{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1887\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=9","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1887\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=8","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1887\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=10","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1887\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Subseries\u0026page=42"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":9,"next_page":10,"prev_page":8,"total_pages":42,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":80,"total_count":420,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viw_viw00308_c01_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Correspondences","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_viw00308_c01_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viw_viw00308_c01_c01","ref_ssm":["viw_viw00308_c01_c01"],"id":"viw_viw00308_c01_c01","ead_ssi":"viw_viw00308","_root_":"viw_viw00308","_nest_parent_":"viw_viw00308_c01","parent_ssi":"viw_viw00308_c01","parent_ssim":["viw_viw00308","viw_viw00308_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viw_viw00308","viw_viw00308_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916","J.H. Offley"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916","J.H. Offley"],"text":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916","J.H. Offley","Correspondences","Sub-Series 1"],"title_filing_ssi":"Correspondences","title_ssm":["Correspondences"],"title_tesim":["Correspondences"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1826-1942"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1826/1942"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Correspondences"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"collection_ssim":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":2,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":2,"date_range_isim":[1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942],"containers_ssim":["Sub-Series 1"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:17:48.815Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viw_viw00308","ead_ssi":"viw_viw00308","_root_":"viw_viw00308","_nest_parent_":"viw_viw00308","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/wm/viw00308.xml","title_ssm":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916"],"title_tesim":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["01/Mss. Acc. 2008.164"],"text":["01/Mss. Acc. 2008.164","Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916","Diplomatic and consular service.","Philippines--History","Spanish-American War, 1898","United States. Army--Appointments, promotions, salaries, etc.","United States. Navy--History--19th century.","United States. Navy--History--20th century.","World War, 1914-1918.","Correspondence","Diaries","Photographs","76 items","This collection is arranged into twelve series centered around creators.  Series One through Five detail the correspondences, diaries, photographs, and personal effects of J.H. Offley, R.S. Offley, C.N. Offley, and E.M. Offley.  E.M. Offley's papers comprise the bulk of the collection.  Series Six covers the diary of Deborah H.R. Priestly, a relative of the Offleys.  Series Seven examines the diary of L.P. Corr, an associate of the Offleys.  Series Eight consists of a correspondence between R.P. Hobson and an unspecified Offley.  Series Nine contains photographs of the Young Family.  Series Ten includes a photograph of Cleland Kinloch Nelson.  Series Eleven consists of two photographs ascribed to Herman Schreier.  Series Twelve consists of papers and photographs with unknown creators.","John Holmes Offley, the son of David Offley and Mary Ann Greer Offley, was born at Brooke Court-House, Virginia on 13 October 1802.  Educated in Philadelphia, he first traveled to Smyrna (Izmir), Turkey in 1815 where his father, David Offley, had established the first American commercial firm, Woodmans and Offley, in the Levant.  John Holmes Offley later entered into a commercial partnership at Trieste with his brother Richard Jones Offley (Richard \u0026 John Holmes Offley Co.).  He later served as a ship chandler, contracted to provide provisions for the American squadron then stationed in the Mediterranean. John Holmes Offley returned to the United States with his family in 1835.  He served, for a time, as the Inspector of Customs for the port of New York City.  He moved to Georgetown in Washington, D.C. in 1838.  After serving on special assignment for the U.S. War Department, he was appointed as Corresponding Clerk in the U.S. War Department, and later saw service as the Acting Chief Clerk of the U.S. War Department.  He served as vestryman for St. Johns Episcopal Church of Georgetown from 1840 until the time of his death.  It was at that church that he married Catherine Van Rensselaer Heaton (1806-1887) on 22 September 1823.  John Holmes Offley died on 20 December 1845. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003ca href=\"http://scrc.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/John Holmes Offley\"\u003ehttp://scrc.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/John Holmes Offley\u003c/a\u003e.","This collection details the history of the Offley Family from 1826 to 1916 through correspondences, diaries, photographs and personal effects.  Its creators include multiple generations of Offleys and their associates.  The papers provide insight into the daily life of the era as well as major geopolitical events such as the Greek War of Independence,  the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake,  and World War I.  Many of the Offleys served in the United States armed forces.  The collection also includes photographs of individuals unrelated to, but, of the same era as, the Offley Family.","This collection details the history of the Offley Family from 1826 to 1916 through correspondences, diaries, photographs and personal effects.  Its creators include multiple generations of Offleys and their associates.  The papers provide insight into the daily life of the era as well as major geopolitical events such as the Greek War of Independence,  the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake,  and World War I.  Many of the Offleys served in the United States armed forces.  The collection also includes photographs of individuals unrelated to, but, of the same era as, the Offley Family.","Special Collections Research Center","Offley, John Holmes, 1802-1845","Corr, L.P.","Hobson, R.P.","Offley, Cleand Nelson, 1869-1930","Offley, Edward Murray","Offley, John Marbury, 1877-1932","Offley, Robert S.","Priestly, Deborah Heaton Remsen, 1801-1887","\n\t  The papers are in:\n English"],"unitid_tesim":["01/Mss. Acc. 2008.164"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916"],"collection_title_tesim":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916"],"collection_ssim":["Offley Family Papers\t 1826-1916"],"repository_ssm":["College of William and Mary"],"repository_ssim":["College of William and Mary"],"creator_ssm":["Offley, John Holmes, 1802-1845 Corr, L.P. Hobson, R.P. Offley, Cleand Nelson, 1869-1930 Offley, Edward Murray Offley, John Marbury, 1877-1932 Offley, Robert S. Priestly, Deborah Heaton Remsen, 1801-1887 \narrangement\n\t"],"creator_ssim":["Offley, John Holmes, 1802-1845 Corr, L.P. Hobson, R.P. Offley, Cleand Nelson, 1869-1930 Offley, Edward Murray Offley, John Marbury, 1877-1932 Offley, Robert S. Priestly, Deborah Heaton Remsen, 1801-1887 \narrangement\n\t"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Offley, John Holmes, 1802-1845","Corr, L.P.","Hobson, R.P.","Offley, Cleand Nelson, 1869-1930","Offley, Edward Murray","Offley, John Marbury, 1877-1932","Offley, Robert S.","Priestly, Deborah Heaton Remsen, 1801-1887"],"creators_ssim":["Offley, John Holmes, 1802-1845","Corr, L.P.","Hobson, R.P.","Offley, Cleand Nelson, 1869-1930","Offley, Edward Murray","Offley, John Marbury, 1877-1932","Offley, Robert S.","Priestly, Deborah Heaton Remsen, 1801-1887"],"acqinfo_ssim":["The materials were acquired by Special Collections Research Center on 05/05/2008."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Diplomatic and consular service.","Philippines--History","Spanish-American War, 1898","United States. Army--Appointments, promotions, salaries, etc.","United States. Navy--History--19th century.","United States. Navy--History--20th century.","World War, 1914-1918.","Correspondence","Diaries","Photographs"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Diplomatic and consular service.","Philippines--History","Spanish-American War, 1898","United States. Army--Appointments, promotions, salaries, etc.","United States. Navy--History--19th century.","United States. Navy--History--20th century.","World War, 1914-1918.","Correspondence","Diaries","Photographs"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["76 items"],"extent_ssm":["0.60"],"extent_tesim":["0.60"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is arranged into twelve series centered around creators.  Series One through Five detail the correspondences, diaries, photographs, and personal effects of J.H. Offley, R.S. Offley, C.N. Offley, and E.M. Offley.  E.M. Offley's papers comprise the bulk of the collection.  Series Six covers the diary of Deborah H.R. Priestly, a relative of the Offleys.  Series Seven examines the diary of L.P. Corr, an associate of the Offleys.  Series Eight consists of a correspondence between R.P. Hobson and an unspecified Offley.  Series Nine contains photographs of the Young Family.  Series Ten includes a photograph of Cleland Kinloch Nelson.  Series Eleven consists of two photographs ascribed to Herman Schreier.  Series Twelve consists of papers and photographs with unknown creators.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement of Materials"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection is arranged into twelve series centered around creators.  Series One through Five detail the correspondences, diaries, photographs, and personal effects of J.H. Offley, R.S. Offley, C.N. Offley, and E.M. Offley.  E.M. Offley's papers comprise the bulk of the collection.  Series Six covers the diary of Deborah H.R. Priestly, a relative of the Offleys.  Series Seven examines the diary of L.P. Corr, an associate of the Offleys.  Series Eight consists of a correspondence between R.P. Hobson and an unspecified Offley.  Series Nine contains photographs of the Young Family.  Series Ten includes a photograph of Cleland Kinloch Nelson.  Series Eleven consists of two photographs ascribed to Herman Schreier.  Series Twelve consists of papers and photographs with unknown creators."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJohn Holmes Offley, the son of David Offley and Mary Ann Greer Offley, was born at Brooke Court-House, Virginia on 13 October 1802.  Educated in Philadelphia, he first traveled to Smyrna (Izmir), Turkey in 1815 where his father, David Offley, had established the first American commercial firm, Woodmans and Offley, in the Levant.  John Holmes Offley later entered into a commercial partnership at Trieste with his brother Richard Jones Offley (Richard \u0026amp; John Holmes Offley Co.).  He later served as a ship chandler, contracted to provide provisions for the American squadron then stationed in the Mediterranean. John Holmes Offley returned to the United States with his family in 1835.  He served, for a time, as the Inspector of Customs for the port of New York City.  He moved to Georgetown in Washington, D.C. in 1838.  After serving on special assignment for the U.S. War Department, he was appointed as Corresponding Clerk in the U.S. War Department, and later saw service as the Acting Chief Clerk of the U.S. War Department.  He served as vestryman for St. Johns Episcopal Church of Georgetown from 1840 until the time of his death.  It was at that church that he married Catherine Van Rensselaer Heaton (1806-1887) on 22 September 1823.  John Holmes Offley died on 20 December 1845. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u0026lt;a href=\"http://scrc.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/John Holmes Offley\"\u0026gt;http://scrc.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/John Holmes Offley\u0026lt;/a\u0026gt;.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["John Holmes Offley, the son of David Offley and Mary Ann Greer Offley, was born at Brooke Court-House, Virginia on 13 October 1802.  Educated in Philadelphia, he first traveled to Smyrna (Izmir), Turkey in 1815 where his father, David Offley, had established the first American commercial firm, Woodmans and Offley, in the Levant.  John Holmes Offley later entered into a commercial partnership at Trieste with his brother Richard Jones Offley (Richard \u0026 John Holmes Offley Co.).  He later served as a ship chandler, contracted to provide provisions for the American squadron then stationed in the Mediterranean. John Holmes Offley returned to the United States with his family in 1835.  He served, for a time, as the Inspector of Customs for the port of New York City.  He moved to Georgetown in Washington, D.C. in 1838.  After serving on special assignment for the U.S. War Department, he was appointed as Corresponding Clerk in the U.S. War Department, and later saw service as the Acting Chief Clerk of the U.S. War Department.  He served as vestryman for St. Johns Episcopal Church of Georgetown from 1840 until the time of his death.  It was at that church that he married Catherine Van Rensselaer Heaton (1806-1887) on 22 September 1823.  John Holmes Offley died on 20 December 1845. Further information about this individual or organization may be available in the Special Collections Research Center Wiki: \u003ca href=\"http://scrc.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/John Holmes Offley\"\u003ehttp://scrc.swem.wm.edu/wiki/index.php/John Holmes Offley\u003c/a\u003e."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection details the history of the Offley Family from 1826 to 1916 through correspondences, diaries, photographs and personal effects.  Its creators include multiple generations of Offleys and their associates.  The papers provide insight into the daily life of the era as well as major geopolitical events such as the Greek War of Independence,  the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake,  and World War I.  