{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1885\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=2","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1885\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=1","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1885\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=3","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1885\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=199"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":2,"next_page":3,"prev_page":1,"total_pages":199,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":10,"total_count":1987,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. Agent; includes letters of Asa\n Snyder, John N. Gordon, and Thomas A.\n Mack, 1883/1886","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c17","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Letter Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c17"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. Agent; includes letters of Asa\n Snyder, John N. Gordon, and Thomas A.\n Mack","title_ssm":["A. Agent; includes letters of Asa\n Snyder, John N. Gordon, and Thomas A.\n Mack"],"title_tesim":["A. Agent; includes letters of Asa\n Snyder, John N. Gordon, and Thomas A.\n Mack"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. Agent; includes letters of Asa\n Snyder, John N. Gordon, and Thomas A.\n Mack, 1883/1886"],"text":["A. Agent; includes letters of Asa\n Snyder, John N. Gordon, and Thomas A.\n Mack, 1883/1886","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Letter Books","4 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Letter Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Letter Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1883/1886"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1883-1886"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":87,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["4 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1883,1884,1885,1886],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#16/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c17_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n records of castings and weights, financial\n statements of various companies, expenses of the\n [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n records, World War I workers exemption from\n [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n transactions, and tools rented, 1881/1918","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c18","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Miscellaneous"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c18"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n records of castings and weights, financial\n statements of various companies, expenses of the\n [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n records, World War I workers exemption from\n [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n transactions, and tools rented","title_ssm":["A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n records of castings and weights, financial\n statements of various companies, expenses of the\n [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n records, World War I workers exemption from\n [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n transactions, and tools rented"],"title_tesim":["A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n records of castings and weights, financial\n statements of various companies, expenses of the\n [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n records, World War I workers exemption from\n [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n transactions, and tools rented"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n records of castings and weights, financial\n statements of various companies, expenses of the\n [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n records, World War I workers exemption from\n [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n transactions, and tools rented, 1881/1918"],"text":["A. Alphabetical sequence; includes\n records of castings and weights, financial\n statements of various companies, expenses of the\n [Low Moor?] medical department, mill silvery\n records, World War I workers exemption from\n [draft?] records, slag weights, stock\n transactions, and tools rented, 1881/1918","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Miscellaneous","9 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Miscellaneous"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Miscellaneous"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1881/1918"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1881-1918"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":102,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["9 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#17/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c18_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c04_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. Bills payable, 1882/1916","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c04_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c04_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c04_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c04_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c04","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Bills"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. Bills payable","title_ssm":["A. Bills payable"],"title_tesim":["A. Bills payable"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. Bills payable, 1882/1916"],"text":["A. Bills payable, 1882/1916","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Bills","7 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Bills"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Bills"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1882/1916"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1882-1916"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":16,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["7 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#3/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:41.315Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c04_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04_c03","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Abstracts