{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=6","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=5","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=7","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=208"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":6,"next_page":7,"prev_page":5,"total_pages":208,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":50,"total_count":2078,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1881/1922","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1881/1922"],"text":["A. General, 1881/1922","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books","17 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1881/1922"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1881-1922"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":125,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["17 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#24/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General; many show occupation, daily\n rate, hours, 1875/1926","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c28","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c28"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General; many show occupation, daily\n rate, hours","title_ssm":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n rate, hours"],"title_tesim":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n rate, hours"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n rate, hours, 1875/1926"],"text":["A. General; many show occupation, daily\n rate, hours, 1875/1926","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books","66 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Time Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875/1926"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1875-1926"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":149,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["66 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#27/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c28_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General; numbered\n sequence, 1873/1925","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c06"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General; numbered\n sequence","title_ssm":["A. General; numbered\n sequence"],"title_tesim":["A. General; numbered\n sequence"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General; numbered\n sequence, 1873/1925"],"text":["A. General; numbered\n sequence, 1873/1925","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks","11 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1873/1925"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1873-1925"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":21,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["11 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#5/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c36","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Agnes Brown: Correspondence, 1856/1894","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c36#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c36","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c36"],"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c36","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","parent_ssim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_644"],"title_filing_ssi":"Agnes Brown: Correspondence","title_ssm":["Agnes Brown: Correspondence"],"title_tesim":["Agnes Brown: Correspondence"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Agnes Brown: Correspondence, 1856/1894"],"text":["Agnes Brown: Correspondence, 1856/1894","J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914","box 4"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1856/1894"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1856, 1889, 1894"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":36,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"containers_ssim":["box 4"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894],"_nest_path_":"/components#35","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:23.622Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_644.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/107691","title_ssm":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers"],"title_tesim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1832-1914"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1832-1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1832/1914"],"normalized_title_ssm":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"text":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914","MSS.88.1","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/644","Hertfordshire (England)","Sewerage -- England","Probate law and practice -- Great Britain","lawyers -- Great Britain","Leases -- Great Britain","Trusts and trustees -- England","Voter registration -- England","maps (documents)","Wills","Arthur William Vaisey (1851-1939 V) was the son of Thomas \u0026 Emma Vaisey and was born at Stratton, Gloucestershire. He studied law and married Esther Bevir (1850-1925 V), daughter of William Laurence Bevir (a solicitor), at Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire, in 1876. As a recently qualified solicitor, he was looking for a suitable practice and moved to Tring, where the town's respected lawyer, John Shugar, had recently died. They had two sons and seven daughters, all born in Tring. The 1878 Hertfordshire directory records \"Shugar, Vaisey and Vorse, solicitors, High Street, Tring\" with Arthur living at 4 Park Street. By 1882, he had built a house, Holly Field, in the fashionable Grove area of Tring. He had an office in the High Street, and the 1890 directory describes him as \"solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths \u0026 clerk to the local board \u0026 vestry clerk.\"","By 1912, he had taken his son Roland on as a partner and the directory entry reads \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Son), clerk to the Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Guardians of Berkhamsted Union, to Berkhamsted District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 207 High Street, Great Berkhamsted.\" By 1922, he had another partner, and the entry read \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Turner), clerk to the Tring Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Berkhamsted Guardians \u0026 Rural District Council District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 213 High Street, Berkhamsted.\"","His wife Ester died in 1925, and he died in 1939 and was buried in Tring Cemetery.","This collection contains papers from the legal practice of John Merritt Shugar and Arthur William Vaisey, solicitors. Their firm was located in Tring, Hertfordshire, in south central England. The collection documents work from 1850 to 1914, although these papers relate mostly to the period 1875-1900.","The Shugar and Vaisey practice was mainly property and probate law. The bulk of the material in this collection consists of conveyances, enfranchisements, indentures, title abstracts, wills, and related correspondence. The papers relate to Tring, Tring Manor (of which Vaisey was steward), Pendley Manor (of which Shugar was steward), and area towns such as Berkhamsted and Hemel Hempstead.","The papers are arranged alphabetically by the names of the principals involved in a particular matter. The collection was acquired in bundles with little or no descriptive information, so the titles on folders were assigned after perusal of the documents in each bundle. A glance at the alphabetical listing below reveals the major idiosyncrasy of this collection: the bulk of the material relates to persons or institutions whose names begin with the letters A through D. Thus it appears that a considerable amount of other material has either been lost or exists elsewhere.","It is worth mentioning that the folder in Box 2, titled: \"Bedford v. Berkhampstead Rural District Council: Records and Leases\" includes a draft claim on behalf of Rebecca Bedford. This was drawn on the back of an unrelated but useful document, the voters list for western Hertfordshire in 1893, which provides addresses for voters, many of whom appear elsewhere in the records. Vaisey himself is among those listed. Researchers will notice the various spellings of Berkhamsted given in the documents; apparently, its spelling was not yet standardized.","(2 folders)","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"collection_ssim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.88.1","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/644"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.88.1","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/644"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Hertfordshire (England)"],"geogname_ssim":["Hertfordshire (England)"],"places_ssim":["Hertfordshire (England)"],"creator_ssm":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877"],"creator_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"creators_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"acqinfo_ssim":["Marsha Trimble writes on September 10, 1999: \"The director of the library bought [the collection] in 1988 from an antiquarian book dealer, but unfortunately [she] has no record of the purchase.\""],"access_subjects_ssim":["Sewerage -- England","Probate law and practice -- Great Britain","lawyers -- Great Britain","Leases -- Great Britain","Trusts and trustees -- England","Voter registration -- England","maps (documents)","Wills"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Sewerage -- England","Probate law and practice -- Great Britain","lawyers -- Great Britain","Leases -- Great Britain","Trusts and trustees -- England","Voter registration -- England","maps (documents)","Wills"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["6 Cubic Feet 11 archival boxes \u0026 1 oversized box"],"extent_tesim":["6 Cubic Feet 11 archival boxes \u0026 1 oversized box"],"genreform_ssim":["maps (documents)","Wills"],"date_range_isim":[1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nArthur William Vaisey (1851-1939 V) was the son of Thomas \u0026amp; Emma Vaisey and was born at Stratton, Gloucestershire. He studied law and married Esther Bevir (1850-1925 V), daughter of William Laurence Bevir (a solicitor), at Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire, in 1876. As a recently qualified solicitor, he was looking for a suitable practice and moved to Tring, where the town's respected lawyer, John Shugar, had recently died. They had two sons and seven daughters, all born in Tring. The 1878 Hertfordshire directory records \"Shugar, Vaisey and Vorse, solicitors, High Street, Tring\" with Arthur living at 4 Park Street. By 1882, he had built a house, Holly Field, in the fashionable Grove area of Tring. He had an office in the High Street, and the 1890 directory describes him as \"solicitor \u0026amp; commissioner for taking oaths \u0026amp; clerk to the local board \u0026amp; vestry clerk.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBy 1912, he had taken his son Roland on as a partner and the directory entry reads \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026amp; commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026amp; Son), clerk to the Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026amp; clerk to the Guardians of Berkhamsted Union, to Berkhamsted District Council \u0026amp; to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026amp; 207 High Street, Great Berkhamsted.\" By 1922, he had another partner, and the entry read \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026amp; commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026amp; Turner), clerk to the Tring Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026amp; clerk to the Berkhamsted Guardians \u0026amp; Rural District Council District Council \u0026amp; to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026amp; 213 High Street, Berkhamsted.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis wife Ester died in 1925, and he died in 1939 and was buried in Tring Cemetery.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Arthur William Vaisey (1851-1939 V) was the son of Thomas \u0026 Emma Vaisey and was born at Stratton, Gloucestershire. He studied law and married Esther Bevir (1850-1925 V), daughter of William Laurence Bevir (a solicitor), at Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire, in 1876. As a recently qualified solicitor, he was looking for a suitable practice and moved to Tring, where the town's respected lawyer, John Shugar, had recently died. They had two sons and seven daughters, all born in Tring. The 1878 Hertfordshire directory records \"Shugar, Vaisey and Vorse, solicitors, High Street, Tring\" with Arthur living at 4 Park Street. By 1882, he had built a house, Holly Field, in the fashionable Grove area of Tring. He had an office in the High Street, and the 1890 directory describes him as \"solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths \u0026 clerk to the local board \u0026 vestry clerk.\"","By 1912, he had taken his son Roland on as a partner and the directory entry reads \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Son), clerk to the Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Guardians of Berkhamsted Union, to Berkhamsted District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 207 High Street, Great Berkhamsted.\" By 1922, he had another partner, and the entry read \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Turner), clerk to the Tring Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Berkhamsted Guardians \u0026 Rural District Council District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 213 High Street, Berkhamsted.\"","His wife Ester died in 1925, and he died in 1939 and was buried in Tring Cemetery."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThis collection contains papers from the legal practice of John Merritt Shugar and Arthur William Vaisey, solicitors. Their firm was located in Tring, Hertfordshire, in south central England. The collection documents work from 1850 to 1914, although these papers relate mostly to the period 1875-1900.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Shugar and Vaisey practice was mainly property and probate law. The bulk of the material in this collection consists of conveyances, enfranchisements, indentures, title abstracts, wills, and related correspondence. The papers relate to Tring, Tring Manor (of which Vaisey was steward), Pendley Manor (of which Shugar was steward), and area towns such as Berkhamsted and Hemel Hempstead.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are arranged alphabetically by the names of the principals involved in a particular matter. The collection was acquired in bundles with little or no descriptive information, so the titles on folders were assigned after perusal of the documents in each bundle. A glance at the alphabetical listing below reveals the major idiosyncrasy of this collection: the bulk of the material relates to persons or institutions whose names begin with the letters A through D. Thus it appears that a considerable amount of other material has either been lost or exists elsewhere.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIt is worth mentioning that the folder in Box 2, titled: \"Bedford v. Berkhampstead Rural District Council: Records and Leases\" includes a draft claim on behalf of Rebecca Bedford. This was drawn on the back of an unrelated but useful document, the voters list for western Hertfordshire in 1893, which provides addresses for voters, many of whom appear elsewhere in the records. Vaisey himself is among those listed. Researchers will notice the various spellings of Berkhamsted given in the documents; apparently, its spelling was not yet standardized.