Many of the Offleys served in the United States armed forces.  The collection also includes photographs of individuals unrelated to, but, of the same era as, the Offley Family.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection details the history of the Offley Family from 1826 to 1916 through correspondences, diaries, photographs and personal effects.  Its creators include multiple generations of Offleys and their associates.  The papers provide insight into the daily life of the era as well as major geopolitical events such as the Greek War of Independence,  the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake,  and World War I.  Many of the Offleys served in the United States armed forces.  The collection also includes photographs of individuals unrelated to, but, of the same era as, the Offley Family."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract encodinganalog=\"520$a\" label=\"Abstract:\"\u003eThis collection details the history of the Offley Family from 1826 to 1916 through correspondences, diaries, photographs and personal effects.  Its creators include multiple generations of Offleys and their associates.  The papers provide insight into the daily life of the era as well as major geopolitical events such as the Greek War of Independence,  the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake,  and World War I.  Many of the Offleys served in the United States armed forces.  The collection also includes photographs of individuals unrelated to, but, of the same era as, the Offley Family.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["This collection details the history of the Offley Family from 1826 to 1916 through correspondences, diaries, photographs and personal effects.  Its creators include multiple generations of Offleys and their associates.  The papers provide insight into the daily life of the era as well as major geopolitical events such as the Greek War of Independence,  the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake,  and World War I.  Many of the Offleys served in the United States armed forces.  The collection also includes photographs of individuals unrelated to, but, of the same era as, the Offley Family."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center","Offley, John Holmes, 1802-1845","Corr, L.P.","Hobson, R.P.","Offley, Cleand Nelson, 1869-1930","Offley, Edward Murray","Offley, John Marbury, 1877-1932","Offley, Robert S.","Priestly, Deborah Heaton Remsen, 1801-1887"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections Research Center"],"persname_ssim":["Offley, John Holmes, 1802-1845","Corr, L.P.","Hobson, R.P.","Offley, Cleand Nelson, 1869-1930","Offley, Edward Murray","Offley, John Marbury, 1877-1932","Offley, Robert S.","Priestly, Deborah Heaton Remsen, 1801-1887"],"language_ssim":["\n\t  The papers are in:\n English"],"total_component_count_is":84,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:17:48.815Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viw_viw00308_c01_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"C. Petty Cash","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c03"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c06","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c06"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c06"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Cashbooks","C. Petty Cash","11 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"C. Petty Cash","title_ssm":["C. Petty Cash"],"title_tesim":["C. Petty Cash"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1879-1925"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1879/1925"],"normalized_title_ssm":["C. Petty Cash"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["11 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":23,"date_range_isim":[1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#5/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c06_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"C. Produced/shipped; includes a ledger\n                     for Furnace C, and one for Covington; sequence\n                     labeled \"Iron Ledger\" and numbered 1-3,\n                     1881-1907","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c03"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c12","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c12"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c12"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Iron, Ore \u0026 Pig"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Iron, Ore \u0026 Pig"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Iron, Ore \u0026 Pig","C. Produced/shipped; includes a ledger\n                     for Furnace C, and one for Covington; sequence\n                     labeled \"Iron Ledger\" and numbered 1-3,\n                     1881-1907","8 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"C. Produced/shipped; includes a ledger\n                     for Furnace C, and one for Covington; sequence\n                     labeled \"Iron Ledger\" and numbered 1-3,\n                     1881-1907","title_ssm":["C. Produced/shipped; includes a ledger\n                     for Furnace C, and one for Covington; sequence\n                     labeled \"Iron Ledger\" and numbered 1-3,\n                     1881-1907"],"title_tesim":["C. Produced/shipped; includes a ledger\n                     for Furnace C, and one for Covington; sequence\n                     labeled \"Iron Ledger\" and numbered 1-3,\n                     1881-1907"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1880-1916"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1880/1916"],"normalized_title_ssm":["C. Produced/shipped; includes a ledger\n                     for Furnace C, and one for Covington; sequence\n                     labeled \"Iron Ledger\" and numbered 1-3,\n                     1881-1907"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["8 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":53,"date_range_isim":[1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#11/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c12_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c21_c04","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"D. Dolly Ann Mines","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c21_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c21_c04","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c21_c04"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c21_c04","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c21","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c21","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c21"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c21"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Payroll Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Payroll Books"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Payroll Books","D. Dolly Ann Mines","5 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"D. Dolly Ann Mines","title_ssm":["D. Dolly Ann Mines"],"title_tesim":["D. Dolly Ann Mines"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1885-1921"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1885/1921"],"normalized_title_ssm":["D. Dolly Ann Mines"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["5 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":113,"date_range_isim":[1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#20/components#3","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c21_c04"}},{"id":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02_c06","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Deed, property transfer, John W. White to Samuel W. Paulett (property at Grace and Grove Streets)","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02_c06#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02_c06","ref_ssm":["vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02_c06"],"id":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02_c06","ead_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","_root_":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","_nest_parent_":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02","parent_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02","parent_ssim":["vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Paulett Family Business Records","S.W. Paulett records"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Paulett Family Business Records","S.W. Paulett records"],"text":["Paulett Family Business Records","S.W. Paulett records","Deed, property transfer, John W. White to Samuel W. Paulett (property at Grace and Grove Streets)","box 01 of 01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Deed, property transfer, John W. White to Samuel W. Paulett (property at Grace and Grove Streets)","title_ssm":["Deed, property transfer, John W. White to Samuel W. Paulett (property at Grace and Grove Streets)"],"title_tesim":["Deed, property transfer, John W. White to Samuel W. Paulett (property at Grace and Grove Streets)"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1887"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1887"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Deed, property transfer, John W. White to Samuel W. Paulett (property at Grace and Grove Streets)"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Longwood University"],"collection_ssim":["Paulett Family Business Records"],"extent_ssm":["1 Folder"],"extent_tesim":["1 Folder"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":24,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes."],"date_range_isim":[1887],"containers_ssim":["box 01 of 01"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#5","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:38:43.222Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","ead_ssi":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","_root_":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","_nest_parent_":"vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/LONG/repositories_3_resources_179.xml","title_ssm":["Paulett Family Business Records"],"title_tesim":["Paulett Family Business Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1877-1929"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1877-1929"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["HS.023"],"text":["HS.023","Paulett Family Business Records","Farmville (Va.) -- Commerce.","Prince Edward County (Va.) -- History.","Deeds -- Virginia -- Prince Edward County.","Sharecropping -- United States -- Virginia.","There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes.","The Paulett Family has a long history associated with business in Farmville, Virginia. Richard Singleton Paulett, born in Charlotte County in 1820, came to Farmville in 1842. He was a commission merchant, establishing a partnership with John Thackston and W.P. Elam, which later operated as R.S. Paulett and Company, Paulett and Carroll, Hilliard, Hill and Company, Warren, Paulett, and Company, and then as Paulett, Son, and Company (which he operated with his son, Richard H. Paulett, who later formed a hardware firm with Charles F. Bugg). Richard S. Paulett was also involved in the tobacco business. His tobacco company, R.S. Paulett \u0026 Son (which he operated with his son Samuel Whitfield Paulett) was one of the largest exporters of tobacco in the state, shipping primarily to England and Norway. After the death of H.E. Warren, the first President of Planters Bank, R.S. Paulett was named his successor, and remained in that position until his death in 1902. Samuel W. Paulett, who later opened Paulett Crockery Company, was a veteran of the Confederate Army, having enlisted when he was 15 years old. S.W. Paulett was also a member of the Farmville District School Board from 1886 to 1920, and was Farmville's mayor from 1916 to 1920.","This collection was donated to the Farmville-Prince Edward County Historical Society by Thelma Mottley in the early 2000s.","This collection is part of the Farmville-Prince Edward Historical Society Archives which are housed at the Greenwood Library Archives and Special Collections","This collection, which dates from 1877 to 1929, represents the business records of Richard Singleton Paulett, Paulett, Son\u0026 Company, S.W. Paulett, R.H. Paulett, H.A. Paulett, H.C. Paulett, E.L. Paulett, and Paulett and Bugg. These records include property deeds, deeds of trust, stock certificates, contracts, and correspondence.","Farmville-Prince Edward Historical Society Archives","Paulett and Bugg","Paulett, Son and Co","R.S. Paulett and Co","R.S. Paulett and Son","Paulett Family.","Paulett, Henry C.","Paulett, Richard Henry.","Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)","Paulett, Richard H.","Bugg, Charles F.","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["HS.023"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Paulett Family Business Records"],"collection_title_tesim":["Paulett Family Business Records"],"collection_ssim":["Paulett Family Business Records"],"repository_ssm":["Longwood University"],"repository_ssim":["Longwood University"],"geogname_ssm":["Farmville (Va.) -- Commerce.","Prince Edward County (Va.) -- History."],"geogname_ssim":["Farmville (Va.) -- Commerce.","Prince Edward County (Va.) -- History."],"creator_ssm":["Paulett, Henry C.","Paulett, Richard Henry.","Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)","Paulett Family.","Paulett and Bugg","Paulett, Son and Co","R.S. Paulett and Co","R.S. Paulett and Son"],"creator_ssim":["Paulett, Henry C.","Paulett, Richard Henry.","Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)","Paulett Family.","Paulett and Bugg","Paulett, Son and Co","R.S. Paulett and Co","R.S. Paulett and Son"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Paulett, Henry C.","Paulett, Richard Henry.","Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Paulett and Bugg","Paulett, Son and Co","R.S. Paulett and Co","R.S. Paulett and Son"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Paulett Family."],"creators_ssim":["Paulett, Henry C.","Paulett, Richard Henry.","Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)","Paulett and Bugg","Paulett, Son and Co","R.S. Paulett and Co","R.S. Paulett and Son","Paulett Family."],"places_ssim":["Farmville (Va.) -- Commerce.","Prince Edward County (Va.) -- History."