of Title, 1876/1889","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04_c03#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04_c03","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04_c03"],"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04_c03","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04","parent_ssim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","Legal Documents, 1885/1950"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_66","viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"Abstracts of Title","title_ssm":["Abstracts of Title"],"title_tesim":["Abstracts of Title"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Abstracts of Title, 1876/1889"],"text":["Abstracts of Title, 1876/1889","Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","Legal Documents, 1885/1950","box MSS 79-6, Box 128"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","Legal Documents, 1885/1950"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","Legal Documents, 1885/1950"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1876/1889"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1876-1889"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":1170,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"containers_ssim":["box MSS 79-6, Box 128"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#2","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:23.622Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_66","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_66.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/106865","title_ssm":["Duke family law firm papers"],"title_tesim":["Duke family law firm papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1820 - 1959"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1820 - 1959"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1820/1959"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"text":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959","MSS.79.6","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/66","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century","practice of law -- Virginia","lawyers -- Virginia","The papers are organized into 8 series: 1st-6th series concern the law practice; 7th series, the insurance business; and the 8th, family business.","Series I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.","Series II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.","Series III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874, but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many, but not all, of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.","Series IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).","Series V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc., and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.","Series VI. General office correspondendence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason, certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.","Series VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr., was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.","Series VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records, dating from the 1880's, provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives.","Richard Thomas Walker Duke, son of Richard and Maria Walker Duke, was born 6 June 1822 in Charlottesville, Virginia, where he spent his childhood. After attending private schools, he entered Virginia Military Institute and finished second in the class of 1845. Upon graduating he taught school in Lewisburg, Virginia (now West Virginia), but returned to Charlottesville when his father died in 1849, and began studying law at the University. In 1850, he started his own law practice, and over the next ten years built a law office, was chosen one of Charlottesville's first aldermen, served briefly as mayor, and became commonwealth's attorney. He married Elizabeth Scott Eskridge of Staunton, and they had two sons, William and R. T. W. Jr. (Tom), and a daughter, Mary, all of whom lived to adulthood; two other children died in childhood.","As colonel of the 48th Regiment of the Virginia Volunteers, R. T. W. Duke took an active role in the Civil War. In 1864, he resigned his commission because of a dispute with a superior officer, but re-enlisted thirty days later. He surrendered with his troops at Silas Creek in 1865, and returned to his law practice and position as commonwealth's attorney. From that time on, Duke was known as \"the Colonel,\" and in honor of his service in the recent war, the local camp for the Sons of Confederate Veterans was named for him.","In 1863 Duke bought Sunnyside, a 70-acre tract of land northeast of Charlottesville (on which the Law School is now located), and farmed this property until his death. He was chosen secretary/treasurer of the board of trustees of the Samuel Miller Fund, established in 1869. In 1870, Duke assumed the fifth district's Congressional seat for two terms as a member of the Conservative party. Lobbying for a strong South throughout his term, Duke actively opposed the 14th Amendment. R. T. W. Duke died after a lingering illness in the summer of 1898.","William R. Duke, born in 1849, possessed his father's farming instincts and commitment to political involvement. Together they farmed and resided at Sunnyside, whose ownership William shared with his brother Tom after their father's death. Although William studied law at Virginia, and in 1883 joined his father's law practice, he devoted more energy to farming and such groups as the Virginia Cattlemen's Association. In 1897 he was elected delegate to the Virginia General Assembly. Like his father, William was also involved in local affairs, serving, for example, as clerk of the Miller Fund board of trustees for many years. William died in 1929 and was survived by his sons, William (Billy) and Camman.","Since he was born in 1853, Richard Thomas Walker Duke Jr. (Tom) witnessed the Civil War during his impressionable boyhood years and later wrote about those experiences. A gifted writer and student of languages, Tom studied classics, French, German, and English literature when he entered the University of Virginia in 1870. He was awarded the Thomas Jefferson Prize for the