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003e(2 folders)\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains papers from the legal practice of John Merritt Shugar and Arthur William Vaisey, solicitors. Their firm was located in Tring, Hertfordshire, in south central England. The collection documents work from 1850 to 1914, although these papers relate mostly to the period 1875-1900.","The Shugar and Vaisey practice was mainly property and probate law. The bulk of the material in this collection consists of conveyances, enfranchisements, indentures, title abstracts, wills, and related correspondence. The papers relate to Tring, Tring Manor (of which Vaisey was steward), Pendley Manor (of which Shugar was steward), and area towns such as Berkhamsted and Hemel Hempstead.","The papers are arranged alphabetically by the names of the principals involved in a particular matter. The collection was acquired in bundles with little or no descriptive information, so the titles on folders were assigned after perusal of the documents in each bundle. A glance at the alphabetical listing below reveals the major idiosyncrasy of this collection: the bulk of the material relates to persons or institutions whose names begin with the letters A through D. Thus it appears that a considerable amount of other material has either been lost or exists elsewhere.","It is worth mentioning that the folder in Box 2, titled: \"Bedford v. Berkhampstead Rural District Council: Records and Leases\" includes a draft claim on behalf of Rebecca Bedford. This was drawn on the back of an unrelated but useful document, the voters list for western Hertfordshire in 1893, which provides addresses for voters, many of whom appear elsewhere in the records. Vaisey himself is among those listed. Researchers will notice the various spellings of Berkhamsted given in the documents; apparently, its spelling was not yet standardized.","(2 folders)"],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"persname_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"names_coll_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":143,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:23.622Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c36"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c07_c02_c03","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Agriculture Index to State Bulletins,\n compiled by Alexander J. Bondurant, 1889/1894","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c07_c02_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c07_c02_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c07_c02_c03"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c07_c02_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c07_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c07_c02","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Bound Volumes","Bound Volumes: Topical"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c07","viu_viu00044_c07_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Agriculture Index to State Bulletins,\n compiled by Alexander J. Bondurant","title_ssm":["Agriculture Index to State Bulletins,\n compiled by Alexander J. Bondurant"],"title_tesim":["Agriculture Index to State Bulletins,\n compiled by Alexander J. Bondurant"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Agriculture Index to State Bulletins,\n compiled by Alexander J. Bondurant, 1889/1894"],"text":["Agriculture Index to State Bulletins,\n compiled by Alexander J. Bondurant, 1889/1894","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Bound Volumes","Bound Volumes: Topical","Box Box 46"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Bound Volumes","Bound Volumes: Topical"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Bound Volumes","Bound Volumes: Topical"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1889/1894"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1889-1894"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":197,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 46"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894],"_nest_path_":"/components#6/components#1/components#2","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n William G. Harrison, of the \n University of Virginia, on May 14,\n 1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n related through the marriage of \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n of agriculture at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n pastorates in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n death of General \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n brother, \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n from Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c07_c02_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c04","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Agriculture: Nevada, 1889/1892","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05_c04","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c05_c04"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c04","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Agriculture: Nevada","title_ssm":["Agriculture: Nevada"],"title_tesim":["Agriculture: Nevada"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Agriculture: Nevada, 1889/1892"],"text":["Agriculture: Nevada, 1889/1892","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed","Box Box 38"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1889/1892"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1889-1892"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":130,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 38"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1889,1890,1891,1892],"_nest_path_":"/components#4/components#3","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n William G. Harrison, of the \n University of Virginia, on May 14,\n 1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n related through the marriage of \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n of agriculture at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n pastorates in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n death of General \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n brother, \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n from Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c04"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c05","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Agriculture: Virginia, 1835/1910","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c05#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05_c05","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c05_c05"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c05","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Agriculture: Virginia","title_ssm":["Agriculture: Virginia"],"title_tesim":["Agriculture: Virginia"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Agriculture: Virginia, 1835/1910"],"text":["Agriculture: Virginia, 1835/1910","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed","Box Box 38"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1835/1910"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1835-1910"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":131,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 38"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910],"_nest_path_":"/components#4/components#4","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n William G. Harrison, of the \n University of Virginia, on May 14,\n 1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n related through the marriage of \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n of agriculture at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n pastorates in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n death of General \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n brother, \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n from Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c05"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"A. H. Piequenard, 1876/1982","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03_c23","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03","parent_ssim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_816","viu_repositories_3_resources_816_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. H. Piequenard","title_ssm":["A. H. Piequenard"],"title_tesim":["A. H. Piequenard"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. H. Piequenard, 1876/1982"],"text":["A. H. Piequenard, 1876/1982","Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001","box 8","folder 16"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","Etienne Cabet, 1787/2001"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1876/1982"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1876-1982"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":208,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005"],"containers_ssim":["box 8","folder 16"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is stored offsite. Please allow 3 business days for delivery to the Small Library reading room."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"date_range_isim":[1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#22","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:38.998Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_816","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_816.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/724","title_filing_ssi":"Gontier, Fernande, papers","title_ssm":["Fernande Gontier papers"],"title_tesim":["Fernande Gontier papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1787-2005"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1787-2005"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1787/2005"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005"],"text":["Fernande Gontier papers, 1787/2005","MSS 16416","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/816","cookbook","letters (correspondence)","Collection is stored offsite. Please allow 3 business days for delivery to the Small Library reading room.","Dates and items pre-1970s reflect the initial publication dates of photocopies in the collection. These historical documents, like the Icarian periodicals and Simone de Beauvoir letters, are not originals.","Series 1. Simone de Beauvoir, 1943-1989 (1.75 cubic feet). This series primarily contains photocopies Gontier made of publications by and about Simone de Beauvoir.","Series 2. Colette, 1866-2009 (3.25 cubic feet). This series contains manuscripts of Gontier's scholarship on Colette, photocopies of research materials, press coverage of Gontier and Claude Francis's biography of Colette, and the authors' correspondence with editors and publishers.","Series 3. Etienne Cabet, 1787-2001 (1.4 cubic feet). This series contains research notes on Etienne Cabet and his Icarian colony as well as photocopies of relevant research material.","Series 4. Mathilde de Morny, 1990-2000 (1 cubic foot). This series primarily contains drafts and manuscripts of Gontier's book on Mathilde de Morny, as well as photocopies of research material and publisher correspondence.","Series 5. Cookbooks, 1970-1985 (0.5 cubic foot). This series contains manuscripts and loose recipes for Gontier's book of honey recipes and a planned, unpublished successor focusing on vinegar.","Series 6. Madame D'Aulnoy, 1988-2005 (0.7 cubic foot). This series contains drafts of and research notes on Gontier's work on Madame D'Aulnoy.","Dr. Fernande Gontier is a scholar who received her PhD in French from the University of Virginia in 1973. Her dissertation was titled \"Les Images de la Femme Dans le Roman Français de L'entre-Deux-Guerres\". Since then, she has published numberous works--many in collaboration with Claude Francis--on French literary figures including Colette and Simone de Beauvoir.","Source: Materials within the collection; University of Virginia.","The Fernande Gontier papers (1787-2005; 8.6 cubic feet) document Dr. Gontier's scholarship on Simone de Beauvoir; Colette; Etienne Cabet and his followers in Nauvoo, Illinois; Mathilde de Morny; and Comtesse Marie-Catherine d'Aulnoy. The collection includes manuscript drafts, research files, correspondence, and books representing Dr. Gontier's work. Materials also include manuscripts for cookbooks co-written by Dr. Gontier. 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The report contains a narrative description of the events of the year followed by lists of merchandise shipped through the year, comparative statements of materials shipped, and financial statements.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company annual report of the President and the Directors, 1889"],"collection_ssim":["Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company annual report of the President and the Directors, 1889"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16462","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/953"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16462","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/953"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company"],"creator_ssim":["Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Canals","Inland navigation -- Virginia"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Canals","Inland navigation -- Virginia"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.04 Cubic Feet 1 legal folder"],"extent_tesim":["0.04 Cubic Feet 1 legal folder"],"date_range_isim":[1889],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains a mimeograph or lithograph copy of annual report of the president and directors of the Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company annual report. This report describes the condition and business of this company for the year from 1888 to 1889.The document is signed by Franklin Weld, President. The report contains a narrative description of the events of the year followed by lists of merchandise shipped through the year, comparative statements of materials shipped, and financial statements.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains a mimeograph or lithograph copy of annual report of the president and directors of the Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company annual report. This report describes the condition and business of this company for the year from 1888 to 1889.The document is signed by Franklin Weld, President. The report contains a narrative description of the events of the year followed by lists of merchandise shipped through the year, comparative statements of materials shipped, and financial statements."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:00.774Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_953"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_997#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThe papers chiefly consist of letters Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940) sent to his mother in New Jersey while a student at the University of Virginia. There is also some correspondence from Wilson's father and grandfather; family photographs; and unpublished manuscripts by Wilson. \u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_997#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_997.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/120877","title_filing_ssi":"Wilson, Albert Frederick, papers","title_ssm":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers"],"title_tesim":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1840-1934"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1840-1934"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1840/1934"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934"],"text":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934","MSS .16340","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/997","University of Virginia -- Alumni","University of Virginia -- Department of English","African Americans -- Virginia","University of Virginia -- Faculty","University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence","good","The Wilson family papers include various letters and information about family members from the years 1840 until approximately 1934. These family members include Albert Sherwood Wilson (1818-1894), his grandson Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940), Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) the wife of Albert Frederick Wilson, Mary A. Wilson the mother of Albert Frederick Wilson, as well as various other correspondents including Albert Frederick Wilson's sisters and children.","Albert Frederick studied at the University from 1902-1907. There he was very involved in extracurricular activities, including the Glee Club, a fraternity called Phi Sigma Kappa, as well as the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" becoming the editor in chief in 1907.","Albert Frederick Wilson taught at the School of Journalism at New York University. There he met Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) when she was a student in his class, and they were married in 1916. They had three children, Sherwood, Geoffrey, and Sloan.","This material contains racist language or imagery. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials. For archival materials, more specific information about these materials may be available in the finding aid.","Occasionally there were empty envelopes present in the collection that we could not match with letters. Since they were not numerous, we have left them with the letters by the date stamped on the envelopes.","This letter was damaged by mold and torn. The Preservation team did some work on the letter to address the mold problem and it was placed in mylar to furnish added protection and support.","Photographs are attached to large sheets, which were put inside large mylar L-sleeves for preservation. Each sheet has a typed description provided by the family, included in the oversize folder witht the folders.","The papers chiefly consist of letters Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940) sent to his mother in New Jersey while a student at the University of Virginia. There is also some correspondence from Wilson's father and grandfather; family photographs; and unpublished manuscripts by Wilson.","Most of the letters are handwritten. But starting in 1906, typewritten letters become more frequent. The roles of African Americans at the University of Virginia are mentioned several times in his letters.","The rest of the papers include three published books written by Albert Frederick Wilson including 'Pok O' Moonshine', 'The Township Line', and 'Higher than the Wind can Blow', letters of correspondence between him and his wife, academic papers, testimonials about Albert Sherwood Wilson and his teaching positions, a copy of the April 1917 \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" a scrapbook filled with reviews on Albert Frederick Wilson's book 'Pok O' Moonshine', photographs of the family, as well as various other documents which explore the lives of the Wilson family.","Albert Frederick Wilson's first letter describes his trip down to Virginia by train from New Jersey, with a stopover in Washington. He describes his first impressions of the University of Virginia, as well as including some disparaging remarks about the African American citizens of Charlottesville and the Southern drawl of Virginia's speakers (September 13, 1903). Wilson describes his boarding experience with a doctor's family, who he was surprised to discover were Baptists and \"very religious (quite a novelty here)\" (September 17, 1903). He also mentions that the cost of living was cheaper in Charlottesville, Virginia, than in Newark, New Jersey, where his family lived (September ?, 1903).","There are various references to him going to a Baptist church, including a black church in the area (September 14, 1903). This letter also mentions going to a YMCA located near the University of Virginia to see the list of available boarding houses where he found a boarding house on West Main Street run by a doctor's wife. He appears to have boarded first with the family of Dr. Jones and later with the family of Dr. Roy K. Flanagan, but it is unclear when he changed his boarding situationhouses. He also describes Professor Noah Davis and how he managed to get into his class, normally not open to first years (September 14, 1903).","In a letter, October 11, 1903, Wilson describes his ride by horseback out to Monticello (October 11, 1903). He also gives his impressions of an African American religious revival held in Charlottesville, Virginia (December 7, 1903).","In 1904, A. Frederick was involved in various clubs at the University, and attended events such as the Peabody music recital by the Young Men's Christian Association. Wilson mentions hearing one of their guest speakers (January 25, 1904). In one letter, Albert expressed anger towards Dr. Kent because he sent him to the Chairman's office for not doing exercises from which he thought he was excused (November 4, 1904). This letter also mentions hearing the speech by a lawyer, Mr. Lee, who was representing a prisoner on trial for a murder in the area. He was also heavily involved in the Glee Club and his participation continued until graduation (November 18, 1904).","Wilson give an itinerary for the Glee Club which was traveling to Staunton, Virginia, for a concert (November 18, 1904) and other places on a musical tour (November 21 and 25, 1904).","A. Frederick mentions several well known figures at the University of Virginia. This includes Edwin A. Alderman, the first president of the University of Virginia. He briefly mentions Alderman's selection as president (October 9, 1904). Another person he mentioned was Professor Kent, who was an English professor at the University. Frederick and Professor Kent worked together closely, and Kent is referenced in many of Wilson's letters while at the University.","A letter written around November 25, 1904, describes Wilson finding a drunken student in the snow who had fallen and broken his ankle. Wilson helped him back to his rooms at Dawson's Row .","Wilson became a member of the Editorial Review Board (January 1-2, 1905). There are a lot of references in 1905 to a songbook A. Frederick had been trying to write and sell to groups or at events around grounds and he received the support of Dr. Kent for publishing the songbook (January 27, February 26, and November 3, 5, and 8, 1905).","Wilson mentions correcting the proof of his essay for publication and reading one of his poems before Dr. Kent, who liked the poem (April 7, 1905). Wilson accompanied the Glee Club on the train to Crozet to perform at the Miller School, a large preparatory school in the Blue Ridge Mountains (January 21, 1905).","Eventually A. Frederick Wilson became known as a writer in the University of Virginia community. Wilson appeared twice in the \"Corks and Curls,\" the annual yearbook at the University of Virginia which began in 1888. This yearbook published different student creative works, including poems, short stories and cartoons (May 16, 1905). He was also heavily involved with the editing staff of the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" as an Associate Editor.","He mentions that the Editor in Chief, William McCulley James, went missing temporarily from the University and he had to locate the proof of the magazine, correct it and send it back to the publishers in two days (May 23, 1905). James continued as Editor in Chief through the spring of 1906. A. Frederick Wilson became the Editor in Chief the fall of 1906. Wilson had high hopes of receiving one of the medals for his literary work, which he apparently did (June 10, 15, 1905).","A. Frederick was also involved with the Glee club in 1905. He described the preparation and surrounding events for the inauguration of President Alderman, which included a procession of students, alumni, visiting professors and university presidents, the Alderman family, and then the Governor and Alderman. Wilson mentions that he marched with the Glee Club in this procession (April 17, 1905).","A. Frederick's letters also mention various roles that African Americans filled on grounds during the early twentieth century and his own involvement with them this year. Some of these letters use offensive and racist language. Wilson mentions that an African American man delivered a surprise Valentine box from his folks (February 17, 1905). Wilson also searched for the music used in a popular but demeaning minstrel song that was also used in several other songs in Virginia, which he wanted to include in his songbook (March 10, 1905). He also mentions hiring an African American man to press his new suit before the inauguration of Alderman. When he did not return it to him by the morning of the inauguration, Wilson tracked him down in a panic and found him inebriated on a side street. After Wilson threatened physical violence, the older man finally located the clothes in a pool room unharmed (April 17, 1905).","Letters from 1906 have additional mentions of the songbook that he was attempting to publish. In one, he sends the songbook to an editor in January and attempts to get it published; however, he refuses to put any money down for it. The editor tells him he must help pay for it, especially because it is a college book (January 19, 1906). He eventually does get it published and shipped to him with the title \"Songs of the University of Virginia\" (March 16, 1906; May 25, 27, 1906).","Wilson mentions that he gave President Alderman one of his songbooks, and Alderman praised it during a meeting of the entire student body where Alderman also discussed the new Carnegie pipe organ soon to be completed in Cabell Hall (October 30, 1906). He also used the songbook in the Glee Club events to promote its sale(November 2, 1906).","A. Frederick was involved in several other extracurricular activities this year. He attended baseball games against Yale which the University of Virginia won (April 19, 1906) and Princeton which game they lost (April 13, 1906). He was also still working with the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" editorial team and became Editor in Chief (June 10, 1906). He writes that the magazine got first place in college magazines for 1906 (November 2, 1906).","He considered getting involved with a fraternity called Alpha Delta Phi, which is still currently active at the University of Virginia. Apparently Dr. Kent had close connections to this fraternity and wished that A. Frederick would join it. The cost to be in the fraternity was twenty dollars at the time which he was unwilling or unable to pay (November 30, 1906).","A. Frederick Wilson refers to his work teaching at the University, probably his Teaching Assistant position with Dr. Kent (October 1, 1906). A. Frederick mentions that he was forced to pay a matriculation fee of ten dollars and a receipt for this has survived (October 18, 1906).","There is also a reference to an African American woman in one of his letters. The room he received when he returned to the University of Virginia had bedbugs in it, so they sent for the woman to come and clean it before he moved in (November 9, 1906).","In 1907, A. Frederick was very active with the Glee Club. In one letter, he mentions that the Glee club got its name from an older club that had formed in the University of Virginia in 1888 (April 22, 1907). He writes that the Glee Club would be giving their first concert in February (January 27, 1907).","On March 11, 1907, he also mentions the itinerary for the upcoming Glee Club trip in April, chiefly in Virginia. Starting on April 4th, they were going to sing at Sweet Briar College, Lynchburg Woman's College and Roanoke where they would be performing in two places, a girl's school and a theatre. Then they went to Danville, Virginia, Washington,D.C. and finally, performed two concerts in Richmond and two in Norfolk (March 11, 1907).","In a letter on April 8th, he mentions the Glee club performed at a theater in Staunton, attended by students from Mary Baldwin College. There is a small newspaper clipping about the performance at Rawlins (April 8, 15, 1907).","A. Frederick continued his involvment in other extracurricular activities as well. A. Frederick became the Editor in Chief of the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" this year. He mentions that his publications in the magazine had brought him a good deal of fame on grounds (April 27, 1907).","A. Frederick became a member of the Phi Sigma Kappa fraternity (January 18, 1907) and wrote a song for one of the banquets they held (January 21, 1907). He also describes the \"annual spring goating\" or initiation activities of one of the law fraternities, including a mock court on the Rotunda steps (April 1, 1907)","A. Frederick mentions rumors that he was being considered for several honors for his work at the University of Virginia this year, including the Raven Society (January 15, 1907). He also mentions that he won the Edgar Allen Poe award for best short story for \"The Tea Machine\" (June 11, 1907).","Frederick wrote about a student being dismissed at the University of Virginia by the Honor Committee for breaking the honor code. The student appealed for and got a public trial by a jury of alumni (March 21, 1907). This letter furnishes some insight on the working of the honor system at the time. His letters have several mentions of the baseball season (May 4, 15, 1907).","In the summer of 1907, A. Frederick talks about his upcoming camping trip with the Flanagans and a group of friends in the mountains, at Sugar Hollow near Moorman's River, Albemarle County, Virginia (May 16, 1907; June 6, 11, 18, 1907).","Prior to 1883, Albert Sherwood Wilson was the principal of a school in Bridgeport, Connecticut for over 20 years. In 1883, he taught first grade at Glen Cove Long Island, New York, where he eventually became principal. In one letter, June 28, 1889, he mentions Albert Barnum Wilson, who was the father of Albert Frederick Wilson. Albert Barnum Wilson was teaching in Newark, New Jersey and was a principal of one of the schools there during this time. Albert Sherwood Wilson had moved to Newark due to this and obtained a current certificate qualifying him to teach in New Jersey. Also present is a note of thanks to Wilson for his work as Chorister at his church.","Works include \"Pok O' Moonshine\" and \"The Township Line.\"","His children include Geoffrey, Sloan, and Sherwood.","On printed stationery for the International Press Exhibition, American Committee, Lee's letter mentions a nice review for one of Wilson's books by Helen Parsons who covers the theater for \"Long Island Life\" and was an old student of theirs.","Photographs include images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor at New York University's School of Journalism. One of these images includes him on a horse in New Canaan, Connecticut and another of him at his summer home in Ticonderoga, New York. There is also an image of multiple people on a ship in this folder. In 1932, Wilson and his family went to France for a year. H.G. Wells was allegedly on their ship, and we have a photograph of the entire group of passengers, so presumably this included Wells as one of the people in this photograph.","Albert is also portrayed with his family circa 1930 in a location called Ormond Beach, Florida. This was the location of one of Ruth's homes and was a well-known house in Florida, once being owned by John D. Rockefeller.","Sheet 1 contains many images of the family when they went to France for a year in 1932. There are also various photographs of A. Frederick Wilson taken in locations such as Rogers Rock, Lake George, New York, where he died in 1940; Daytona Beach,Florida, where Wilson and his family had moved; and other locations. There are also a few images of Wilson and his children when he was a professor.","Sheet 2 contains many images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor. Many of these images are taken in various locations in New York as well as in Florida. There are images of his wife, Ruth, and his children including Geoffrey Wilson, Mary Sherwood Wilson and Sloan Wilson.","Sheet 3 contains images of Wilson's ancestors including his mother Mary, his great-grandfather, Robert Wilson, his great-aunt and uncle, Amelia Greene and George Greene, his father Albert Barnum Wilson, and others. Most of these were taken in Connecticut.","Sheet 4 contains various photographs of Wilson when he took a trip to France with his family in 1932.","Includes voting cards for editor of the \"The University of Virginia Magazine,\" report cards, registration cards, lists of classes taken, and a copy of his graduation certificate.","Copies of publishedd material transferred to Rare Books include three books by Wilson, \"The Township Line\" (1919), \"Pok O' Moonshine\" (1927) and \"Higher Than the Wind Can Blow\" (1934).","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934"],"collection_ssim":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS .16340","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/997"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS .16340","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/997"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the University of Virginia Special Collections Library by Dr. Timothy D. Wilson on July 27, 2017."],"access_subjects_ssim":["University of Virginia -- Alumni","University of Virginia -- Department of English","African Americans -- Virginia","University of Virginia -- Faculty","University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence"],"access_subjects_ssm":["University of Virginia -- Alumni","University of Virginia -- Department of English","African Americans -- Virginia","University of Virginia -- Faculty","University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["good"],"extent_ssm":["1.5 Cubic Feet 3 legal document boxes and 1 oversize folder"],"extent_tesim":["1.5 Cubic Feet 3 legal document boxes and 1 oversize folder"],"genreform_ssim":["University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence"],"date_range_isim":[1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Wilson family papers include various letters and information about family members from the years 1840 until approximately 1934. These family members include Albert Sherwood Wilson (1818-1894), his grandson Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940), Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) the wife of Albert Frederick Wilson, Mary A. Wilson the mother of Albert Frederick Wilson, as well as various other correspondents including Albert Frederick Wilson's sisters and children.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlbert Frederick studied at the University from 1902-1907. There he was very involved in extracurricular activities, including the Glee Club, a fraternity called Phi Sigma Kappa, as well as the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" becoming the editor in chief in 1907.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlbert Frederick Wilson taught at the School of Journalism at New York University. There he met Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) when she was a student in his class, and they were married in 1916. They had three children, Sherwood, Geoffrey, and Sloan.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Wilson family papers include various letters and information about family members from the years 1840 until approximately 1934. These family members include Albert Sherwood Wilson (1818-1894), his grandson Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940), Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) the wife of Albert Frederick Wilson, Mary A. Wilson the mother of Albert Frederick Wilson, as well as various other correspondents including Albert Frederick Wilson's sisters and children.","Albert Frederick studied at the University from 1902-1907. There he was very involved in extracurricular activities, including the Glee Club, a fraternity called Phi Sigma Kappa, as well as the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" becoming the editor in chief in 1907.","Albert Frederick Wilson taught at the School of Journalism at New York University. There he met Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) when she was a student in his class, and they were married in 1916. They had three children, Sherwood, Geoffrey, and Sloan."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis material contains racist language or imagery. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials. For archival materials, more specific information about these materials may be available in the finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e "],"odd_heading_ssm":["Content Warning"],"odd_tesim":["This material contains racist language or imagery. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials. For archival materials, more specific information about these materials may be available in the finding aid."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOccasionally there were empty envelopes present in the collection that we could not match with letters. Since they were not numerous, we have left them with the letters by the date stamped on the envelopes.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eThis letter was damaged by mold and torn. The Preservation team did some work on the letter to address the mold problem and it was placed in mylar to furnish added protection and support.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs are attached to large sheets, which were put inside large mylar L-sleeves for preservation. Each sheet has a typed description provided by the family, included in the oversize folder witht the folders.