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Deeds -- Virginia -- Prince Edward County.","Sharecropping -- United States -- Virginia."],"access_subjects_ssm":["Deeds -- Virginia -- Prince Edward County.","Sharecropping -- United States -- Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":[".65 Linear Feet 1 legal-sized archival box"],"extent_tesim":[".65 Linear Feet 1 legal-sized archival box"],"date_range_isim":[1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":[" Restrictions on Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions to access or use for research purposes."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Paulett Family has a long history associated with business in Farmville, Virginia. Richard Singleton Paulett, born in Charlotte County in 1820, came to Farmville in 1842. He was a commission merchant, establishing a partnership with John Thackston and W.P. Elam, which later operated as R.S. Paulett and Company, Paulett and Carroll, Hilliard, Hill and Company, Warren, Paulett, and Company, and then as Paulett, Son, and Company (which he operated with his son, Richard H. Paulett, who later formed a hardware firm with Charles F. Bugg). Richard S. Paulett was also involved in the tobacco business. His tobacco company, R.S. Paulett \u0026amp; Son (which he operated with his son Samuel Whitfield Paulett) was one of the largest exporters of tobacco in the state, shipping primarily to England and Norway. After the death of H.E. Warren, the first President of Planters Bank, R.S. Paulett was named his successor, and remained in that position until his death in 1902. Samuel W. Paulett, who later opened Paulett Crockery Company, was a veteran of the Confederate Army, having enlisted when he was 15 years old. S.W. Paulett was also a member of the Farmville District School Board from 1886 to 1920, and was Farmville's mayor from 1916 to 1920.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical sketch"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Paulett Family has a long history associated with business in Farmville, Virginia. Richard Singleton Paulett, born in Charlotte County in 1820, came to Farmville in 1842. He was a commission merchant, establishing a partnership with John Thackston and W.P. Elam, which later operated as R.S. Paulett and Company, Paulett and Carroll, Hilliard, Hill and Company, Warren, Paulett, and Company, and then as Paulett, Son, and Company (which he operated with his son, Richard H. Paulett, who later formed a hardware firm with Charles F. Bugg). Richard S. Paulett was also involved in the tobacco business. His tobacco company, R.S. Paulett \u0026 Son (which he operated with his son Samuel Whitfield Paulett) was one of the largest exporters of tobacco in the state, shipping primarily to England and Norway. After the death of H.E. Warren, the first President of Planters Bank, R.S. Paulett was named his successor, and remained in that position until his death in 1902. Samuel W. Paulett, who later opened Paulett Crockery Company, was a veteran of the Confederate Army, having enlisted when he was 15 years old. S.W. Paulett was also a member of the Farmville District School Board from 1886 to 1920, and was Farmville's mayor from 1916 to 1920."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection was donated to the Farmville-Prince Edward County Historical Society by Thelma Mottley in the early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e"],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Ownership and Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["This collection was donated to the Farmville-Prince Edward County Historical Society by Thelma Mottley in the early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is part of the Farmville-Prince Edward Historical Society Archives which are housed at the Greenwood Library Archives and Special Collections\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General Note"],"odd_tesim":["This collection is part of the Farmville-Prince Edward Historical Society Archives which are housed at the Greenwood Library Archives and Special Collections"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection, which dates from 1877 to 1929, represents the business records of Richard Singleton Paulett, Paulett, Son\u0026amp; Company, S.W. Paulett, R.H. Paulett, H.A. Paulett, H.C. Paulett, E.L. Paulett, and Paulett and Bugg. These records include property deeds, deeds of trust, stock certificates, contracts, and correspondence.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection, which dates from 1877 to 1929, represents the business records of Richard Singleton Paulett, Paulett, Son\u0026 Company, S.W. Paulett, R.H. Paulett, H.A. Paulett, H.C. Paulett, E.L. Paulett, and Paulett and Bugg. These records include property deeds, deeds of trust, stock certificates, contracts, and correspondence."],"names_ssim":["Farmville-Prince Edward Historical Society Archives","Paulett and Bugg","Paulett, Son and Co","R.S. Paulett and Co","R.S. Paulett and Son","Paulett Family.","Paulett, Henry C.","Paulett, Richard Henry.","Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)","Paulett, Richard H.","Bugg, Charles F."],"corpname_ssim":["Farmville-Prince Edward Historical Society Archives","Paulett and Bugg","Paulett, Son and Co","R.S. Paulett and Co","R.S. Paulett and Son"],"famname_ssim":["Paulett Family."],"names_coll_ssim":["Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, Richard H.","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)","Paulett, Henry C.","Bugg, Charles F."],"persname_ssim":["Paulett, Henry C.","Paulett, Richard Henry.","Paulett, R.S. (Richard Singleton)","Paulett, S.W. (Samuel W.)","Paulett, Richard H.","Bugg, Charles F."],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":106,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:38:43.222Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vifarl_repositories_3_resources_179_c02_c06"}},{"id":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02_c03","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Deeds","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02_c03","ref_ssm":["vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02_c03"],"id":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02_c03","ead_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_root_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_nest_parent_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02","parent_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02","parent_ssim":["vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02","vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Louis A. Cazenove","Business"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Louis A. Cazenove","Business"],"text":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Louis A. Cazenove","Business","Deeds","English"],"title_filing_ssi":"Deeds","title_ssm":["Deeds"],"title_tesim":["Deeds"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1839-1897"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1839/1897"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Deeds"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["Alexandria Library"],"collection_ssim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":2,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":189,"date_range_isim":[1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897],"language_ssim":["English"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#1/components#2","timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:09:56.186Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","ead_ssi":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_root_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","_nest_parent_":"vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ALEX/repositories_2_resources_27.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://alexlibraryva.libraryhost.com/repositories/2/resources/27","title_ssm":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"title_tesim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"unitdate_ssm":["1786-1970"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1786-1970"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS212","/repositories/2/resources/27"],"text":["MS212","/repositories/2/resources/27","Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)","Business -- Alexandria (Va.)","Business records","Families -- Alexandria (Va.)","Farquhar family.","Inventions","Passports","Correspondence","The collection is divided into two sub-fonds, the first consisting of records from James O'Hara Cazenove and his son and the second apparently collected by his father covering himself and the older part of the family.","\nThe correspondence and business records in both are divided into different subseries, reflecting an effort to keep business affairs separate from family correspondence. Much of the correspondence in the O'Hara part of the collection is arranged by correspondent or alphabetically and then chronologically. In the second sub-fonds most of the correspondence is chronological apart from the Stanard and Craig family correspondence having been separated from other family correspondence at some point in time.","\nCertain records deemed fragile or valuable were separated from the older material at some point and have been listed at the end of series but not necessarily in chronological order as that would have placed the items within separately listed folders.","\nSubfonds 1: James O'Hara Cazenove, 1873-1970","\nSeries 1: Correspondence, 1902-1970","    Subseries:\n    ","Family Correspondence\n    ","Personal Correspondence\n    ","Business Correspondence\n    ","Legal Correspondence\n    \nSeries 2: Financial Documents","Series 3: Legal Documents","Series 4: Inventions","Series 5: Personal Records","Series 6: Printed Material","Series 7: Miscellaneous","Series 8: Louis A. DeCazenove","\nSubfonds 2: Louis A. Cazenove, 1786-1946","\nSeries 1: Correspondence","Series 2: Business","  Subseries:\n    ","Business Records\n    ","Records Books","\nDeeds","\nEstates and Guardianships","Series 3: Legal Documents, 1786-1926","Series 4: Printed","Series 5: News Clippings","Series 6: Miscellaneous","Series 7: Photos","Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852) was born in Geneva, Switzerland. Imprisoned during the revolution, he immigrated to the United States in 1794 and went into business with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He married Ann Hogan of Philadelphia (1776-1843), and moved to Alexandria, Virginia where he established Cazenove and Co. The couple had 10 children.","\nPaul Charles Cazenove (1799-1801) died in childhood. Charles John Cazenove (1801-1834) married Sarah Greenleaf of Boston to whom a letter from A. C. Cazenove survives.  Paulina Cazenove (1806-1891) married John Fowle. Charlotte Cazenove (1812-1836) married North Carolina Congressman William B. Shepard. Octavius Anthony Cazenove (1813-1841). Harriet Cazenove (1817-1861) who married Gazaway Lamar of Georgia (1798-1874). ","\nAnn Maria Cazenove (1803-1859) married General Archibald Henderson. Their daughter Charlotte married into the DuPont family.","\nEliza Frances Cazenove (1798-1857) married William C. Gardner (1791-1844) their children included Constance T. Gardner  (1820-1849) who married Maryland Congressman Henry Winter Davis (1817-1865) and Anne Eliza Gardner (1819-1885), who married Cassius F. Lee (1808-1890). ","\nWilliam Gardner Cazenove (1819-1877) married Mary Elizabeth Stanard (1822-1892) and had a son named Anthony Charles Cazenove (1849-1897). William took over management of Cazenove and Co. in partnership with Lee and was later the guardian for one of the Gardner children.","\nLouis Albert Cazenove (1807-1852) married Frances Ansley (1820-1847) in 1837 and had Frances E. Cazenove (1838-1884) and Charlotte Louise Cazenove (1840-1914). He later remarried to Harriett Stuart Turberville (1823-1896) of the Lee family and had a son named Louis A. Cazenove (1851-1925). Cassius F. Lee became the guardian of these children after 1852.","\nLouis A. Cazenove (b 1851) married Mary O'Hara and had two sons. Louis A. DeCazenove (1878-1852) who changed his last name to an older Swiss version worked as a chemical Engineer at Dupont and married Edith Patton Cazenove. James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971) was an inventor, engineer, and investor, and was considered the last of the family.","MS293 contains a ledger from Cazenove and Co. dated 1857-1861 when it was managed by William Gardner Lee, the son of A. C. Cazenove, and Cassius F. Lee. Duke University holds records of Cazenove and Co for 1860-1868 including a list of debtors.","\nMS240 contains a number of Cazenove related documents including:","\nTwo letters of A.C. Cazenove, one undated detailing the surrender of Alexandria in August 1814 and the other to Sarah E. Greenleaf in 1826. (MS240, box 10).","\nAn 1874 certificate of Louis A. Cazenove (b. 1851) from the University of Virginia (MS240, oversize 2)","\n3 stock certificates of A.C. Cazenove for the Middle Turnpike Company (1831), Alexandria Steam Ferry Company (1839), and Alexandria Marine Railway Company (1849-1851) (MS240, box 6)","\nThere are also receipts for Mrs. Harriot E. Cazenove (1823-1896), the widow of Louis A. Cazenove (d. 1852), from Wise and Co Insurance Agents (1889) (MS240, box 5) and Smoot and Co (1894-1896) (MS240 box 4).","\nThe Winterthur Museum of Winterthur Delaware also holds the \"Cazenove-Lee Family Papers\" (Col. 83) which contains extensive records of A. C. Cazenove and the early history of the family. This primarily covers the 18th century including in Switzerland.","\nThe Library of Congress also holds a number of manuscript letters from A.C. Cazenove to President James Madison.","This collection covers the history of the Cazenove Family of Alexandria from the 1790s to the 1970s.