspondence, day books, blueprints, photographs, genealogical research, maps, DVDs, artwork, textiles, and artifacts, circa 1760-1990, relating to the Tucker family of Bermuda and the Taliaferro-Bolton families of Richmond, Virginia. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere is also a large amount of material relating to Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker, an underwater explorer and treasure hunter off the coast of Bermuda. The majority of the artwork in this collection is from Catharine and Ethel Tucker of Bermuda who were aunts of Edward \"Teddy\" Tucker. They created many landscape pieces and maintained a small store on Bermuda wher they sold their works. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eArtifacts include wooden and metal trinkets made by prisoners of war held in Bermuda during the Anglo-Boer war from 1899-1902, textiles, tintype photographs, and family heirloom jewelry. \u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection consists of correspondence, day books, blueprints, photographs, genealogical research, maps, DVDs, artwork, textiles, and artifacts, circa 1760-1990, relating to the Tucker family of Bermuda and the Taliaferro-Bolton families of Richmond, Virginia.","There is also a large amount of material relating to Edward \"Teddy\" Bolton Tucker, an underwater explorer and treasure hunter off the coast of Bermuda. The majority of the artwork in this collection is from Catharine and Ethel Tucker of Bermuda who were aunts of Edward \"Teddy\" Tucker. They created many landscape pieces and maintained a small store on Bermuda wher they sold their works.","Artifacts include wooden and metal trinkets made by prisoners of war held in Bermuda during the Anglo-Boer war from 1899-1902, textiles, tintype photographs, and family heirloom jewelry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before reproducing or quoting from any materials, in whole or in part, permission must be obtained from the Special Collections Research Center, and the holder of the copyright, if not Swem Library."],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"famname_ssim":["Bolton","Tucker"],"persname_ssim":["Tucker, Wendy Sue","Tucker, Teddy (Edward Bolton), 1825-2014"],"names_coll_ssim":["Tucker, Wendy Sue"],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Bolton","Tucker","Tucker, Wendy Sue","Tucker, Teddy (Edward Bolton), 1825-2014"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":514,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T23:03:33.557Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_repositories_2_resources_8073_c05_c01_c43"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Alexandria Library","value":"Alexandria Library","hits":3},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Alexandria+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"College of William and Mary","value":"College of William and Mary","hits":354},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=College+of+William+and+Mary"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Fairfax County Public Library","value":"Fairfax County Public Library","hits":17},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Fairfax+County+Public+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"George Mason University","value":"George Mason University","hits":2},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=George+Mason+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Hampden-Sydney College","value":"Hampden-Sydney College","hits":43},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Hampden-Sydney+College"}},{"attributes":{"label":"James Madison University","value":"James Madison University","hits":30},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=James+Madison+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Longwood University","value":"Longwood University","hits":13},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Longwood+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Old Dominion University","value":"Old Dominion University","hits":23},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Old+Dominion+University"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Randolph-Macon College","value":"Randolph-Macon College","hits":2},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Randolph-Macon+College"}},{"attributes":{"label":"Shenandoah County Library","value":"Shenandoah County Library","hits":9},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=Shenandoah+County+Library"}},{"attributes":{"label":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","value":"The George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon","hits":65},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=The+George+Washington+Presidential+Library+at+Mount+Vernon"}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1906\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item"}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"A.S. 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