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information","Processing Information","Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Occasionally there were empty envelopes present in the collection that we could not match with letters. Since they were not numerous, we have left them with the letters by the date stamped on the envelopes.","This letter was damaged by mold and torn. The Preservation team did some work on the letter to address the mold problem and it was placed in mylar to furnish added protection and support.","Photographs are attached to large sheets, which were put inside large mylar L-sleeves for preservation. Each sheet has a typed description provided by the family, included in the oversize folder witht the folders."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers chiefly consist of letters Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940) sent to his mother in New Jersey while a student at the University of Virginia. There is also some correspondence from Wilson's father and grandfather; family photographs; and unpublished manuscripts by Wilson. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMost of the letters are handwritten. But starting in 1906, typewritten letters become more frequent. The roles of African Americans at the University of Virginia are mentioned several times in his letters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe rest of the papers include three published books written by Albert Frederick Wilson including 'Pok O' Moonshine', 'The Township Line', and 'Higher than the Wind can Blow', letters of correspondence between him and his wife, academic papers, testimonials about Albert Sherwood Wilson and his teaching positions, a copy of the April 1917 \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" a scrapbook filled with reviews on Albert Frederick Wilson's book 'Pok O' Moonshine', photographs of the family, as well as various other documents which explore the lives of the Wilson family.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eAlbert Frederick Wilson's first letter describes his trip down to Virginia by train from New Jersey, with a stopover in Washington. He describes his first impressions of the University of Virginia, as well as including some disparaging remarks about the African American citizens of Charlottesville and the Southern drawl of Virginia's speakers (September 13, 1903). Wilson describes his boarding experience with a doctor's family, who he was surprised to discover were Baptists and \"very religious (quite a novelty here)\" (September 17, 1903). He also mentions that the cost of living was cheaper in Charlottesville, Virginia, than in Newark, New Jersey, where his family lived (September ?, 1903).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere are various references to him going to a Baptist church, including a black church in the area (September 14, 1903). This letter also mentions going to a YMCA located near the University of Virginia to see the list of available boarding houses where he found a boarding house on West Main Street run by a doctor's wife. He appears to have boarded first with the family of Dr. Jones and later with the family of Dr. Roy K. Flanagan, but it is unclear when he changed his boarding situationhouses. He also describes Professor Noah Davis and how he managed to get into his class, normally not open to first years (September 14, 1903).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn a letter, October 11, 1903, Wilson describes his ride by horseback out to Monticello (October 11, 1903). He also gives his impressions of an African American religious revival held in Charlottesville, Virginia (December 7, 1903).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1904, A. Frederick was involved in various clubs at the University, and attended events such as the Peabody music recital by the Young Men's Christian Association. Wilson mentions hearing one of their guest speakers (January 25, 1904). In one letter, Albert expressed anger towards Dr. Kent because he sent him to the Chairman's office for not doing exercises from which he thought he was excused (November 4, 1904). This letter also mentions hearing the speech by a lawyer, Mr. Lee, who was representing a prisoner on trial for a murder in the area. He was also heavily involved in the Glee Club and his participation continued until graduation (November 18, 1904). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Wilson give an itinerary for the Glee Club which was traveling to Staunton, Virginia, for a concert (November 18, 1904) and other places on a musical tour (November 21 and 25, 1904). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick mentions several well known figures at the University of Virginia. This includes Edwin A. Alderman, the first president of the University of Virginia. He briefly mentions Alderman's selection as president (October 9, 1904). Another person he mentioned was Professor Kent, who was an English professor at the University. Frederick and Professor Kent worked together closely, and Kent is referenced in many of Wilson's letters while at the University. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e A letter written around November 25, 1904, describes Wilson finding a drunken student in the snow who had fallen and broken his ankle. Wilson helped him back to his rooms at Dawson's Row .\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilson became a member of the Editorial Review Board (January 1-2, 1905). There are a lot of references in 1905 to a songbook A. Frederick had been trying to write and sell to groups or at events around grounds and he received the support of Dr. Kent for publishing the songbook (January 27, February 26, and November 3, 5, and 8, 1905). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilson mentions correcting the proof of his essay for publication and reading one of his poems before Dr. Kent, who liked the poem (April 7, 1905). Wilson accompanied the Glee Club on the train to Crozet to perform at the Miller School, a large preparatory school in the Blue Ridge Mountains (January 21, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEventually A. Frederick Wilson became known as a writer in the University of Virginia community. Wilson appeared twice in the \"Corks and Curls,\" the annual yearbook at the University of Virginia which began in 1888. This yearbook published different student creative works, including poems, short stories and cartoons (May 16, 1905). He was also heavily involved with the editing staff of the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" as an Associate Editor. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe mentions that the Editor in Chief, William McCulley James, went missing temporarily from the University and he had to locate the proof of the magazine, correct it and send it back to the publishers in two days (May 23, 1905). James continued as Editor in Chief through the spring of 1906. A. Frederick Wilson became the Editor in Chief the fall of 1906. Wilson had high hopes of receiving one of the medals for his literary work, which he apparently did (June 10, 15, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick was also involved with the Glee club in 1905. He described the preparation and surrounding events for the inauguration of President Alderman, which included a procession of students, alumni, visiting professors and university presidents, the Alderman family, and then the Governor and Alderman. Wilson mentions that he marched with the Glee Club in this procession (April 17, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick's letters also mention various roles that African Americans filled on grounds during the early twentieth century and his own involvement with them this year. Some of these letters use offensive and racist language. Wilson mentions that an African American man delivered a surprise Valentine box from his folks (February 17, 1905). Wilson also searched for the music used in a popular but demeaning minstrel song that was also used in several other songs in Virginia, which he wanted to include in his songbook (March 10, 1905). He also mentions hiring an African American man to press his new suit before the inauguration of Alderman. When he did not return it to him by the morning of the inauguration, Wilson tracked him down in a panic and found him inebriated on a side street. After Wilson threatened physical violence, the older man finally located the clothes in a pool room unharmed (April 17, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLetters from 1906 have additional mentions of the songbook that he was attempting to publish. In one, he sends the songbook to an editor in January and attempts to get it published; however, he refuses to put any money down for it. The editor tells him he must help pay for it, especially because it is a college book (January 19, 1906). He eventually does get it published and shipped to him with the title \"Songs of the University of Virginia\" (March 16, 1906; May 25, 27, 1906). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilson mentions that he gave President Alderman one of his songbooks, and Alderman praised it during a meeting of the entire student body where Alderman also discussed the new Carnegie pipe organ soon to be completed in Cabell Hall (October 30, 1906). He also used the songbook in the Glee Club events to promote its sale(November 2, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick was involved in several other extracurricular activities this year. He attended baseball games against Yale which the University of Virginia won (April 19, 1906) and Princeton which game they lost (April 13, 1906). He was also still working with the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" editorial team and became Editor in Chief (June 10, 1906). He writes that the magazine got first place in college magazines for 1906 (November 2, 1906). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe considered getting involved with a fraternity called Alpha Delta Phi, which is still currently active at the University of Virginia. Apparently Dr. Kent had close connections to this fraternity and wished that A. Frederick would join it. The cost to be in the fraternity was twenty dollars at the time which he was unwilling or unable to pay (November 30, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick Wilson refers to his work teaching at the University, probably his Teaching Assistant position with Dr. Kent (October 1, 1906). A. Frederick mentions that he was forced to pay a matriculation fee of ten dollars and a receipt for this has survived (October 18, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere is also a reference to an African American woman in one of his letters. The room he received when he returned to the University of Virginia had bedbugs in it, so they sent for the woman to come and clean it before he moved in (November 9, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1907, A. Frederick was very active with the Glee Club. In one letter, he mentions that the Glee club got its name from an older club that had formed in the University of Virginia in 1888 (April 22, 1907). He writes that the Glee Club would be giving their first concert in February (January 27, 1907). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn March 11, 1907, he also mentions the itinerary for the upcoming Glee Club trip in April, chiefly in Virginia. Starting on April 4th, they were going to sing at Sweet Briar College, Lynchburg Woman's College and Roanoke where they would be performing in two places, a girl's school and a theatre. Then they went to Danville, Virginia, Washington,D.C. and finally, performed two concerts in Richmond and two in Norfolk (March 11, 1907). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn a letter on April 8th, he mentions the Glee club performed at a theater in Staunton, attended by students from Mary Baldwin College. There is a small newspaper clipping about the performance at Rawlins (April 8, 15, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick continued his involvment in other extracurricular activities as well. A. Frederick became the Editor in Chief of the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" this year. He mentions that his publications in the magazine had brought him a good deal of fame on grounds (April 27, 1907). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick became a member of the Phi Sigma Kappa fraternity (January 18, 1907) and wrote a song for one of the banquets they held (January 21, 1907). He also describes the \"annual spring goating\" or initiation activities of one of the law fraternities, including a mock court on the Rotunda steps (April 1, 1907)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick mentions rumors that he was being considered for several honors for his work at the University of Virginia this year, including the Raven Society (January 15, 1907). He also mentions that he won the Edgar Allen Poe award for best short story for \"The Tea Machine\" (June 11, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFrederick wrote about a student being dismissed at the University of Virginia by the Honor Committee for breaking the honor code. The student appealed for and got a public trial by a jury of alumni (March 21, 1907). This letter furnishes some insight on the working of the honor system at the time. His letters have several mentions of the baseball season (May 4, 15, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1907, A. Frederick talks about his upcoming camping trip with the Flanagans and a group of friends in the mountains, at Sugar Hollow near Moorman's River, Albemarle County, Virginia (May 16, 1907; June 6, 11, 18, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePrior to 1883, Albert Sherwood Wilson was the principal of a school in Bridgeport, Connecticut for over 20 years. In 1883, he taught first grade at Glen Cove Long Island, New York, where he eventually became principal. In one letter, June 28, 1889, he mentions Albert Barnum Wilson, who was the father of Albert Frederick Wilson. Albert Barnum Wilson was teaching in Newark, New Jersey and was a principal of one of the schools there during this time. Albert Sherwood Wilson had moved to Newark due to this and obtained a current certificate qualifying him to teach in New Jersey. Also present is a note of thanks to Wilson for his work as Chorister at his church.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWorks include \"Pok O' Moonshine\" and \"The Township Line.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis children include Geoffrey, Sloan, and Sherwood.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn printed stationery for the International Press Exhibition, American Committee, Lee's letter mentions a nice review for one of Wilson's books by Helen Parsons who covers the theater for \"Long Island Life\" and was an old student of theirs.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs include images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor at New York University's School of Journalism. One of these images includes him on a horse in New Canaan, Connecticut and another of him at his summer home in Ticonderoga, New York. There is also an image of multiple people on a ship in this folder. In 1932, Wilson and his family went to France for a year. H.G. Wells was allegedly on their ship, and we have a photograph of the entire group of passengers, so presumably this included Wells as one of the people in this photograph.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlbert is also portrayed with his family circa 1930 in a location called Ormond Beach, Florida. This was the location of one of Ruth's homes and was a well-known house in Florida, once being owned by John D. Rockefeller. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 1 contains many images of the family when they went to France for a year in 1932. There are also various photographs of A. Frederick Wilson taken in locations such as Rogers Rock, Lake George, New York, where he died in 1940; Daytona Beach,Florida, where Wilson and his family had moved; and other locations. There are also a few images of Wilson and his children when he was a professor. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 2 contains many images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor. Many of these images are taken in various locations in New York as well as in Florida. There are images of his wife, Ruth, and his children including Geoffrey Wilson, Mary Sherwood Wilson and Sloan Wilson. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 3 contains images of Wilson's ancestors including his mother Mary, his great-grandfather, Robert Wilson, his great-aunt and uncle, Amelia Greene and George Greene, his father Albert Barnum Wilson, and others. Most of these were taken in Connecticut. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 4 contains various photographs of Wilson when he took a trip to France with his family in 1932.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes voting cards for editor of the \"The University of Virginia Magazine,\" report cards, registration cards, lists of classes taken, and a copy of his graduation certificate.