\nThe first part of the collection features records from James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971), consisting primarily of correspondence and records relating to his business interests and investments, as well as legal documents and business related litigation. Some of the correspondence and notebooks relate to his role as an inventor including a patent for an improved eggbeater from the 1920s. It also includes records from his brother, Louis A. deCazenove (1851-1925), primarily related to his education at Cornell University.","\nThe Second part of the collection concerns the earlier generations of the family focusing on James O'Hara's father and grandfather, both named Louis A. Cazenove (1807-1852 and 1851-1925), and his great grandfather Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852). Researchers should be cautious about the reuse of family names, as there are two Anthony Charles' and three Louis A.s.","\nThe second part consists primarily of correspondence and early business records from Alexandria, including early ledgers and receipts as well as legal documents such as deeds. There are also early passports relating to international travel and documents about the consular positions held by A.C. Cazenove in the early 19th century. There is also a family history in French from 1872.","\nBoth parts of the collection include the records of estates, trusts, and guardianships, as wealth passed from one generation to the next.","Local History and Special Collections Branch, Alexandria Library","Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MS212","/repositories/2/resources/27"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"collection_title_tesim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"collection_ssim":["Cazenove Family Papers (MS212)"],"repository_ssm":["Alexandria Library"],"repository_ssim":["Alexandria Library"],"creator_ssm":["Cazenove Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"creator_ssim":["Cazenove Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"creators_ssim":["Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885","Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Business -- Alexandria (Va.)","Business records","Families -- Alexandria (Va.)","Farquhar family.","Inventions","Passports","Correspondence"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Business -- Alexandria (Va.)","Business records","Families -- Alexandria (Va.)","Farquhar family.","Inventions","Passports","Correspondence"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["8.06  Linear Feet 15 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["8.06  Linear Feet 15 boxes"],"genreform_ssim":["Inventions","Passports","Correspondence"],"date_range_isim":[1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is divided into two sub-fonds, the first consisting of records from James O'Hara Cazenove and his son and the second apparently collected by his father covering himself and the older part of the family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe correspondence and business records in both are divided into different subseries, reflecting an effort to keep business affairs separate from family correspondence. Much of the correspondence in the O'Hara part of the collection is arranged by correspondent or alphabetically and then chronologically. In the second sub-fonds most of the correspondence is chronological apart from the Stanard and Craig family correspondence having been separated from other family correspondence at some point in time.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nCertain records deemed fragile or valuable were separated from the older material at some point and have been listed at the end of series but not necessarily in chronological order as that would have placed the items within separately listed folders.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSubfonds 1: James O'Hara Cazenove, 1873-1970\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSeries 1: Correspondence, 1902-1970\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e    Subseries:\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eFamily Correspondence\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePersonal Correspondence\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Correspondence\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eLegal Correspondence\n    \nSeries 2: Financial Documents\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 3: Legal Documents\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 4: Inventions\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 5: Personal Records\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 6: Printed Material\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 7: Miscellaneous\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 8: Louis A. DeCazenove\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSubfonds 2: Louis A. Cazenove, 1786-1946\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSeries 1: Correspondence\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 2: Business\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e  Subseries:\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Records\n    \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eRecords Books\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nDeeds\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nEstates and Guardianships\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 3: Legal Documents, 1786-1926\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 4: Printed\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 5: News Clippings\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 6: Miscellaneous\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 7: Photos\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is divided into two sub-fonds, the first consisting of records from James O'Hara Cazenove and his son and the second apparently collected by his father covering himself and the older part of the family.","\nThe correspondence and business records in both are divided into different subseries, reflecting an effort to keep business affairs separate from family correspondence. Much of the correspondence in the O'Hara part of the collection is arranged by correspondent or alphabetically and then chronologically. In the second sub-fonds most of the correspondence is chronological apart from the Stanard and Craig family correspondence having been separated from other family correspondence at some point in time.","\nCertain records deemed fragile or valuable were separated from the older material at some point and have been listed at the end of series but not necessarily in chronological order as that would have placed the items within separately listed folders.","\nSubfonds 1: James O'Hara Cazenove, 1873-1970","\nSeries 1: Correspondence, 1902-1970","    Subseries:\n    ","Family Correspondence\n    ","Personal Correspondence\n    ","Business Correspondence\n    ","Legal Correspondence\n    \nSeries 2: Financial Documents","Series 3: Legal Documents","Series 4: Inventions","Series 5: Personal Records","Series 6: Printed Material","Series 7: Miscellaneous","Series 8: Louis A. DeCazenove","\nSubfonds 2: Louis A. Cazenove, 1786-1946","\nSeries 1: Correspondence","Series 2: Business","  Subseries:\n    ","Business Records\n    ","Records Books","\nDeeds","\nEstates and Guardianships","Series 3: Legal Documents, 1786-1926","Series 4: Printed","Series 5: News Clippings","Series 6: Miscellaneous","Series 7: Photos"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAnthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852) was born in Geneva, Switzerland. Imprisoned during the revolution, he immigrated to the United States in 1794 and went into business with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He married Ann Hogan of Philadelphia (1776-1843), and moved to Alexandria, Virginia where he established Cazenove and Co. The couple had 10 children.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nPaul Charles Cazenove (1799-1801) died in childhood. Charles John Cazenove (1801-1834) married Sarah Greenleaf of Boston to whom a letter from A. C. Cazenove survives.  Paulina Cazenove (1806-1891) married John Fowle. Charlotte Cazenove (1812-1836) married North Carolina Congressman William B. Shepard. Octavius Anthony Cazenove (1813-1841). Harriet Cazenove (1817-1861) who married Gazaway Lamar of Georgia (1798-1874). \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAnn Maria Cazenove (1803-1859) married General Archibald Henderson. Their daughter Charlotte married into the DuPont family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nEliza Frances Cazenove (1798-1857) married William C. Gardner (1791-1844) their children included Constance T. Gardner  (1820-1849) who married Maryland Congressman Henry Winter Davis (1817-1865) and Anne Eliza Gardner (1819-1885), who married Cassius F. Lee (1808-1890). \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nWilliam Gardner Cazenove (1819-1877) married Mary Elizabeth Stanard (1822-1892) and had a son named Anthony Charles Cazenove (1849-1897). William took over management of Cazenove and Co. in partnership with Lee and was later the guardian for one of the Gardner children.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nLouis Albert Cazenove (1807-1852) married Frances Ansley (1820-1847) in 1837 and had Frances E. Cazenove (1838-1884) and Charlotte Louise Cazenove (1840-1914). He later remarried to Harriett Stuart Turberville (1823-1896) of the Lee family and had a son named Louis A. Cazenove (1851-1925). Cassius F. Lee became the guardian of these children after 1852.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nLouis A. Cazenove (b 1851) married Mary O'Hara and had two sons. Louis A. DeCazenove (1878-1852) who changed his last name to an older Swiss version worked as a chemical Engineer at Dupont and married Edith Patton Cazenove. James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971) was an inventor, engineer, and investor, and was considered the last of the family.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852) was born in Geneva, Switzerland. Imprisoned during the revolution, he immigrated to the United States in 1794 and went into business with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He married Ann Hogan of Philadelphia (1776-1843), and moved to Alexandria, Virginia where he established Cazenove and Co. The couple had 10 children.","\nPaul Charles Cazenove (1799-1801) died in childhood. Charles John Cazenove (1801-1834) married Sarah Greenleaf of Boston to whom a letter from A. C. Cazenove survives.  Paulina Cazenove (1806-1891) married John Fowle. Charlotte Cazenove (1812-1836) married North Carolina Congressman William B. Shepard. Octavius Anthony Cazenove (1813-1841). Harriet Cazenove (1817-1861) who married Gazaway Lamar of Georgia (1798-1874). ","\nAnn Maria Cazenove (1803-1859) married General Archibald Henderson. Their daughter Charlotte married into the DuPont family.","\nEliza Frances Cazenove (1798-1857) married William C. Gardner (1791-1844) their children included Constance T. Gardner  (1820-1849) who married Maryland Congressman Henry Winter Davis (1817-1865) and Anne Eliza Gardner (1819-1885), who married Cassius F. Lee (1808-1890). ","\nWilliam Gardner Cazenove (1819-1877) married Mary Elizabeth Stanard (1822-1892) and had a son named Anthony Charles Cazenove (1849-1897). William took over management of Cazenove and Co. in partnership with Lee and was later the guardian for one of the Gardner children.","\nLouis Albert Cazenove (1807-1852) married Frances Ansley (1820-1847) in 1837 and had Frances E. Cazenove (1838-1884) and Charlotte Louise Cazenove (1840-1914). He later remarried to Harriett Stuart Turberville (1823-1896) of the Lee family and had a son named Louis A. Cazenove (1851-1925). Cassius F. Lee became the guardian of these children after 1852.","\nLouis A. Cazenove (b 1851) married Mary O'Hara and had two sons. Louis A. DeCazenove (1878-1852) who changed his last name to an older Swiss version worked as a chemical Engineer at Dupont and married Edith Patton Cazenove. James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971) was an inventor, engineer, and investor, and was considered the last of the family."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Item idenfitication], Cazenove Family Papers, MS212, Alexandria Library, Local History/Special Collections, Alexandria, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Item idenfitication], Cazenove Family Papers, MS212, Alexandria Library, Local History/Special Collections, Alexandria, Va."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMS293 contains a ledger from Cazenove and Co. dated 1857-1861 when it was managed by William Gardner Lee, the son of A. C. Cazenove, and Cassius F. Lee. Duke University holds records of Cazenove and Co for 1860-1868 including a list of debtors.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nMS240 contains a number of Cazenove related documents including:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nTwo letters of A.C. Cazenove, one undated detailing the surrender of Alexandria in August 1814 and the other to Sarah E. Greenleaf in 1826. (MS240, box 10).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn 1874 certificate of Louis A. Cazenove (b. 1851) from the University of Virginia (MS240, oversize 2)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\n3 stock certificates of A.C. Cazenove for the Middle Turnpike Company (1831), Alexandria Steam Ferry Company (1839), and Alexandria Marine Railway Company (1849-1851) (MS240, box 6)\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThere are also receipts for Mrs. Harriot E. Cazenove (1823-1896), the widow of Louis A. Cazenove (d. 1852), from Wise and Co Insurance Agents (1889) (MS240, box 5) and Smoot and Co (1894-1896) (MS240 box 4).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe Winterthur Museum of Winterthur Delaware also holds the \"Cazenove-Lee Family Papers\" (Col. 83) which contains extensive records of A. C. Cazenove and the early history of the family. This primarily covers the 18th century including in Switzerland.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe Library of Congress also holds a number of manuscript letters from A.C. Cazenove to President James Madison.