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The papers chiefly consist of letters Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940) sent to his mother in New Jersey while a student at the University of Virginia. There is also some correspondence from Wilson's father and grandfather; family photographs; and unpublished manuscripts by Wilson.","Most of the letters are handwritten. But starting in 1906, typewritten letters become more frequent. The roles of African Americans at the University of Virginia are mentioned several times in his letters.","The rest of the papers include three published books written by Albert Frederick Wilson including 'Pok O' Moonshine', 'The Township Line', and 'Higher than the Wind can Blow', letters of correspondence between him and his wife, academic papers, testimonials about Albert Sherwood Wilson and his teaching positions, a copy of the April 1917 \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" a scrapbook filled with reviews on Albert Frederick Wilson's book 'Pok O' Moonshine', photographs of the family, as well as various other documents which explore the lives of the Wilson family.","Albert Frederick Wilson's first letter describes his trip down to Virginia by train from New Jersey, with a stopover in Washington. He describes his first impressions of the University of Virginia, as well as including some disparaging remarks about the African American citizens of Charlottesville and the Southern drawl of Virginia's speakers (September 13, 1903). Wilson describes his boarding experience with a doctor's family, who he was surprised to discover were Baptists and \"very religious (quite a novelty here)\" (September 17, 1903). He also mentions that the cost of living was cheaper in Charlottesville, Virginia, than in Newark, New Jersey, where his family lived (September ?, 1903).","There are various references to him going to a Baptist church, including a black church in the area (September 14, 1903). This letter also mentions going to a YMCA located near the University of Virginia to see the list of available boarding houses where he found a boarding house on West Main Street run by a doctor's wife. He appears to have boarded first with the family of Dr. Jones and later with the family of Dr. Roy K. Flanagan, but it is unclear when he changed his boarding situationhouses. He also describes Professor Noah Davis and how he managed to get into his class, normally not open to first years (September 14, 1903).","In a letter, October 11, 1903, Wilson describes his ride by horseback out to Monticello (October 11, 1903). He also gives his impressions of an African American religious revival held in Charlottesville, Virginia (December 7, 1903).","In 1904, A. Frederick was involved in various clubs at the University, and attended events such as the Peabody music recital by the Young Men's Christian Association. Wilson mentions hearing one of their guest speakers (January 25, 1904). In one letter, Albert expressed anger towards Dr. Kent because he sent him to the Chairman's office for not doing exercises from which he thought he was excused (November 4, 1904). This letter also mentions hearing the speech by a lawyer, Mr. Lee, who was representing a prisoner on trial for a murder in the area. He was also heavily involved in the Glee Club and his participation continued until graduation (November 18, 1904).","Wilson give an itinerary for the Glee Club which was traveling to Staunton, Virginia, for a concert (November 18, 1904) and other places on a musical tour (November 21 and 25, 1904).","A. Frederick mentions several well known figures at the University of Virginia. This includes Edwin A. Alderman, the first president of the University of Virginia. He briefly mentions Alderman's selection as president (October 9, 1904). Another person he mentioned was Professor Kent, who was an English professor at the University. Frederick and Professor Kent worked together closely, and Kent is referenced in many of Wilson's letters while at the University.","A letter written around November 25, 1904, describes Wilson finding a drunken student in the snow who had fallen and broken his ankle. Wilson helped him back to his rooms at Dawson's Row .","Wilson became a member of the Editorial Review Board (January 1-2, 1905). There are a lot of references in 1905 to a songbook A. Frederick had been trying to write and sell to groups or at events around grounds and he received the support of Dr. Kent for publishing the songbook (January 27, February 26, and November 3, 5, and 8, 1905).","Wilson mentions correcting the proof of his essay for publication and reading one of his poems before Dr. Kent, who liked the poem (April 7, 1905). Wilson accompanied the Glee Club on the train to Crozet to perform at the Miller School, a large preparatory school in the Blue Ridge Mountains (January 21, 1905).","Eventually A. Frederick Wilson became known as a writer in the University of Virginia community. Wilson appeared twice in the \"Corks and Curls,\" the annual yearbook at the University of Virginia which began in 1888. This yearbook published different student creative works, including poems, short stories and cartoons (May 16, 1905). He was also heavily involved with the editing staff of the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" as an Associate Editor.","He mentions that the Editor in Chief, William McCulley James, went missing temporarily from the University and he had to locate the proof of the magazine, correct it and send it back to the publishers in two days (May 23, 1905). James continued as Editor in Chief through the spring of 1906. A. Frederick Wilson became the Editor in Chief the fall of 1906. Wilson had high hopes of receiving one of the medals for his literary work, which he apparently did (June 10, 15, 1905).","A. Frederick was also involved with the Glee club in 1905. He described the preparation and surrounding events for the inauguration of President Alderman, which included a procession of students, alumni, visiting professors and university presidents, the Alderman family, and then the Governor and Alderman. Wilson mentions that he marched with the Glee Club in this procession (April 17, 1905).","A. Frederick's letters also mention various roles that African Americans filled on grounds during the early twentieth century and his own involvement with them this year. Some of these letters use offensive and racist language. Wilson mentions that an African American man delivered a surprise Valentine box from his folks (February 17, 1905). Wilson also searched for the music used in a popular but demeaning minstrel song that was also used in several other songs in Virginia, which he wanted to include in his songbook (March 10, 1905). He also mentions hiring an African American man to press his new suit before the inauguration of Alderman. When he did not return it to him by the morning of the inauguration, Wilson tracked him down in a panic and found him inebriated on a side street. After Wilson threatened physical violence, the older man finally located the clothes in a pool room unharmed (April 17, 1905).","Letters from 1906 have additional mentions of the songbook that he was attempting to publish. In one, he sends the songbook to an editor in January and attempts to get it published; however, he refuses to put any money down for it. The editor tells him he must help pay for it, especially because it is a college book (January 19, 1906). He eventually does get it published and shipped to him with the title \"Songs of the University of Virginia\" (March 16, 1906; May 25, 27, 1906).","Wilson mentions that he gave President Alderman one of his songbooks, and Alderman praised it during a meeting of the entire student body where Alderman also discussed the new Carnegie pipe organ soon to be completed in Cabell Hall (October 30, 1906). He also used the songbook in the Glee Club events to promote its sale(November 2, 1906).","A. Frederick was involved in several other extracurricular activities this year. He attended baseball games against Yale which the University of Virginia won (April 19, 1906) and Princeton which game they lost (April 13, 1906). He was also still working with the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" editorial team and became Editor in Chief (June 10, 1906). He writes that the magazine got first place in college magazines for 1906 (November 2, 1906).","He considered getting involved with a fraternity called Alpha Delta Phi, which is still currently active at the University of Virginia. Apparently Dr. Kent had close connections to this fraternity and wished that A. Frederick would join it. The cost to be in the fraternity was twenty dollars at the time which he was unwilling or unable to pay (November 30, 1906).","A. Frederick Wilson refers to his work teaching at the University, probably his Teaching Assistant position with Dr. Kent (October 1, 1906). A. Frederick mentions that he was forced to pay a matriculation fee of ten dollars and a receipt for this has survived (October 18, 1906).","There is also a reference to an African American woman in one of his letters. The room he received when he returned to the University of Virginia had bedbugs in it, so they sent for the woman to come and clean it before he moved in (November 9, 1906).","In 1907, A. Frederick was very active with the Glee Club. In one letter, he mentions that the Glee club got its name from an older club that had formed in the University of Virginia in 1888 (April 22, 1907). He writes that the Glee Club would be giving their first concert in February (January 27, 1907).","On March 11, 1907, he also mentions the itinerary for the upcoming Glee Club trip in April, chiefly in Virginia. Starting on April 4th, they were going to sing at Sweet Briar College, Lynchburg Woman's College and Roanoke where they would be performing in two places, a girl's school and a theatre. Then they went to Danville, Virginia, Washington,D.C. and finally, performed two concerts in Richmond and two in Norfolk (March 11, 1907).","In a letter on April 8th, he mentions the Glee club performed at a theater in Staunton, attended by students from Mary Baldwin College. There is a small newspaper clipping about the performance at Rawlins (April 8, 15, 1907).","A. Frederick continued his involvment in other extracurricular activities as well. A. Frederick became the Editor in Chief of the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" this year. He mentions that his publications in the magazine had brought him a good deal of fame on grounds (April 27, 1907).","A. Frederick became a member of the Phi Sigma Kappa fraternity (January 18, 1907) and wrote a song for one of the banquets they held (January 21, 1907). He also describes the \"annual spring goating\" or initiation activities of one of the law fraternities, including a mock court on the Rotunda steps (April 1, 1907)","A. Frederick mentions rumors that he was being considered for several honors for his work at the University of Virginia this year, including the Raven Society (January 15, 1907). He also mentions that he won the Edgar Allen Poe award for best short story for \"The Tea Machine\" (June 11, 1907).","Frederick wrote about a student being dismissed at the University of Virginia by the Honor Committee for breaking the honor code. The student appealed for and got a public trial by a jury of alumni (March 21, 1907). This letter furnishes some insight on the working of the honor system at the time. His letters have several mentions of the baseball season (May 4, 15, 1907).","In the summer of 1907, A. Frederick talks about his upcoming camping trip with the Flanagans and a group of friends in the mountains, at Sugar Hollow near Moorman's River, Albemarle County, Virginia (May 16, 1907; June 6, 11, 18, 1907).","Prior to 1883, Albert Sherwood Wilson was the principal of a school in Bridgeport, Connecticut for over 20 years. In 1883, he taught first grade at Glen Cove Long Island, New York, where he eventually became principal. In one letter, June 28, 1889, he mentions Albert Barnum Wilson, who was the father of Albert Frederick Wilson. Albert Barnum Wilson was teaching in Newark, New Jersey and was a principal of one of the schools there during this time. Albert Sherwood Wilson had moved to Newark due to this and obtained a current certificate qualifying him to teach in New Jersey. Also present is a note of thanks to Wilson for his work as Chorister at his church.","Works include \"Pok O' Moonshine\" and \"The Township Line.\"","His children include Geoffrey, Sloan, and Sherwood.","On printed stationery for the International Press Exhibition, American Committee, Lee's letter mentions a nice review for one of Wilson's books by Helen Parsons who covers the theater for \"Long Island Life\" and was an old student of theirs.","Photographs include images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor at New York University's School of Journalism. One of these images includes him on a horse in New Canaan, Connecticut and another of him at his summer home in Ticonderoga, New York. There is also an image of multiple people on a ship in this folder. In 1932, Wilson and his family went to France for a year. H.G. Wells was allegedly on their ship, and we have a photograph of the entire group of passengers, so presumably this included Wells as one of the people in this photograph.","Albert is also portrayed with his family circa 1930 in a location called Ormond Beach, Florida. This was the location of one of Ruth's homes and was a well-known house in Florida, once being owned by John D. Rockefeller.","Sheet 1 contains many images of the family when they went to France for a year in 1932. There are also various photographs of A. Frederick Wilson taken in locations such as Rogers Rock, Lake George, New York, where he died in 1940; Daytona Beach,Florida, where Wilson and his family had moved; and other locations. There are also a few images of Wilson and his children when he was a professor.","Sheet 2 contains many images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor. Many of these images are taken in various locations in New York as well as in Florida. There are images of his wife, Ruth, and his children including Geoffrey Wilson, Mary Sherwood Wilson and Sloan Wilson.","Sheet 3 contains images of Wilson's ancestors including his mother Mary, his great-grandfather, Robert Wilson, his great-aunt and uncle, Amelia Greene and George Greene, his father Albert Barnum Wilson, and others. Most of these were taken in Connecticut.","Sheet 4 contains various photographs of Wilson when he took a trip to France with his family in 1932.","Includes voting cards for editor of the \"The University of Virginia Magazine,\" report cards, registration cards, lists of classes taken, and a copy of his graduation certificate."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopies of publishedd material transferred to Rare Books include three books by Wilson, \"The Township Line\" (1919), \"Pok O' Moonshine\" (1927) and \"Higher Than the Wind Can Blow\" (1934).\u003c/p\u003e "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["Copies of publishedd material transferred to Rare Books include three books by Wilson, \"The Township Line\" (1919), \"Pok O' Moonshine\" (1927) and \"Higher Than the Wind Can Blow\" (1934)."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":19,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:00.774Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_997","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_997.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/120877","title_filing_ssi":"Wilson, Albert Frederick, papers","title_ssm":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers"],"title_tesim":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1840-1934"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1840-1934"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1840/1934"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934"],"text":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934","MSS .16340","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/997","University of Virginia -- Alumni","University of Virginia -- Department of English","African Americans -- Virginia","University of Virginia -- Faculty","University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence","good","The Wilson family papers include various letters and information about family members from the years 1840 until approximately 1934. These family members include Albert Sherwood Wilson (1818-1894), his grandson Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940), Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) the wife of Albert Frederick Wilson, Mary A. Wilson the mother of Albert Frederick Wilson, as well as various other correspondents including Albert Frederick Wilson's sisters and children.","Albert Frederick studied at the University from 1902-1907. There he was very involved in extracurricular activities, including the Glee Club, a fraternity called Phi Sigma Kappa, as well as the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" becoming the editor in chief in 1907.","Albert Frederick Wilson taught at the School of Journalism at New York University. There he met Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) when she was a student in his class, and they were married in 1916. They had three children, Sherwood, Geoffrey, and Sloan.","This material contains racist language or imagery. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials. For archival materials, more specific information about these materials may be available in the finding aid.","Occasionally there were empty envelopes present in the collection that we could not match with letters. Since they were not numerous, we have left them with the letters by the date stamped on the envelopes.","This letter was damaged by mold and torn. The Preservation team did some work on the letter to address the mold problem and it was placed in mylar to furnish added protection and support.","Photographs are attached to large sheets, which were put inside large mylar L-sleeves for preservation. Each sheet has a typed description provided by the family, included in the oversize folder witht the folders.","The papers chiefly consist of letters Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940) sent to his mother in New Jersey while a student at the University of Virginia. There is also some correspondence from Wilson's father and grandfather; family photographs; and unpublished manuscripts by Wilson.","Most of the letters are handwritten. But starting in 1906, typewritten letters become more frequent. The roles of African Americans at the University of Virginia are mentioned several times in his letters.","The rest of the papers include three published books written by Albert Frederick Wilson including 'Pok O' Moonshine', 'The Township Line', and 'Higher than the Wind can Blow', letters of correspondence between him and his wife, academic papers, testimonials about Albert Sherwood Wilson and his teaching positions, a copy of the April 1917 \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" a scrapbook filled with reviews on Albert Frederick Wilson's book 'Pok O' Moonshine', photographs of the family, as well as various other documents which explore the lives of the Wilson family.","Albert Frederick Wilson's first letter describes his trip down to Virginia by train from New Jersey, with a stopover in Washington. He describes his first impressions of the University of Virginia, as well as including some disparaging remarks about the African American citizens of Charlottesville and the Southern drawl of Virginia's speakers (September 13, 1903). Wilson describes his boarding experience with a doctor's family, who he was surprised to discover were Baptists and \"very religious (quite a novelty here)\" (September 17, 1903). He also mentions that the cost of living was cheaper in Charlottesville, Virginia, than in Newark, New Jersey, where his family lived (September ?, 1903).","There are various references to him going to a Baptist church, including a black church in the area (September 14, 1903). This letter also mentions going to a YMCA located near the University of Virginia to see the list of available boarding houses where he found a boarding house on West Main Street run by a doctor's wife. He appears to have boarded first with the family of Dr. Jones and later with the family of Dr. Roy K. Flanagan, but it is unclear when he changed his boarding situationhouses. He also describes Professor Noah Davis and how he managed to get into his class, normally not open to first years (September 14, 1903).","In a letter, October 11, 1903, Wilson describes his ride by horseback out to Monticello (October 11, 1903). He also gives his impressions of an African American religious revival held in Charlottesville, Virginia (December 7, 1903).","In 1904, A. Frederick was involved in various clubs at the University, and attended events such as the Peabody music recital by the Young Men's Christian Association. Wilson mentions hearing one of their guest speakers (January 25, 1904). In one letter, Albert expressed anger towards Dr. Kent because he sent him to the Chairman's office for not doing exercises from which he thought he was excused (November 4, 1904). This letter also mentions hearing the speech by a lawyer, Mr. Lee, who was representing a prisoner on trial for a murder in the area. He was also heavily involved in the Glee Club and his participation continued until graduation (November 18, 1904).","Wilson give an itinerary for the Glee Club which was traveling to Staunton, Virginia, for a concert (November 18, 1904) and other places on a musical tour (November 21 and 25, 1904).","A. Frederick mentions several well known figures at the University of Virginia. This includes Edwin A. Alderman, the first president of the University of Virginia. He briefly mentions Alderman's selection as president (October 9, 1904). Another person he mentioned was Professor Kent, who was an English professor at the University. Frederick and Professor Kent worked together closely, and Kent is referenced in many of Wilson's letters while at the University.","A letter written around November 25, 1904, describes Wilson finding a drunken student in the snow who had fallen and broken his ankle. Wilson helped him back to his rooms at Dawson's Row .","Wilson became a member of the Editorial Review Board (January 1-2, 1905). There are a lot of references in 1905 to a songbook A. Frederick had been trying to write and sell to groups or at events around grounds and he received the support of Dr. Kent for publishing the songbook (January 27, February 26, and November 3, 5, and 8, 1905).","Wilson mentions correcting the proof of his essay for publication and reading one of his poems before Dr. Kent, who liked the poem (April 7, 1905). Wilson accompanied the Glee Club on the train to Crozet to perform at the Miller School, a large preparatory school in the Blue Ridge Mountains (January 21, 1905).","Eventually A. Frederick Wilson became known as a writer in the University of Virginia community. Wilson appeared twice in the \"Corks and Curls,\" the annual yearbook at the University of Virginia which began in 1888. This yearbook published different student creative works, including poems, short stories and cartoons (May 16, 1905). He was also heavily involved with the editing staff of the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" as an Associate Editor.","He mentions that the Editor in Chief, William McCulley James, went missing temporarily from the University and he had to locate the proof of the magazine, correct it and send it back to the publishers in two days (May 23, 1905). James continued as Editor in Chief through the spring of 1906. A. Frederick Wilson became the Editor in Chief the fall of 1906. Wilson had high hopes of receiving one of the medals for his literary work, which he apparently did (June 10, 15, 1905).","A. Frederick was also involved with the Glee club in 1905. He described the preparation and surrounding events for the inauguration of President Alderman, which included a procession of students, alumni, visiting professors and university presidents, the Alderman family, and then the Governor and Alderman. Wilson mentions that he marched with the Glee Club in this procession (April 17, 1905).","A. Frederick's letters also mention various roles that African Americans filled on grounds during the early twentieth century and his own involvement with them this year. Some of these letters use offensive and racist language. Wilson mentions that an African American man delivered a surprise Valentine box from his folks (February 17, 1905). Wilson also searched for the music used in a popular but demeaning minstrel song that was also used in several other songs in Virginia, which he wanted to include in his songbook (March 10, 1905). He also mentions hiring an African American man to press his new suit before the inauguration of Alderman. When he did not return it to him by the morning of the inauguration, Wilson tracked him down in a panic and found him inebriated on a side street. After Wilson threatened physical violence, the older man finally located the clothes in a pool room unharmed (April 17, 1905).","Letters from 1906 have additional mentions of the songbook that he was attempting to publish. In one, he sends the songbook to an editor in January and attempts to get it published; however, he refuses to put any money down for it. The editor tells him he must help pay for it, especially because it is a college book (January 19, 1906). He eventually does get it published and shipped to him with the title \"Songs of the University of Virginia\" (March 16, 1906; May 25, 27, 1906).","Wilson mentions that he gave President Alderman one of his songbooks, and Alderman praised it during a meeting of the entire student body where Alderman also discussed the new Carnegie pipe organ soon to be completed in Cabell Hall (October 30, 1906). He also used the songbook in the Glee Club events to promote its sale(November 2, 1906).","A. Frederick was involved in several other extracurricular activities this year. He attended baseball games against Yale which the University of Virginia won (April 19, 1906) and Princeton which game they lost (April 13, 1906). He was also still working with the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" editorial team and became Editor in Chief (June 10, 1906). He writes that the magazine got first place in college magazines for 1906 (November 2, 1906).","He considered getting involved with a fraternity called Alpha Delta Phi, which is still currently active at the University of Virginia. Apparently Dr. Kent had close connections to this fraternity and wished that A. Frederick would join it. The cost to be in the fraternity was twenty dollars at the time which he was unwilling or unable to pay (November 30, 1906).","A. Frederick Wilson refers to his work teaching at the University, probably his Teaching Assistant position with Dr. Kent (October 1, 1906). A. Frederick mentions that he was forced to pay a matriculation fee of ten dollars and a receipt for this has survived (October 18, 1906).","There is also a reference to an African American woman in one of his letters. The room he received when he returned to the University of Virginia had bedbugs in it, so they sent for the woman to come and clean it before he moved in (November 9, 1906).","In 1907, A. Frederick was very active with the Glee Club. In one letter, he mentions that the Glee club got its name from an older club that had formed in the University of Virginia in 1888 (April 22, 1907). He writes that the Glee Club would be giving their first concert in February (January 27, 1907).","On March 11, 1907, he also mentions the itinerary for the upcoming Glee Club trip in April, chiefly in Virginia. Starting on April 4th, they were going to sing at Sweet Briar College, Lynchburg Woman's College and Roanoke where they would be performing in two places, a girl's school and a theatre. Then they went to Danville, Virginia, Washington,D.C. and finally, performed two concerts in Richmond and two in Norfolk (March 11, 1907).","In a letter on April 8th, he mentions the Glee club performed at a theater in Staunton, attended by students from Mary Baldwin College. There is a small newspaper clipping about the performance at Rawlins (April 8, 15, 1907).","A. Frederick continued his involvment in other extracurricular activities as well. A. Frederick became the Editor in Chief of the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" this year. He mentions that his publications in the magazine had brought him a good deal of fame on grounds (April 27, 1907).","A. Frederick became a member of the Phi Sigma Kappa fraternity (January 18, 1907) and wrote a song for one of the banquets they held (January 21, 1907). He also describes the \"annual spring goating\" or initiation activities of one of the law fraternities, including a mock court on the Rotunda steps (April 1, 1907)","A. Frederick mentions rumors that he was being considered for several honors for his work at the University of Virginia this year, including the Raven Society (January 15, 1907). He also mentions that he won the Edgar Allen Poe award for best short story for \"The Tea Machine\" (June 11, 1907).","Frederick wrote about a student being dismissed at the University of Virginia by the Honor Committee for breaking the honor code. The student appealed for and got a public trial by a jury of alumni (March 21, 1907). This letter furnishes some insight on the working of the honor system at the time. His letters have several mentions of the baseball season (May 4, 15, 1907).","In the summer of 1907, A. Frederick talks about his upcoming camping trip with the Flanagans and a group of friends in the mountains, at Sugar Hollow near Moorman's River, Albemarle County, Virginia (May 16, 1907; June 6, 11, 18, 1907).","Prior to 1883, Albert Sherwood Wilson was the principal of a school in Bridgeport, Connecticut for over 20 years. In 1883, he taught first grade at Glen Cove Long Island, New York, where he eventually became principal. In one letter, June 28, 1889, he mentions Albert Barnum Wilson, who was the father of Albert Frederick Wilson. Albert Barnum Wilson was teaching in Newark, New Jersey and was a principal of one of the schools there during this time. Albert Sherwood Wilson had moved to Newark due to this and obtained a current certificate qualifying him to teach in New Jersey. Also present is a note of thanks to Wilson for his work as Chorister at his church.","Works include \"Pok O' Moonshine\" and \"The Township Line.\"","His children include Geoffrey, Sloan, and Sherwood.","On printed stationery for the International Press Exhibition, American Committee, Lee's letter mentions a nice review for one of Wilson's books by Helen Parsons who covers the theater for \"Long Island Life\" and was an old student of theirs.","Photographs include images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor at New York University's School of Journalism. One of these images includes him on a horse in New Canaan, Connecticut and another of him at his summer home in Ticonderoga, New York. There is also an image of multiple people on a ship in this folder. In 1932, Wilson and his family went to France for a year. H.G. Wells was allegedly on their ship, and we have a photograph of the entire group of passengers, so presumably this included Wells as one of the people in this photograph.","Albert is also portrayed with his family circa 1930 in a location called Ormond Beach, Florida. This was the location of one of Ruth's homes and was a well-known house in Florida, once being owned by John D. Rockefeller.","Sheet 1 contains many images of the family when they went to France for a year in 1932. There are also various photographs of A. Frederick Wilson taken in locations such as Rogers Rock, Lake George, New York, where he died in 1940; Daytona Beach,Florida, where Wilson and his family had moved; and other locations. There are also a few images of Wilson and his children when he was a professor.","Sheet 2 contains many images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor. Many of these images are taken in various locations in New York as well as in Florida. There are images of his wife, Ruth, and his children including Geoffrey Wilson, Mary Sherwood Wilson and Sloan Wilson.","Sheet 3 contains images of Wilson's ancestors including his mother Mary, his great-grandfather, Robert Wilson, his great-aunt and uncle, Amelia Greene and George Greene, his father Albert Barnum Wilson, and others. Most of these were taken in Connecticut.","Sheet 4 contains various photographs of Wilson when he took a trip to France with his family in 1932.","Includes voting cards for editor of the \"The University of Virginia Magazine,\" report cards, registration cards, lists of classes taken, and a copy of his graduation certificate.","Copies of publishedd material transferred to Rare Books include three books by Wilson, \"The Township Line\" (1919), \"Pok O' Moonshine\" (1927) and \"Higher Than the Wind Can Blow\" (1934).","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934"],"collection_ssim":["Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS .16340","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/997"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS .16340","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/997"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the University of Virginia Special Collections Library by Dr. Timothy D. Wilson on July 27, 2017."],"access_subjects_ssim":["University of Virginia -- Alumni","University of Virginia -- Department of English","African Americans -- Virginia","University of Virginia -- Faculty","University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence"],"access_subjects_ssm":["University of Virginia -- Alumni","University of Virginia -- Department of English","African Americans -- Virginia","University of Virginia -- Faculty","University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["good"],"extent_ssm":["1.5 Cubic Feet 3 legal document boxes and 1 oversize folder"],"extent_tesim":["1.5 Cubic Feet 3 legal document boxes and 1 oversize folder"],"genreform_ssim":["University of Virginia--Students--Correspondence"],"date_range_isim":[1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Wilson family papers include various letters and information about family members from the years 1840 until approximately 1934. These family members include Albert Sherwood Wilson (1818-1894), his grandson Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940), Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) the wife of Albert Frederick Wilson, Mary A. Wilson the mother of Albert Frederick Wilson, as well as various other correspondents including Albert Frederick Wilson's sisters and children.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlbert Frederick studied at the University from 1902-1907. There he was very involved in extracurricular activities, including the Glee Club, a fraternity called Phi Sigma Kappa, as well as the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" becoming the editor in chief in 1907.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlbert Frederick Wilson taught at the School of Journalism at New York University. There he met Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) when she was a student in his class, and they were married in 1916. They had three children, Sherwood, Geoffrey, and Sloan.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Wilson family papers include various letters and information about family members from the years 1840 until approximately 1934. These family members include Albert Sherwood Wilson (1818-1894), his grandson Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940), Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) the wife of Albert Frederick Wilson, Mary A. Wilson the mother of Albert Frederick Wilson, as well as various other correspondents including Albert Frederick Wilson's sisters and children.","Albert Frederick studied at the University from 1902-1907. There he was very involved in extracurricular activities, including the Glee Club, a fraternity called Phi Sigma Kappa, as well as the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" becoming the editor in chief in 1907.","Albert Frederick Wilson taught at the School of Journalism at New York University. There he met Ruth Danenhower (1887-1974) when she was a student in his class, and they were married in 1916. They had three children, Sherwood, Geoffrey, and Sloan."