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["MS293 contains a ledger from Cazenove and Co. dated 1857-1861 when it was managed by William Gardner Lee, the son of A. C. Cazenove, and Cassius F. Lee. Duke University holds records of Cazenove and Co for 1860-1868 including a list of debtors.","\nMS240 contains a number of Cazenove related documents including:","\nTwo letters of A.C. Cazenove, one undated detailing the surrender of Alexandria in August 1814 and the other to Sarah E. Greenleaf in 1826. (MS240, box 10).","\nAn 1874 certificate of Louis A. Cazenove (b. 1851) from the University of Virginia (MS240, oversize 2)","\n3 stock certificates of A.C. Cazenove for the Middle Turnpike Company (1831), Alexandria Steam Ferry Company (1839), and Alexandria Marine Railway Company (1849-1851) (MS240, box 6)","\nThere are also receipts for Mrs. Harriot E. Cazenove (1823-1896), the widow of Louis A. Cazenove (d. 1852), from Wise and Co Insurance Agents (1889) (MS240, box 5) and Smoot and Co (1894-1896) (MS240 box 4).","\nThe Winterthur Museum of Winterthur Delaware also holds the \"Cazenove-Lee Family Papers\" (Col. 83) which contains extensive records of A. C. Cazenove and the early history of the family. This primarily covers the 18th century including in Switzerland.","\nThe Library of Congress also holds a number of manuscript letters from A.C. Cazenove to President James Madison."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection covers the history of the Cazenove Family of Alexandria from the 1790s to the 1970s.\nThe first part of the collection features records from James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971), consisting primarily of correspondence and records relating to his business interests and investments, as well as legal documents and business related litigation. Some of the correspondence and notebooks relate to his role as an inventor including a patent for an improved eggbeater from the 1920s. It also includes records from his brother, Louis A. deCazenove (1851-1925), primarily related to his education at Cornell University.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe Second part of the collection concerns the earlier generations of the family focusing on James O'Hara's father and grandfather, both named Louis A. Cazenove (1807-1852 and 1851-1925), and his great grandfather Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852). Researchers should be cautious about the reuse of family names, as there are two Anthony Charles' and three Louis A.s.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nThe second part consists primarily of correspondence and early business records from Alexandria, including early ledgers and receipts as well as legal documents such as deeds. There are also early passports relating to international travel and documents about the consular positions held by A.C. Cazenove in the early 19th century. There is also a family history in French from 1872.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nBoth parts of the collection include the records of estates, trusts, and guardianships, as wealth passed from one generation to the next.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection covers the history of the Cazenove Family of Alexandria from the 1790s to the 1970s.\nThe first part of the collection features records from James O'Hara Cazenove (1880-1971), consisting primarily of correspondence and records relating to his business interests and investments, as well as legal documents and business related litigation. Some of the correspondence and notebooks relate to his role as an inventor including a patent for an improved eggbeater from the 1920s. It also includes records from his brother, Louis A. deCazenove (1851-1925), primarily related to his education at Cornell University.","\nThe Second part of the collection concerns the earlier generations of the family focusing on James O'Hara's father and grandfather, both named Louis A. Cazenove (1807-1852 and 1851-1925), and his great grandfather Anthony Charles Cazenove (1775-1852). Researchers should be cautious about the reuse of family names, as there are two Anthony Charles' and three Louis A.s.","\nThe second part consists primarily of correspondence and early business records from Alexandria, including early ledgers and receipts as well as legal documents such as deeds. There are also early passports relating to international travel and documents about the consular positions held by A.C. Cazenove in the early 19th century. There is also a family history in French from 1872.","\nBoth parts of the collection include the records of estates, trusts, and guardianships, as wealth passed from one generation to the next."],"names_ssim":["Local History and Special Collections Branch, Alexandria Library","Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family","Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885"],"corpname_ssim":["Local History and Special Collections Branch, Alexandria Library"],"famname_ssim":["Cazenove Family","Lee Family","Farquhar Family"],"persname_ssim":["Cazenove, Anthony Charles, 1775-1852","Cazenove, Louis A. (Louis Albert), 1807-1852","Cazenove, Louis A., 1851-1925","Cazenove, James O'Hara, 1880-1971","deCazenove, Louis A., 1878-1952","Cazenove, Anne H., 1776-1843","Cazenove, William Gardner, 1819-1877","Cazenove, Mary Elizabeth Stanard, 1822-1892","Cazenove, Antony, 1849-1897","Lee, Cassius F., 1808-1890","Cazenove, Eliza Frances, 1798-1857","Gardner, Anne Eliza, 1819-1885"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":249,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:09:56.186Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vaallhs_repositories_2_resources_27_c02_c02_c03"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17_c680","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Dept. L: Legislative Correspondence, Environment and Public Works-Veterans","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17_c680#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eFinance, 1994 [accordion folder]; Labor, 1994 [accordion folder]; Foreign Relations, 1994 [accordion folder]; Veterans, 1994 [accordion folder]; Energy and Public Works, January-October (6 accordion folders); Judiciary, 1994 [accordion folder]; Rules, 1994 [accordion folder]\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17_c680#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17_c680","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17_c680"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17_c680","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_262","viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_262","viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["John W. Warner papers","John Warner papers (-by accession)"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["John W. Warner papers","John Warner papers (-by accession)"],"text":["John W. Warner papers","John Warner papers (-by accession)","Dept. L: Legislative Correspondence, Environment and Public Works-Veterans","box 678","Finance, 1994 [accordion folder]; Labor, 1994 [accordion folder]; Foreign Relations, 1994 [accordion folder]; Veterans, 1994 [accordion folder]; Energy and Public Works, January-October (6 accordion folders); Judiciary, 1994 [accordion folder]; Rules, 1994 [accordion folder]"],"title_filing_ssi":"Dept. L: Legislative Correspondence, Environment and Public Works-Veterans","title_ssm":["Dept. L: Legislative Correspondence, Environment and Public Works-Veterans"],"title_tesim":["Dept. L: Legislative Correspondence, Environment and Public Works-Veterans"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1/1/0994-12/31/1994"],"normalized_date_ssm":["994/1994"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Dept. L: Legislative Correspondence, Environment and Public Works-Veterans"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["John W. Warner papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":736,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Items on digital or audio-visual carriers will need to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis before digital tranfer occurs.  Allow at least two weeks for the evaluation phase.  Digitzation may take between two and four weeks."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Some material in this collection is protected by copyright and/or related rights; the University does not hold these rights and cannot grant (or withhold) copyright permissions. The donor has retained any copyrights in any portion of the collection created or authored by him. You are free to use materials in the collection in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use, including fair use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). More information about permissions to publish Special Collections material is available 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678"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFinance, 1994 [accordion folder]; Labor, 1994 [accordion folder]; Foreign Relations, 1994 [accordion folder]; Veterans, 1994 [accordion folder]; Energy and Public Works, January-October (6 accordion folders); Judiciary, 1994 [accordion folder]; Rules, 1994 [accordion folder]\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Finance, 1994 [accordion folder]; Labor, 1994 [accordion folder]; Foreign Relations, 1994 [accordion folder]; Veterans, 1994 [accordion folder]; Energy and Public Works, January-October (6 accordion folders); Judiciary, 1994 [accordion folder]; Rules, 1994 [accordion folder]"],"_nest_path_":"/components#16/components#679","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:42:25.725Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_262.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/148519","title_filing_ssi":"Warner, John W., papers","title_ssm":["John W. Warner papers"],"title_tesim":["John W. Warner papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1956-2009","1967-2008"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1967-2008"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1956-2009"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Series","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 10191","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/262"],"text":["MSS 10191","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/262","John W. Warner papers","United States -- Politics and government -- 1989-1993","United States -- Politics and government -- 1993-2001.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1977-1981.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1981-1989.","Legislators -- United States","Correspondence","photographs","Please note, the -By series is stored offsite.  Please allow at least 72 hours for transportation to the reading room.","Items on digital or audio-visual carriers will need to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis before digital transfer occurs.  Allow at least two weeks for the evaluation phase.  Digitization may take between two and four weeks.","This collection has come to the Small Library in multiple accession over the years beginning in 1974. Accessions include: MSS #10191, MSS #10191-b, MSS #10191-c through -n, MSS #10191-e, MSS #10191-o, MSS #10191-p through -z, MSS #10191-ab through -az, MSS #10191-ba through -bp, MSS #-bq, Mss #10191-br, MSS #10191-bs, MSS #10191-bt, MSS #10191-bu, MSS #10191-bv, MSS #10191-bw, MSS #10191-bx, MSS #10191-by, MSS #10191-bz, MSS #10191-cb, 2022-0088, 2022-0103, 2023-0052","The series have been placed roughly in the order of their arrival to the repository.","John William Warner (born February 18, 1927) is an American Republican politician who served as Secretary of the Navy from 1972 to 1974 and as a five-term United States Senator from Virginia from January 2, 1979, to January 3, 2009. He did not seek reelection in 2008 and has rejoined the law firm of Hogan and Hartson, where he worked before joining the Department of Defense.","  He grew up in Washington D.C. and joined the Navy shortly after graduating from high school, leaving as a Petty Officer 3rd Class. He then did his undergraduate studies at Washington and Lee University and began post-graduate studies at University of Virginia Law School.","  With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, Warner joined the Marine Corps, first in active duty and then as a reserve, finally earning the rank of Captain. He resumed his studies at George Washington University and received his law degree in 1953."," He has been married three times. His first marriage was to Catherine Conover Mellon in 1957; they divorced in 1973. He was married to actress Elizabeth Taylor in 1976; they divorced in 1982. Since 2003, he has been married to Jeanne Vander Myde. He has three children, all from his first marriage."," In 1987, he was one of few Republicans to reject the nomination of Robert Bork to the Supreme Court. He would later break with Virginia Republicans, refusing to support the campaigns of Mike Farris and Oliver North. In 1996, he was one of ten Republican Senators voting against the charge of perjury in the attempted impechment of President Bill Clinton."," His committee memberships included the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Committee on the Armed Services, the Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs, the Select Committee on Intelligence, and the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs.","This collection includes general and constituent correspondence, office files, speeches, appointment books, photographs, scrapbooks, and clippings documenting Senator Warner's life and career.","A note regarding consituent correspondence: only in rare instances did the Senator's office keep outgoing corespondence.  The vast majority of what makes up the constituent correspondence are the incoming letters from his constituents.  Original letters sent to the Senator were microfilmed and then destroyed.","Some material in this collection is protected by copyright and/or related rights; the University does not hold these rights and cannot grant (or withhold) copyright permissions. The donor has retained any copyrights in any portion of the collection created or authored by him. You are free to use materials in the collection in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use, including fair use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). More information about permissions to publish Special Collections material is available  here .","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Warner, John W., 1927-","Koed, Betty K.","The collection is in English."],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 10191","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/262"],"normalized_title_ssm":["John W. 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Warner papers"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["United States -- Politics and government -- 1989-1993","United States -- Politics and government -- 1993-2001.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1977-1981.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1981-1989."],"geogname_ssim":["United States -- Politics and government -- 1989-1993","United States -- Politics and government -- 1993-2001.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1977-1981.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1981-1989."],"creator_ssm":["Warner, John W., 1927-"],"creator_ssim":["Warner, John W., 1927-"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Warner, John W., 1927-"],"creators_ssim":["Warner, John W., 1927-"],"places_ssim":["United States -- Politics and government -- 1989-1993","United States -- Politics and government -- 1993-2001.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1977-1981.","United States -- Politics and government -- 1981-1989."],"access_terms_ssm":["Some material in this collection is protected by copyright and/or related rights; the University does not hold these rights and cannot grant (or withhold) copyright permissions. The donor has retained any copyrights in any portion of the collection created or authored by him. You are free to use materials in the collection in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use, including fair use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). More information about permissions to publish Special Collections material is available  here ."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Legislators -- United States","Correspondence","photographs"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Legislators -- United States","Correspondence","photographs"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["756 Cubic Feet Approximately 730 cubic foot boxes, 42 document boxes, and oversize scrapbooks and folders."],"extent_tesim":["756 Cubic Feet Approximately 730 cubic foot boxes, 42 document boxes, and oversize scrapbooks and folders."],"genreform_ssim":["Correspondence","photographs"],"date_range_isim":[1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePlease note, the -By series is stored offsite.  Please allow at least 72 hours for transportation to the reading room.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems on digital or audio-visual carriers will need to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis before digital transfer occurs.  Allow at least two weeks for the evaluation phase.  Digitization may take between two and four weeks.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access","Physical Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Please note, the -By series is stored offsite.  Please allow at least 72 hours for transportation to the reading room.","Items on digital or audio-visual carriers will need to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis before digital transfer occurs.  Allow at least two weeks for the evaluation phase.  Digitization may take between two and four weeks."],"accruals_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection has come to the Small Library in multiple accession over the years beginning in 1974. Accessions include: MSS #10191, MSS #10191-b, MSS #10191-c through -n, MSS #10191-e, MSS #10191-o, MSS #10191-p through -z, MSS #10191-ab through -az, MSS #10191-ba through -bp, MSS #-bq, Mss #10191-br, MSS #10191-bs, MSS #10191-bt, MSS #10191-bu, MSS #10191-bv, MSS #10191-bw, MSS #10191-bx, MSS #10191-by, MSS #10191-bz, MSS #10191-cb, 2022-0088, 2022-0103, 2023-0052\u003c/p\u003e"],"accruals_heading_ssm":["Acquisition information"],"accruals_tesim":["This collection has come to the Small Library in multiple accession over the years beginning in 1974. Accessions include: MSS #10191, MSS #10191-b, MSS #10191-c through -n, MSS #10191-e, MSS #10191-o, MSS #10191-p through -z, MSS #10191-ab through -az, MSS #10191-ba through -bp, MSS #-bq, Mss #10191-br, MSS #10191-bs, MSS #10191-bt, MSS #10191-bu, MSS #10191-bv, MSS #10191-bw, MSS #10191-bx, MSS #10191-by, MSS #10191-bz, MSS #10191-cb, 2022-0088, 2022-0103, 2023-0052"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe series have been placed roughly in the order of their arrival to the repository.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The series have been placed roughly in the order of their arrival to the repository."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJohn William Warner (born February 18, 1927) is an American Republican politician who served as Secretary of the Navy from 1972 to 1974 and as a five-term United States Senator from Virginia from January 2, 1979, to January 3, 2009. He did not seek reelection in 2008 and has rejoined the law firm of Hogan and Hartson, where he worked before joining the Department of Defense.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e  He grew up in Washington D.C. and joined the Navy shortly after graduating from high school, leaving as a Petty Officer 3rd Class. He then did his undergraduate studies at Washington and Lee University and began post-graduate studies at University of Virginia Law School.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e  With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, Warner joined the Marine Corps, first in active duty and then as a reserve, finally earning the rank of Captain. He resumed his studies at George Washington University and received his law degree in 1953.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e He has been married three times. His first marriage was to Catherine Conover Mellon in 1957; they divorced in 1973. He was married to actress Elizabeth Taylor in 1976; they divorced in 1982. Since 2003, he has been married to Jeanne Vander Myde. He has three children, all from his first marriage.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In 1987, he was one of few Republicans to reject the nomination of Robert Bork to the Supreme Court. He would later break with Virginia Republicans, refusing to support the campaigns of Mike Farris and Oliver North. In 1996, he was one of ten Republican Senators voting against the charge of perjury in the attempted impechment of President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e His committee memberships included the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Committee on the Armed Services, the Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs, the Select Committee on Intelligence, and the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["John William Warner (born February 18, 1927) is an American Republican politician who served as Secretary of the Navy from 1972 to 1974 and as a five-term United States Senator from Virginia from January 2, 1979, to January 3, 2009. He did not seek reelection in 2008 and has rejoined the law firm of Hogan and Hartson, where he worked before joining the Department of Defense.","  He grew up in Washington D.C. and joined the Navy shortly after graduating from high school, leaving as a Petty Officer 3rd Class. He then did his undergraduate studies at Washington and Lee University and began post-graduate studies at University of Virginia Law School.","  With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, Warner joined the Marine Corps, first in active duty and then as a reserve, finally earning the rank of Captain. He resumed his studies at George Washington University and received his law degree in 1953."," He has been married three times. His first marriage was to Catherine Conover Mellon in 1957; they divorced in 1973. He was married to actress Elizabeth Taylor in 1976; they divorced in 1982. Since 2003, he has been married to Jeanne Vander Myde. He has three children, all from his first marriage."," In 1987, he was one of few Republicans to reject the nomination of Robert Bork to the Supreme Court. He would later break with Virginia Republicans, refusing to support the campaigns of Mike Farris and Oliver North. In 1996, he was one of ten Republican Senators voting against the charge of perjury in the attempted impechment of President Bill Clinton."," His committee memberships included the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Committee on the Armed Services, the Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs, the Select Committee on Intelligence, and the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 10191, John W. Warner papers, Series number, Box and Folder Numbers, Identification of specific item, Date (if known), Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 10191, John W. Warner papers, Series number, Box and Folder Numbers, Identification of specific item, Date (if known), Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection includes general and constituent correspondence, office files, speeches, appointment books, photographs, scrapbooks, and clippings documenting Senator Warner's life and career.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA note regarding consituent correspondence: only in rare instances did the Senator's office keep outgoing corespondence.  The vast majority of what makes up the constituent correspondence are the incoming letters from his constituents.  Original letters sent to the Senator were microfilmed and then destroyed.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content note"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection includes general and constituent correspondence, office files, speeches, appointment books, photographs, scrapbooks, and clippings documenting Senator Warner's life and career.","A note regarding consituent correspondence: only in rare instances did the Senator's office keep outgoing corespondence.  The vast majority of what makes up the constituent correspondence are the incoming letters from his constituents.  Original letters sent to the Senator were microfilmed and then destroyed."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome material in this collection is protected by copyright and/or related rights; the University does not hold these rights and cannot grant (or withhold) copyright permissions. The donor has retained any copyrights in any portion of the collection created or authored by him. You are free to use materials in the collection in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use, including fair use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). More information about permissions to publish Special Collections material is available \u003ca href=\"https://small.library.virginia.edu/services/publishing\"\u003ehere\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Some material in this collection is protected by copyright and/or related rights; the University does not hold these rights and cannot grant (or withhold) copyright permissions. The donor has retained any copyrights in any portion of the collection created or authored by him. You are free to use materials in the collection in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use, including fair use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). More information about permissions to publish Special Collections material is available  here ."],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Warner, John W., 1927-","Koed, Betty K."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"persname_ssim":["Warner, John W., 1927-","Koed, Betty K."],"language_ssim":["The collection is in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":775,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:42:25.725Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_262_c17_c680"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_262#resource_collection_management_c17_c680","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"Dept. 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Please allow at least 72 hours for transportation to the reading room.","Items on digital or audio-visual carriers will need to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis before digital transfer occurs.  Allow at least two weeks for the evaluation phase.  Digitization may take between two and four weeks.","This collection has come to the Small Library in multiple accession over the years beginning in 1974. Accessions include: MSS #10191, MSS #10191-b, MSS #10191-c through -n, MSS #10191-e, MSS #10191-o, MSS #10191-p through -z, MSS #10191-ab through -az, MSS #10191-ba through -bp, MSS #-bq, Mss #10191-br, MSS #10191-bs, MSS #10191-bt, MSS #10191-bu, MSS #10191-bv, MSS #10191-bw, MSS #10191-bx, MSS #10191-by, MSS #10191-bz, MSS #10191-cb, 2022-0088, 2022-0103, 2023-0052","The series have been placed roughly in the order of their arrival to the repository.","John William Warner (born February 18, 1927) is an American Republican politician who served as Secretary of the Navy from 1972 to 1974 and as a five-term United States Senator from Virginia from January 2, 1979, to January 3, 2009. He did not seek reelection in 2008 and has rejoined the law firm of Hogan and Hartson, where he worked before joining the Department of Defense.","  He grew up in Washington D.C. and joined the Navy shortly after graduating from high school, leaving as a Petty Officer 3rd Class. 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He did not seek reelection in 2008 and has rejoined the law firm of Hogan and Hartson, where he worked before joining the Department of Defense.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e  He grew up in Washington D.C. and joined the Navy shortly after graduating from high school, leaving as a Petty Officer 3rd Class. He then did his undergraduate studies at Washington and Lee University and began post-graduate studies at University of Virginia Law School.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e  With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, Warner joined the Marine Corps, first in active duty and then as a reserve, finally earning the rank of Captain. He resumed his studies at George Washington University and received his law degree in 1953.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e He has been married three times. His first marriage was to Catherine Conover Mellon in 1957; they divorced in 1973. He was married to actress Elizabeth Taylor in 1976; they divorced in 1982. Since 2003, he has been married to Jeanne Vander Myde. He has three children, all from his first marriage.