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis material contains racist language or imagery. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials. For archival materials, more specific information about these materials may be available in the finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e "],"odd_heading_ssm":["Content Warning"],"odd_tesim":["This material contains racist language or imagery. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials. For archival materials, more specific information about these materials may be available in the finding aid."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOccasionally there were empty envelopes present in the collection that we could not match with letters. Since they were not numerous, we have left them with the letters by the date stamped on the envelopes.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eThis letter was damaged by mold and torn. The Preservation team did some work on the letter to address the mold problem and it was placed in mylar to furnish added protection and support.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs are attached to large sheets, which were put inside large mylar L-sleeves for preservation. Each sheet has a typed description provided by the family, included in the oversize folder witht the folders.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information","Processing Information","Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Occasionally there were empty envelopes present in the collection that we could not match with letters. Since they were not numerous, we have left them with the letters by the date stamped on the envelopes.","This letter was damaged by mold and torn. The Preservation team did some work on the letter to address the mold problem and it was placed in mylar to furnish added protection and support.","Photographs are attached to large sheets, which were put inside large mylar L-sleeves for preservation. Each sheet has a typed description provided by the family, included in the oversize folder witht the folders."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers chiefly consist of letters Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940) sent to his mother in New Jersey while a student at the University of Virginia. There is also some correspondence from Wilson's father and grandfather; family photographs; and unpublished manuscripts by Wilson. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMost of the letters are handwritten. But starting in 1906, typewritten letters become more frequent. The roles of African Americans at the University of Virginia are mentioned several times in his letters.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe rest of the papers include three published books written by Albert Frederick Wilson including 'Pok O' Moonshine', 'The Township Line', and 'Higher than the Wind can Blow', letters of correspondence between him and his wife, academic papers, testimonials about Albert Sherwood Wilson and his teaching positions, a copy of the April 1917 \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" a scrapbook filled with reviews on Albert Frederick Wilson's book 'Pok O' Moonshine', photographs of the family, as well as various other documents which explore the lives of the Wilson family.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eAlbert Frederick Wilson's first letter describes his trip down to Virginia by train from New Jersey, with a stopover in Washington. He describes his first impressions of the University of Virginia, as well as including some disparaging remarks about the African American citizens of Charlottesville and the Southern drawl of Virginia's speakers (September 13, 1903). Wilson describes his boarding experience with a doctor's family, who he was surprised to discover were Baptists and \"very religious (quite a novelty here)\" (September 17, 1903). He also mentions that the cost of living was cheaper in Charlottesville, Virginia, than in Newark, New Jersey, where his family lived (September ?, 1903).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere are various references to him going to a Baptist church, including a black church in the area (September 14, 1903). This letter also mentions going to a YMCA located near the University of Virginia to see the list of available boarding houses where he found a boarding house on West Main Street run by a doctor's wife. He appears to have boarded first with the family of Dr. Jones and later with the family of Dr. Roy K. Flanagan, but it is unclear when he changed his boarding situationhouses. He also describes Professor Noah Davis and how he managed to get into his class, normally not open to first years (September 14, 1903).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn a letter, October 11, 1903, Wilson describes his ride by horseback out to Monticello (October 11, 1903). He also gives his impressions of an African American religious revival held in Charlottesville, Virginia (December 7, 1903).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1904, A. Frederick was involved in various clubs at the University, and attended events such as the Peabody music recital by the Young Men's Christian Association. Wilson mentions hearing one of their guest speakers (January 25, 1904). In one letter, Albert expressed anger towards Dr. Kent because he sent him to the Chairman's office for not doing exercises from which he thought he was excused (November 4, 1904). This letter also mentions hearing the speech by a lawyer, Mr. Lee, who was representing a prisoner on trial for a murder in the area. He was also heavily involved in the Glee Club and his participation continued until graduation (November 18, 1904). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Wilson give an itinerary for the Glee Club which was traveling to Staunton, Virginia, for a concert (November 18, 1904) and other places on a musical tour (November 21 and 25, 1904). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick mentions several well known figures at the University of Virginia. This includes Edwin A. Alderman, the first president of the University of Virginia. He briefly mentions Alderman's selection as president (October 9, 1904). Another person he mentioned was Professor Kent, who was an English professor at the University. Frederick and Professor Kent worked together closely, and Kent is referenced in many of Wilson's letters while at the University. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e A letter written around November 25, 1904, describes Wilson finding a drunken student in the snow who had fallen and broken his ankle. Wilson helped him back to his rooms at Dawson's Row .\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilson became a member of the Editorial Review Board (January 1-2, 1905). There are a lot of references in 1905 to a songbook A. Frederick had been trying to write and sell to groups or at events around grounds and he received the support of Dr. Kent for publishing the songbook (January 27, February 26, and November 3, 5, and 8, 1905). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilson mentions correcting the proof of his essay for publication and reading one of his poems before Dr. Kent, who liked the poem (April 7, 1905). Wilson accompanied the Glee Club on the train to Crozet to perform at the Miller School, a large preparatory school in the Blue Ridge Mountains (January 21, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEventually A. Frederick Wilson became known as a writer in the University of Virginia community. Wilson appeared twice in the \"Corks and Curls,\" the annual yearbook at the University of Virginia which began in 1888. This yearbook published different student creative works, including poems, short stories and cartoons (May 16, 1905). He was also heavily involved with the editing staff of the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" as an Associate Editor. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe mentions that the Editor in Chief, William McCulley James, went missing temporarily from the University and he had to locate the proof of the magazine, correct it and send it back to the publishers in two days (May 23, 1905). James continued as Editor in Chief through the spring of 1906. A. Frederick Wilson became the Editor in Chief the fall of 1906. Wilson had high hopes of receiving one of the medals for his literary work, which he apparently did (June 10, 15, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick was also involved with the Glee club in 1905. He described the preparation and surrounding events for the inauguration of President Alderman, which included a procession of students, alumni, visiting professors and university presidents, the Alderman family, and then the Governor and Alderman. Wilson mentions that he marched with the Glee Club in this procession (April 17, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick's letters also mention various roles that African Americans filled on grounds during the early twentieth century and his own involvement with them this year. Some of these letters use offensive and racist language. Wilson mentions that an African American man delivered a surprise Valentine box from his folks (February 17, 1905). Wilson also searched for the music used in a popular but demeaning minstrel song that was also used in several other songs in Virginia, which he wanted to include in his songbook (March 10, 1905). He also mentions hiring an African American man to press his new suit before the inauguration of Alderman. When he did not return it to him by the morning of the inauguration, Wilson tracked him down in a panic and found him inebriated on a side street. After Wilson threatened physical violence, the older man finally located the clothes in a pool room unharmed (April 17, 1905).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLetters from 1906 have additional mentions of the songbook that he was attempting to publish. In one, he sends the songbook to an editor in January and attempts to get it published; however, he refuses to put any money down for it. The editor tells him he must help pay for it, especially because it is a college book (January 19, 1906). He eventually does get it published and shipped to him with the title \"Songs of the University of Virginia\" (March 16, 1906; May 25, 27, 1906). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilson mentions that he gave President Alderman one of his songbooks, and Alderman praised it during a meeting of the entire student body where Alderman also discussed the new Carnegie pipe organ soon to be completed in Cabell Hall (October 30, 1906). He also used the songbook in the Glee Club events to promote its sale(November 2, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick was involved in several other extracurricular activities this year. He attended baseball games against Yale which the University of Virginia won (April 19, 1906) and Princeton which game they lost (April 13, 1906). He was also still working with the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" editorial team and became Editor in Chief (June 10, 1906). He writes that the magazine got first place in college magazines for 1906 (November 2, 1906). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe considered getting involved with a fraternity called Alpha Delta Phi, which is still currently active at the University of Virginia. Apparently Dr. Kent had close connections to this fraternity and wished that A. Frederick would join it. The cost to be in the fraternity was twenty dollars at the time which he was unwilling or unable to pay (November 30, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick Wilson refers to his work teaching at the University, probably his Teaching Assistant position with Dr. Kent (October 1, 1906). A. Frederick mentions that he was forced to pay a matriculation fee of ten dollars and a receipt for this has survived (October 18, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere is also a reference to an African American woman in one of his letters. The room he received when he returned to the University of Virginia had bedbugs in it, so they sent for the woman to come and clean it before he moved in (November 9, 1906).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1907, A. Frederick was very active with the Glee Club. In one letter, he mentions that the Glee club got its name from an older club that had formed in the University of Virginia in 1888 (April 22, 1907). He writes that the Glee Club would be giving their first concert in February (January 27, 1907). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn March 11, 1907, he also mentions the itinerary for the upcoming Glee Club trip in April, chiefly in Virginia. Starting on April 4th, they were going to sing at Sweet Briar College, Lynchburg Woman's College and Roanoke where they would be performing in two places, a girl's school and a theatre. Then they went to Danville, Virginia, Washington,D.C. and finally, performed two concerts in Richmond and two in Norfolk (March 11, 1907). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn a letter on April 8th, he mentions the Glee club performed at a theater in Staunton, attended by students from Mary Baldwin College. There is a small newspaper clipping about the performance at Rawlins (April 8, 15, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick continued his involvment in other extracurricular activities as well. A. Frederick became the Editor in Chief of the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" this year. He mentions that his publications in the magazine had brought him a good deal of fame on grounds (April 27, 1907). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick became a member of the Phi Sigma Kappa fraternity (January 18, 1907) and wrote a song for one of the banquets they held (January 21, 1907). He also describes the \"annual spring goating\" or initiation activities of one of the law fraternities, including a mock court on the Rotunda steps (April 1, 1907)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA. Frederick mentions rumors that he was being considered for several honors for his work at the University of Virginia this year, including the Raven Society (January 15, 1907). He also mentions that he won the Edgar Allen Poe award for best short story for \"The Tea Machine\" (June 11, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFrederick wrote about a student being dismissed at the University of Virginia by the Honor Committee for breaking the honor code. The student appealed for and got a public trial by a jury of alumni (March 21, 1907). This letter furnishes some insight on the working of the honor system at the time. His letters have several mentions of the baseball season (May 4, 15, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1907, A. Frederick talks about his upcoming camping trip with the Flanagans and a group of friends in the mountains, at Sugar Hollow near Moorman's River, Albemarle County, Virginia (May 16, 1907; June 6, 11, 18, 1907).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePrior to 1883, Albert Sherwood Wilson was the principal of a school in Bridgeport, Connecticut for over 20 years. In 1883, he taught first grade at Glen Cove Long Island, New York, where he eventually became principal. In one letter, June 28, 1889, he mentions Albert Barnum Wilson, who was the father of Albert Frederick Wilson. Albert Barnum Wilson was teaching in Newark, New Jersey and was a principal of one of the schools there during this time. Albert Sherwood Wilson had moved to Newark due to this and obtained a current certificate qualifying him to teach in New Jersey. Also present is a note of thanks to Wilson for his work as Chorister at his church.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWorks include \"Pok O' Moonshine\" and \"The Township Line.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis children include Geoffrey, Sloan, and Sherwood.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn printed stationery for the International Press Exhibition, American Committee, Lee's letter mentions a nice review for one of Wilson's books by Helen Parsons who covers the theater for \"Long Island Life\" and was an old student of theirs.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs include images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor at New York University's School of Journalism. One of these images includes him on a horse in New Canaan, Connecticut and another of him at his summer home in Ticonderoga, New York. There is also an image of multiple people on a ship in this folder. In 1932, Wilson and his family went to France for a year. H.G. Wells was allegedly on their ship, and we have a photograph of the entire group of passengers, so presumably this included Wells as one of the people in this photograph.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlbert is also portrayed with his family circa 1930 in a location called Ormond Beach, Florida. This was the location of one of Ruth's homes and was a well-known house in Florida, once being owned by John D. Rockefeller. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 1 contains many images of the family when they went to France for a year in 1932. There are also various photographs of A. Frederick Wilson taken in locations such as Rogers Rock, Lake George, New York, where he died in 1940; Daytona Beach,Florida, where Wilson and his family had moved; and other locations. There are also a few images of Wilson and his children when he was a professor. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 2 contains many images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor. Many of these images are taken in various locations in New York as well as in Florida. There are images of his wife, Ruth, and his children including Geoffrey Wilson, Mary Sherwood Wilson and Sloan Wilson. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 3 contains images of Wilson's ancestors including his mother Mary, his great-grandfather, Robert Wilson, his great-aunt and uncle, Amelia Greene and George Greene, his father Albert Barnum Wilson, and others. Most of these were taken in Connecticut. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSheet 4 contains various photographs of Wilson when he took a trip to France with his family in 1932.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes voting cards for editor of the \"The University of Virginia Magazine,\" report cards, registration cards, lists of classes taken, and a copy of his graduation certificate.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The papers chiefly consist of letters Albert Frederick Wilson (1883-1940) sent to his mother in New Jersey while a student at the University of Virginia. There is also some correspondence from Wilson's father and grandfather; family photographs; and unpublished manuscripts by Wilson.","Most of the letters are handwritten. But starting in 1906, typewritten letters become more frequent. The roles of African Americans at the University of Virginia are mentioned several times in his letters.","The rest of the papers include three published books written by Albert Frederick Wilson including 'Pok O' Moonshine', 'The Township Line', and 'Higher than the Wind can Blow', letters of correspondence between him and his wife, academic papers, testimonials about Albert Sherwood Wilson and his teaching positions, a copy of the April 1917 \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" a scrapbook filled with reviews on Albert Frederick Wilson's book 'Pok O' Moonshine', photographs of the family, as well as various other documents which explore the lives of the Wilson family.","Albert Frederick Wilson's first letter describes his trip down to Virginia by train from New Jersey, with a stopover in Washington. He describes his first impressions of the University of Virginia, as well as including some disparaging remarks about the African American citizens of Charlottesville and the Southern drawl of Virginia's speakers (September 13, 1903). Wilson describes his boarding experience with a doctor's family, who he was surprised to discover were Baptists and \"very religious (quite a novelty here)\" (September 17, 1903). He also mentions that the cost of living was cheaper in Charlottesville, Virginia, than in Newark, New Jersey, where his family lived (September ?, 1903).","There are various references to him going to a Baptist church, including a black church in the area (September 14, 1903). This letter also mentions going to a YMCA located near the University of Virginia to see the list of available boarding houses where he found a boarding house on West Main Street run by a doctor's wife. He appears to have boarded first with the family of Dr. Jones and later with the family of Dr. Roy K. Flanagan, but it is unclear when he changed his boarding situationhouses. He also describes Professor Noah Davis and how he managed to get into his class, normally not open to first years (September 14, 1903).","In a letter, October 11, 1903, Wilson describes his ride by horseback out to Monticello (October 11, 1903). He also gives his impressions of an African American religious revival held in Charlottesville, Virginia (December 7, 1903).","In 1904, A. Frederick was involved in various clubs at the University, and attended events such as the Peabody music recital by the Young Men's Christian Association. Wilson mentions hearing one of their guest speakers (January 25, 1904). In one letter, Albert expressed anger towards Dr. Kent because he sent him to the Chairman's office for not doing exercises from which he thought he was excused (November 4, 1904). This letter also mentions hearing the speech by a lawyer, Mr. Lee, who was representing a prisoner on trial for a murder in the area. He was also heavily involved in the Glee Club and his participation continued until graduation (November 18, 1904).","Wilson give an itinerary for the Glee Club which was traveling to Staunton, Virginia, for a concert (November 18, 1904) and other places on a musical tour (November 21 and 25, 1904).","A. Frederick mentions several well known figures at the University of Virginia. This includes Edwin A. Alderman, the first president of the University of Virginia. He briefly mentions Alderman's selection as president (October 9, 1904). Another person he mentioned was Professor Kent, who was an English professor at the University. Frederick and Professor Kent worked together closely, and Kent is referenced in many of Wilson's letters while at the University.","A letter written around November 25, 1904, describes Wilson finding a drunken student in the snow who had fallen and broken his ankle. Wilson helped him back to his rooms at Dawson's Row .","Wilson became a member of the Editorial Review Board (January 1-2, 1905). There are a lot of references in 1905 to a songbook A. Frederick had been trying to write and sell to groups or at events around grounds and he received the support of Dr. Kent for publishing the songbook (January 27, February 26, and November 3, 5, and 8, 1905).","Wilson mentions correcting the proof of his essay for publication and reading one of his poems before Dr. Kent, who liked the poem (April 7, 1905). Wilson accompanied the Glee Club on the train to Crozet to perform at the Miller School, a large preparatory school in the Blue Ridge Mountains (January 21, 1905).","Eventually A. Frederick Wilson became known as a writer in the University of Virginia community. Wilson appeared twice in the \"Corks and Curls,\" the annual yearbook at the University of Virginia which began in 1888. This yearbook published different student creative works, including poems, short stories and cartoons (May 16, 1905). He was also heavily involved with the editing staff of the \"University of Virginia Magazine,\" as an Associate Editor.","He mentions that the Editor in Chief, William McCulley James, went missing temporarily from the University and he had to locate the proof of the magazine, correct it and send it back to the publishers in two days (May 23, 1905). James continued as Editor in Chief through the spring of 1906. A. Frederick Wilson became the Editor in Chief the fall of 1906. Wilson had high hopes of receiving one of the medals for his literary work, which he apparently did (June 10, 15, 1905).","A. Frederick was also involved with the Glee club in 1905. He described the preparation and surrounding events for the inauguration of President Alderman, which included a procession of students, alumni, visiting professors and university presidents, the Alderman family, and then the Governor and Alderman. Wilson mentions that he marched with the Glee Club in this procession (April 17, 1905).","A. Frederick's letters also mention various roles that African Americans filled on grounds during the early twentieth century and his own involvement with them this year. Some of these letters use offensive and racist language. Wilson mentions that an African American man delivered a surprise Valentine box from his folks (February 17, 1905). Wilson also searched for the music used in a popular but demeaning minstrel song that was also used in several other songs in Virginia, which he wanted to include in his songbook (March 10, 1905). He also mentions hiring an African American man to press his new suit before the inauguration of Alderman. When he did not return it to him by the morning of the inauguration, Wilson tracked him down in a panic and found him inebriated on a side street. After Wilson threatened physical violence, the older man finally located the clothes in a pool room unharmed (April 17, 1905).","Letters from 1906 have additional mentions of the songbook that he was attempting to publish. In one, he sends the songbook to an editor in January and attempts to get it published; however, he refuses to put any money down for it. The editor tells him he must help pay for it, especially because it is a college book (January 19, 1906). He eventually does get it published and shipped to him with the title \"Songs of the University of Virginia\" (March 16, 1906; May 25, 27, 1906).","Wilson mentions that he gave President Alderman one of his songbooks, and Alderman praised it during a meeting of the entire student body where Alderman also discussed the new Carnegie pipe organ soon to be completed in Cabell Hall (October 30, 1906). He also used the songbook in the Glee Club events to promote its sale(November 2, 1906).","A. Frederick was involved in several other extracurricular activities this year. He attended baseball games against Yale which the University of Virginia won (April 19, 1906) and Princeton which game they lost (April 13, 1906). He was also still working with the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" editorial team and became Editor in Chief (June 10, 1906). He writes that the magazine got first place in college magazines for 1906 (November 2, 1906).","He considered getting involved with a fraternity called Alpha Delta Phi, which is still currently active at the University of Virginia. Apparently Dr. Kent had close connections to this fraternity and wished that A. Frederick would join it. The cost to be in the fraternity was twenty dollars at the time which he was unwilling or unable to pay (November 30, 1906).","A. Frederick Wilson refers to his work teaching at the University, probably his Teaching Assistant position with Dr. Kent (October 1, 1906). A. Frederick mentions that he was forced to pay a matriculation fee of ten dollars and a receipt for this has survived (October 18, 1906).","There is also a reference to an African American woman in one of his letters. The room he received when he returned to the University of Virginia had bedbugs in it, so they sent for the woman to come and clean it before he moved in (November 9, 1906).","In 1907, A. Frederick was very active with the Glee Club. In one letter, he mentions that the Glee club got its name from an older club that had formed in the University of Virginia in 1888 (April 22, 1907). He writes that the Glee Club would be giving their first concert in February (January 27, 1907).","On March 11, 1907, he also mentions the itinerary for the upcoming Glee Club trip in April, chiefly in Virginia. Starting on April 4th, they were going to sing at Sweet Briar College, Lynchburg Woman's College and Roanoke where they would be performing in two places, a girl's school and a theatre. Then they went to Danville, Virginia, Washington,D.C. and finally, performed two concerts in Richmond and two in Norfolk (March 11, 1907).","In a letter on April 8th, he mentions the Glee club performed at a theater in Staunton, attended by students from Mary Baldwin College. There is a small newspaper clipping about the performance at Rawlins (April 8, 15, 1907).","A. Frederick continued his involvment in other extracurricular activities as well. A. Frederick became the Editor in Chief of the \"University of Virginia Magazine\" this year. He mentions that his publications in the magazine had brought him a good deal of fame on grounds (April 27, 1907).","A. Frederick became a member of the Phi Sigma Kappa fraternity (January 18, 1907) and wrote a song for one of the banquets they held (January 21, 1907). He also describes the \"annual spring goating\" or initiation activities of one of the law fraternities, including a mock court on the Rotunda steps (April 1, 1907)","A. Frederick mentions rumors that he was being considered for several honors for his work at the University of Virginia this year, including the Raven Society (January 15, 1907). He also mentions that he won the Edgar Allen Poe award for best short story for \"The Tea Machine\" (June 11, 1907).","Frederick wrote about a student being dismissed at the University of Virginia by the Honor Committee for breaking the honor code. The student appealed for and got a public trial by a jury of alumni (March 21, 1907). This letter furnishes some insight on the working of the honor system at the time. His letters have several mentions of the baseball season (May 4, 15, 1907).","In the summer of 1907, A. Frederick talks about his upcoming camping trip with the Flanagans and a group of friends in the mountains, at Sugar Hollow near Moorman's River, Albemarle County, Virginia (May 16, 1907; June 6, 11, 18, 1907).","Prior to 1883, Albert Sherwood Wilson was the principal of a school in Bridgeport, Connecticut for over 20 years. In 1883, he taught first grade at Glen Cove Long Island, New York, where he eventually became principal. In one letter, June 28, 1889, he mentions Albert Barnum Wilson, who was the father of Albert Frederick Wilson. Albert Barnum Wilson was teaching in Newark, New Jersey and was a principal of one of the schools there during this time. Albert Sherwood Wilson had moved to Newark due to this and obtained a current certificate qualifying him to teach in New Jersey. Also present is a note of thanks to Wilson for his work as Chorister at his church.","Works include \"Pok O' Moonshine\" and \"The Township Line.\"","His children include Geoffrey, Sloan, and Sherwood.","On printed stationery for the International Press Exhibition, American Committee, Lee's letter mentions a nice review for one of Wilson's books by Helen Parsons who covers the theater for \"Long Island Life\" and was an old student of theirs.","Photographs include images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor at New York University's School of Journalism. One of these images includes him on a horse in New Canaan, Connecticut and another of him at his summer home in Ticonderoga, New York. There is also an image of multiple people on a ship in this folder. In 1932, Wilson and his family went to France for a year. H.G. Wells was allegedly on their ship, and we have a photograph of the entire group of passengers, so presumably this included Wells as one of the people in this photograph.","Albert is also portrayed with his family circa 1930 in a location called Ormond Beach, Florida. This was the location of one of Ruth's homes and was a well-known house in Florida, once being owned by John D. Rockefeller.","Sheet 1 contains many images of the family when they went to France for a year in 1932. There are also various photographs of A. Frederick Wilson taken in locations such as Rogers Rock, Lake George, New York, where he died in 1940; Daytona Beach,Florida, where Wilson and his family had moved; and other locations. There are also a few images of Wilson and his children when he was a professor.","Sheet 2 contains many images of A. Frederick Wilson when he was a professor. Many of these images are taken in various locations in New York as well as in Florida. There are images of his wife, Ruth, and his children including Geoffrey Wilson, Mary Sherwood Wilson and Sloan Wilson.","Sheet 3 contains images of Wilson's ancestors including his mother Mary, his great-grandfather, Robert Wilson, his great-aunt and uncle, Amelia Greene and George Greene, his father Albert Barnum Wilson, and others. Most of these were taken in Connecticut.","Sheet 4 contains various photographs of Wilson when he took a trip to France with his family in 1932.","Includes voting cards for editor of the \"The University of Virginia Magazine,\" report cards, registration cards, lists of classes taken, and a copy of his graduation certificate."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopies of publishedd material transferred to Rare Books include three books by Wilson, \"The Township Line\" (1919), \"Pok O' Moonshine\" (1927) and \"Higher Than the Wind Can Blow\" (1934).\u003c/p\u003e "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["Copies of publishedd material transferred to Rare Books include three books by Wilson, \"The Township Line\" (1919), \"Pok O' Moonshine\" (1927) and \"Higher Than the Wind Can Blow\" (1934)."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":19,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:00.774Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_997"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","hits":2078},"links":{"remove":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"A. 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Dick Howard papers, 1928/2017","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=A.+E.+Dick+Howard+papers%2C+1928%2F2017\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900","value":"African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=African+American+man+tintype+portrait%2C+1865%2F1900\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company annual report of the President and the Directors, 1889","value":"Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Company annual report of the President and the Directors, 1889","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Albemarle+and+Chesapeake+Canal+Company+annual+report+of+the+President+and+the+Directors%2C+1889\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934","value":"Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934","hits":3},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Albert+Frederick+Wilson+papers%2C+1840%2F1934\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1889\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albert R. 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