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In 1987, he was one of few Republicans to reject the nomination of Robert Bork to the Supreme Court. He would later break with Virginia Republicans, refusing to support the campaigns of Mike Farris and Oliver North. In 1996, he was one of ten Republican Senators voting against the charge of perjury in the attempted impechment of President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e His committee memberships included the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Committee on the Armed Services, the Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs, the Select Committee on Intelligence, and the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["John William Warner (born February 18, 1927) is an American Republican politician who served as Secretary of the Navy from 1972 to 1974 and as a five-term United States Senator from Virginia from January 2, 1979, to January 3, 2009. He did not seek reelection in 2008 and has rejoined the law firm of Hogan and Hartson, where he worked before joining the Department of Defense.","  He grew up in Washington D.C. and joined the Navy shortly after graduating from high school, leaving as a Petty Officer 3rd Class. He then did his undergraduate studies at Washington and Lee University and began post-graduate studies at University of Virginia Law School.","  With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, Warner joined the Marine Corps, first in active duty and then as a reserve, finally earning the rank of Captain. He resumed his studies at George Washington University and received his law degree in 1953."," He has been married three times. His first marriage was to Catherine Conover Mellon in 1957; they divorced in 1973. He was married to actress Elizabeth Taylor in 1976; they divorced in 1982. Since 2003, he has been married to Jeanne Vander Myde. He has three children, all from his first marriage."," In 1987, he was one of few Republicans to reject the nomination of Robert Bork to the Supreme Court. He would later break with Virginia Republicans, refusing to support the campaigns of Mike Farris and Oliver North. In 1996, he was one of ten Republican Senators voting against the charge of perjury in the attempted impechment of President Bill Clinton."," His committee memberships included the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Committee on the Armed Services, the Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs, the Select Committee on Intelligence, and the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 10191, John W. Warner papers, Series number, Box and Folder Numbers, Identification of specific item, Date (if known), Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 10191, John W. Warner papers, Series number, Box and Folder Numbers, Identification of specific item, Date (if known), Small Special Collections, University of Virginia Library."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection includes general and constituent correspondence, office files, speeches, appointment books, photographs, scrapbooks, and clippings documenting Senator Warner's life and career.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA note regarding consituent correspondence: only in rare instances did the Senator's office keep outgoing corespondence.  The vast majority of what makes up the constituent correspondence are the incoming letters from his constituents.  Original letters sent to the Senator were microfilmed and then destroyed.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content note"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection includes general and constituent correspondence, office files, speeches, appointment books, photographs, scrapbooks, and clippings documenting Senator Warner's life and career.","A note regarding consituent correspondence: only in rare instances did the Senator's office keep outgoing corespondence.  The vast majority of what makes up the constituent correspondence are the incoming letters from his constituents.  Original letters sent to the Senator were microfilmed and then destroyed."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome material in this collection is protected by copyright and/or related rights; the University does not hold these rights and cannot grant (or withhold) copyright permissions. The donor has retained any copyrights in any portion of the collection created or authored by him. You are free to use materials in the collection in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use, including fair use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). More information about permissions to publish Special Collections material is available \u003ca href=\"https://small.library.virginia.edu/services/publishing\"\u003ehere\u003c/a\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Some material in this collection is protected by copyright and/or related rights; the University does not hold these rights and cannot grant (or withhold) copyright permissions. The donor has retained any copyrights in any portion of the collection created or authored by him. You are free to use materials in the collection in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use, including fair use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s). More information about permissions to publish Special Collections material is available  here ."],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Warner, John W., 1927-","Koed, Betty K."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"persname_ssim":["Warner, John W., 1927-","Koed, Betty K."],"language_ssim":["The collection is in English."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":775,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:46:11.382Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_262%23resource_collection_management_c17_c680"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c04","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"D. Low Moor; includes portion of\n                     numbered sequence, volumes, 8-18, 20, 22, 24, 26,\n                     27","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c04","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c04"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c04","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c25","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c25"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Scrip Books","D. Low Moor; includes portion of\n                     numbered sequence, volumes, 8-18, 20, 22, 24, 26,\n                     27","16 volumes"],"title_filing_ssi":"D. Low Moor; includes portion of\n                     numbered sequence, volumes, 8-18, 20, 22, 24, 26,\n                     27","title_ssm":["D. Low Moor; includes portion of\n                     numbered sequence, volumes, 8-18, 20, 22, 24, 26,\n                     27"],"title_tesim":["D. Low Moor; includes portion of\n                     numbered sequence, volumes, 8-18, 20, 22, 24, 26,\n                     27"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1879-1923"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1879/1923"],"normalized_title_ssm":["D. Low Moor; includes portion of\n                     numbered sequence, volumes, 8-18, 20, 22, 24, 26,\n                     27"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["16 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":128,"date_range_isim":[1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#24/components#3","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c25_c04"}},{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01_c01","type":"Subseries","attributes":{"title":"D.  P. Wine Papers","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01_c01","ref_ssm":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01_c01"],"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01_c01","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01","parent_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01","parent_ssim":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Wine Family Papers","Personal Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Wine Family Papers","Personal Papers"],"text":["Wine Family Papers","Personal Papers","D.  P. Wine Papers"],"title_filing_ssi":"D.  P. Wine Papers","title_ssm":["D.  P. Wine Papers"],"title_tesim":["D.  P. Wine Papers"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1886-1938"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1886/1938"],"normalized_title_ssm":["D.  P. Wine Papers"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"collection_ssim":["Wine Family Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":8,"level_ssm":["Subseries"],"level_ssim":["Subseries"],"sort_isi":2,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"date_range_isim":[1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:58:37.387Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","ead_ssi":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","_root_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","_nest_parent_":"vihart_repositories_4_resources_511","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/JMU/repositories_4_resources_511.xml","title_ssm":["Wine Family Papers"],"title_tesim":["Wine Family Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1885-2001"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1885-2001"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["SC 0273","/repositories/4/resources/511"],"text":["SC 0273","/repositories/4/resources/511","Wine Family Papers","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Genealogy","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Church history","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Economic conditions","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 21st century","Letters (correspondence)","Genealogies (histories)","Scrapbooks","Postcards","Photographs","Ledgers (account books)","Diaries","Newsletters","Minute books","School records","Greeting Cards","Family papers","Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.","The nature of the auction was such that dissimilar or unrelated materials were bundled together in single lots. As such, these otherwise random materials were weeded and discarded. A large collection of newspaper clippings, comprised primarily of political cartoons, were also discarded. A representative sample of life insurance brochures and pamphlets were retained; duplicates were discarded.","The collection is arranged in four series. Series 1: Personal Papers is arranged into subseries by creator and further arranged chronologically. Series 2 through 4 are arranged chronologically. Exceptions to this arrangement scheme were made in order to group like materials together and as a result chronological arrangements are approximate.","Personal Papers, 1885-1977 Photographs, 1897-1986 Scrapbooks and Ephemera, 1903-1998 Genealogical materials, 1892-2001","Wine, Jacob David.  The Wine Family in America. First Section . Forestville, Va., 1952.","Daniel P. \"D. P.\" Wine (1855-1923) lived with his wife, Rebecca Good Wine (1855-1933), and their children on his family's ancestral Forestville, Virginia farm. D. P. Wine was a farmer and served as a minister and elder in the Flat Rock Church of the Brethren. Jacob David Wine and John Eugene Wine acted as executors to their father's estate after his death in 1923. Financial materials in the collection document their activities in settling the estate.","Jacob David \"J. D.\" Wine (1881-1968), the eldest child of D. P. Wine and Rebecca Good Wine, attended Bridgewater College and married Kitty Sipe Huffman (1880-1947). He pursued his interests in Sunday school and church work, particularly with local Brethren churches and his home church – Flat Rock Church of the Brethren. J. D. was active in community and civic affairs including schools, roads, temperance, and local government. J. D. Wine, along with his father D. P. Wine, was a member of the Shenandoah County Anti-Saloon League. He also researched and published on local history and genealogy.","Jesse Clayton \"J. C\" Wine (1915-2016) was born to J. D. Wine and Kitty Sipe Huffman Wine of Forestville, Virginia. J.C. Wine married Naomi Catherine Zirkle (b. 1917) on September 4, 1943. During World War II, J. C. served as a civilian tailor at Fort Belvoir in the tailor shop and dry cleaners, later becoming its manager. He went on to sell insurance for the Union Life Insurance Company (ULICO) for more than three decades and retired in 1975. Outside of his professional pursuits, J. C. was an accomplished and talented cane maker and served his community as a charter member of the Woodstock Rescue Squad and as a member of the Woodstock United Methodist Church. During at least the early 1950s, J. C. Wine also served as the treasurer of the Mt. Jackson Methodist Charge which was comprised of the Mt. Jackson, Quicksburg, and Mt. Clifton churches. He was also a member of the Masonic Lodge and Shriners International.","Selected loose materials were removed from ledgers and other bound volumes and retained in separate folders. Photographs were removed from frames which were subsequently discarded.","Wine Family. Papers, 1899-1943. Accession 42353, Personal Papers Collection, The Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia.","The Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, document the personal and business activities of three generations of the Wine family of Shenandoah County, Virginia. Their participation in civic engagement and community activities is documented through Sunday school minute books, ledgers, and diaries. The collection also comprises photographs, scrapbooks, postcards, and school materials documenting aspects of daily life. Daniel P. \"D. P.\" Wine, Jacob David \"J. D.\" Wine, and Jesse Clayton \"J. C.\" Wine are the predominant creators of the records present in this collection.","Numerous books and publications were pulled from the collection, cataloged individually, and added to Special Collections' rare book holdings. A series of Virginia maps were also separated and cataloged.","The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).","The Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, document three generations of the Wine family from Shenandoah County, Virginia. Their participation in civic engagement and community activities is documented through Sunday school minute books, ledgers, and diaries. The collection also comprises photographs, scrapbooks, postcards, and school materials documenting aspects of daily life.","James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Laughlin Auctions, Inc.","Wine family","English"],"unitid_tesim":["SC 0273","/repositories/4/resources/511"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Wine Family Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Wine Family Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Wine Family Papers"],"repository_ssm":["James Madison University"],"repository_ssim":["James Madison University"],"geogname_ssm":["Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Genealogy","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Church history","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Economic conditions","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 21st century"],"geogname_ssim":["Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Genealogy","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Church history","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Economic conditions","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 21st century"],"creator_ssm":["Wine family","Laughlin Auctions, Inc."],"creator_ssim":["Wine family","Laughlin Auctions, Inc."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Laughlin Auctions, Inc."],"creator_famname_ssim":["Wine family"],"creators_ssim":["Laughlin Auctions, Inc.","Wine family"],"places_ssim":["Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Genealogy","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Church history","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- Economic conditions","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 19th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","Shenandoah County (Va.) -- History -- 21st century"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Purchased at Laughlin Auctions, Inc.'s October 14, 2017 sale of the personal property from the home of Naomi Zirkle Wine of Woodstock, Virginia."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Letters (correspondence)","Genealogies (histories)","Scrapbooks","Postcards","Photographs","Ledgers (account books)","Diaries","Newsletters","Minute books","School records","Greeting Cards","Family papers"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Letters (correspondence)","Genealogies (histories)","Scrapbooks","Postcards","Photographs","Ledgers (account books)","Diaries","Newsletters","Minute books","School records","Greeting Cards","Family papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["5.18 cubic feet 13 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["5.18 cubic feet 13 boxes"],"genreform_ssim":["Letters (correspondence)","Genealogies (histories)","Scrapbooks","Postcards","Photographs","Ledgers (account books)","Diaries","Newsletters","Minute books","School records","Greeting Cards","Family papers"],"date_range_isim":[1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection open to research. Researchers must register and agree to copyright and privacy laws before using this collection. Please contact Research Services staff before visiting the James Madison University Special Collections Library to use this collection."],"appraisal_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe nature of the auction was such that dissimilar or unrelated materials were bundled together in single lots. As such, these otherwise random materials were weeded and discarded. A large collection of newspaper clippings, comprised primarily of political cartoons, were also discarded. A representative sample of life insurance brochures and pamphlets were retained; duplicates were discarded.\u003c/p\u003e"],"appraisal_heading_ssm":["Appraisal Note"],"appraisal_tesim":["The nature of the auction was such that dissimilar or unrelated materials were bundled together in single lots. As such, these otherwise random materials were weeded and discarded. A large collection of newspaper clippings, comprised primarily of political cartoons, were also discarded. A representative sample of life insurance brochures and pamphlets were retained; duplicates were discarded."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged in four series. Series 1: Personal Papers is arranged into subseries by creator and further arranged chronologically. Series 2 through 4 are arranged chronologically. Exceptions to this arrangement scheme were made in order to group like materials together and as a result chronological arrangements are approximate.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist numeration=\"arabic\" type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePersonal Papers, 1885-1977\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhotographs, 1897-1986\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eScrapbooks and Ephemera, 1903-1998\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eGenealogical materials, 1892-2001\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged in four series. Series 1: Personal Papers is arranged into subseries by creator and further arranged chronologically. Series 2 through 4 are arranged chronologically. Exceptions to this arrangement scheme were made in order to group like materials together and as a result chronological arrangements are approximate.","Personal Papers, 1885-1977 Photographs, 1897-1986 Scrapbooks and Ephemera, 1903-1998 Genealogical materials, 1892-2001"],"bibliography_html_tesm":["\u003cbibref\u003eWine, Jacob David. \u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Wine Family in America. First Section\u003c/emph\u003e. Forestville, Va., 1952.\u003c/bibref\u003e"],"bibliography_heading_ssm":["Bibliography"],"bibliography_tesim":["Wine, Jacob David.  The Wine Family in America. First Section . Forestville, Va., 1952."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eDaniel P. \"D. P.\" Wine (1855-1923) lived with his wife, Rebecca Good Wine (1855-1933), and their children on his family's ancestral Forestville, Virginia farm. D. P. Wine was a farmer and served as a minister and elder in the Flat Rock Church of the Brethren. Jacob David Wine and John Eugene Wine acted as executors to their father's estate after his death in 1923. Financial materials in the collection document their activities in settling the estate.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJacob David \"J. D.\" Wine (1881-1968), the eldest child of D. P. Wine and Rebecca Good Wine, attended Bridgewater College and married Kitty Sipe Huffman (1880-1947). He pursued his interests in Sunday school and church work, particularly with local Brethren churches and his home church – Flat Rock Church of the Brethren. J. D. was active in community and civic affairs including schools, roads, temperance, and local government. J. D. Wine, along with his father D. P. Wine, was a member of the Shenandoah County Anti-Saloon League. He also researched and published on local history and genealogy.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eJesse Clayton \"J. C\" Wine (1915-2016) was born to J. D. Wine and Kitty Sipe Huffman Wine of Forestville, Virginia. J.C. Wine married Naomi Catherine Zirkle (b. 1917) on September 4, 1943. During World War II, J. C. served as a civilian tailor at Fort Belvoir in the tailor shop and dry cleaners, later becoming its manager. He went on to sell insurance for the Union Life Insurance Company (ULICO) for more than three decades and retired in 1975. Outside of his professional pursuits, J. C. was an accomplished and talented cane maker and served his community as a charter member of the Woodstock Rescue Squad and as a member of the Woodstock United Methodist Church. During at least the early 1950s, J. C. Wine also served as the treasurer of the Mt. Jackson Methodist Charge which was comprised of the Mt. Jackson, Quicksburg, and Mt. Clifton churches. He was also a member of the Masonic Lodge and Shriners International.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Daniel P. \"D. P.\" Wine (1855-1923) lived with his wife, Rebecca Good Wine (1855-1933), and their children on his family's ancestral Forestville, Virginia farm. D. P. Wine was a farmer and served as a minister and elder in the Flat Rock Church of the Brethren. Jacob David Wine and John Eugene Wine acted as executors to their father's estate after his death in 1923. Financial materials in the collection document their activities in settling the estate.","Jacob David \"J. D.\" Wine (1881-1968), the eldest child of D. P. Wine and Rebecca Good Wine, attended Bridgewater College and married Kitty Sipe Huffman (1880-1947). He pursued his interests in Sunday school and church work, particularly with local Brethren churches and his home church – Flat Rock Church of the Brethren. J. D. was active in community and civic affairs including schools, roads, temperance, and local government. J. D. Wine, along with his father D. P. Wine, was a member of the Shenandoah County Anti-Saloon League. He also researched and published on local history and genealogy.","Jesse Clayton \"J. C\" Wine (1915-2016) was born to J. D. Wine and Kitty Sipe Huffman Wine of Forestville, Virginia. J.C. Wine married Naomi Catherine Zirkle (b. 1917) on September 4, 1943. During World War II, J. C. served as a civilian tailor at Fort Belvoir in the tailor shop and dry cleaners, later becoming its manager. He went on to sell insurance for the Union Life Insurance Company (ULICO) for more than three decades and retired in 1975. Outside of his professional pursuits, J. C. was an accomplished and talented cane maker and served his community as a charter member of the Woodstock Rescue Squad and as a member of the Woodstock United Methodist Church. During at least the early 1950s, J. C. Wine also served as the treasurer of the Mt. Jackson Methodist Charge which was comprised of the Mt. Jackson, Quicksburg, and Mt. Clifton churches. He was also a member of the Masonic Lodge and Shriners International."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[identification of item], [box #, folder #], Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, SC 0273, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[identification of item], [box #, folder #], Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, SC 0273, Special Collections, Carrier Library, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSelected loose materials were removed from ledgers and other bound volumes and retained in separate folders. Photographs were removed from frames which were subsequently discarded.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Selected loose materials were removed from ledgers and other bound volumes and retained in separate folders. Photographs were removed from frames which were subsequently discarded."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWine Family. Papers, 1899-1943. Accession 42353, Personal Papers Collection, The Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Wine Family. Papers, 1899-1943. Accession 42353, Personal Papers Collection, The Library of Virginia, Richmond, Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, document the personal and business activities of three generations of the Wine family of Shenandoah County, Virginia. Their participation in civic engagement and community activities is documented through Sunday school minute books, ledgers, and diaries. The collection also comprises photographs, scrapbooks, postcards, and school materials documenting aspects of daily life. Daniel P. \"D. P.\" Wine, Jacob David \"J. D.\" Wine, and Jesse Clayton \"J. C.\" Wine are the predominant creators of the records present in this collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, document the personal and business activities of three generations of the Wine family of Shenandoah County, Virginia. Their participation in civic engagement and community activities is documented through Sunday school minute books, ledgers, and diaries. The collection also comprises photographs, scrapbooks, postcards, and school materials documenting aspects of daily life. Daniel P. \"D. P.\" Wine, Jacob David \"J. D.\" Wine, and Jesse Clayton \"J. C.\" Wine are the predominant creators of the records present in this collection."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNumerous books and publications were pulled from the collection, cataloged individually, and added to Special Collections' rare book holdings. A series of Virginia maps were also separated and cataloged.\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["Numerous books and publications were pulled from the collection, cataloged individually, and added to Special Collections' rare book holdings. A series of Virginia maps were also separated and cataloged."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu).\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright interests in this collection have been transferred to the James Madison University Special Collections Library. For more information, contact the Special Collections Library Reference Desk (library-special@jmu.edu)."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_68350217315544cb8f516868d3ba22f5\"\u003eThe Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, document three generations of the Wine family from Shenandoah County, Virginia. Their participation in civic engagement and community activities is documented through Sunday school minute books, ledgers, and diaries. The collection also comprises photographs, scrapbooks, postcards, and school materials documenting aspects of daily life.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Wine Family Papers, 1885-2001, document three generations of the Wine family from Shenandoah County, Virginia. Their participation in civic engagement and community activities is documented through Sunday school minute books, ledgers, and diaries. The collection also comprises photographs, scrapbooks, postcards, and school materials documenting aspects of daily life."],"names_coll_ssim":["Laughlin Auctions, Inc."],"names_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Laughlin Auctions, Inc.","Wine family"],"corpname_ssim":["James Madison University Libraries Special Collections","Laughlin Auctions, Inc."],"famname_ssim":["Wine family"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":106,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:58:37.387Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vihart_repositories_4_resources_511_c01_c01"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Alexandria Library","value":"Alexandria 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