best essay in 1872, and then turned his attention to the study of law in 1873-74. It is likely that he later read law for a time in his father's office before passing the bar. Although the practice of law became his career, Duke wrote prose and poetry the rest of his life, and was published in the New York Herald and such magazines as Century, Lippincott's, and Illustrated American.","Throughout his long career, Tom was active in town, University, and state affairs. Among the organizations in which he held office were the Masons, Zeta Psi fraternity, the Sons of the American Revolution, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Miller Board, the UVA Alumni Association, and the state Democratic Committee. He served from 1886 to 1901 as judge of the Corporation Court (now called the Circuit Court), as commonwealth's attorney from 1916 to 1920, and as a member of the Committee to Revise the Virginia Code in 1908. In addition, he sat on the boards of a variety of corporations, including the Charlottesville Ice Company, the First National Bank, and a number of Kentucky and West Virginia coal development companies in which his family had invested. From 1907 to 1910, Tom edited the Virginia Law Journal.","Tom Duke married Edith Ridgeway Slaughter in 1884, and they produced six children, of whom five grew to maturity: Mary, R. T. W. III (Walker), John Flavel Slaughter (Jack), William Eskridge, and Helen Risdon. He built a spacious home for his family at 616 Park Street. A frequent traveller because of his practice, Duke also travelled for pleasure. As the children grew up, Edith often accompanied him to New York or Washington to shop, visit friends and attend plays, or she took journeys alone to visit children and other relatives. All the Duke children, as they reached their teens, attended boarding school, and all received at least some college education. Edith Duke died suddenly in 1921, and two years later, Tom married Maymee Richardson Slaughter, his wife's sister-in-law from Lynchburg. In March of 1926 Tom died at the age of 76.","Walker, after a few years in the Navy, joined the Army and became a career officer. Jack served in the Army during World War I, and then began a career in business. In 1917, Eskridge took a law degree at Virginia and joined his father's practice. He was plagued by ill-health throughout his career, and soon after their father's death, his sister Mary, a former social worker, began assisting in the law office. Helen, a librarian, worked in New York and Norfolk for a year or so before moving back to the family home. Eskridge and his wife, Lucy Lee, had three children, of whom two, William Eskridge Jr. (Bill) and Lucy Marshall, grew to adulthood. Jack died in 1933; Eskridge, in 1959; Walker, in 1960; Mary, in 1966; and Helen, in 1984.","The Charlottesville law practice established by R. T. W. Duke in 1850 remained in the family for two succeeding generations. After studying law with John B. Minor at the University of Virginia, Duke practiced alone until 1858, when he built his office at 20 Court House Square and took James D. Jones as a partner. Another lawyer, Louis G. Hanckel, joined the firm in the early seventies and handled insurance business. When Tom finished his legal studies in 1874, he assisted his father, whose partner by then was Stephen V. Southall. In the 1880's the firm was called Duke and Duke, William having joined his father shortly before Tom became judge.","The early work of the firm was limited to real estate, debt collection, and probate work, with an occasional criminal case. In addition, there was ample time for all three lawyers to pursue their assorted outside interests. At the office each man wrote his own letters, Tom switching to a Remington typewriter in 1889, before the days when they could hire a stenographer. The Dukes handled property rentals for some of their clients, the wealthiest and best known of whom was Jefferson Levy, owner of Monticello, the Opera House, and a great deal of other property in town.","With the combination of \"the Colonel's\" death, the social and economic changes in town around the turn of the century, and the energetic leadership of Tom, the workload of the practice increased and became more diverse. Loan and bond operations were added to the civil and criminal work and property management. Around 1917, Eskridge and Clarence E. Gentry joined the firm, now called Duke, Duke and Gentry. The law office was torn down in 1922, and the firm moved to a building shared with other lawyers at the corner of Fifth and Jefferson Streets. The practice flourished, and the Dukes often hired Virginia law students or graduates as clerks or associates, including Elizabeth Tompkins (the first female graduate of the Law School), Bernard Chamberlain, Anna Dinwiddie, and John Yancy.","It has not been determined whether the Dukes sold insurance after Hanckel left, but some time after Eskridge joined the firm in the late teens, the Insurance Agency was established. The title was changed to the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville in 1923, when W. F. Carter Jr. as agent. After Carter misappropriated funds, he was relieved of his job, the agency was incorporated, and the Dukes' interest in the business was eventually bought out by William B. Murphy.","Eskridge carried on the law practice with the assistance of Mary and an occasional associate. In 1937, he wrote that his firm \"is regional and local counsel for a number of insurance companies, Virginia counsel for the Pike Coal Company, and does a general legal business, specializing in insurance, real estate, corporation and probate law, also maintains a collection department.\" With his failing health in the late forties, the practice dwindled until 1955, when Duke and Duke closed a little over a hundred years after it began.","The Duke law firm papers include correspondence, case files, legal, insuarance, and financial records, as well as ledgers. The files provide extensive documentation of a small-town family practice. Since the insurance business and the Dukes's family business affairs were handled in the same office as the law practice, these files had remained with the legal files. The family correspondence found with these papers was transferred to Special Collections in Alderman Library.","The Duke papers were transferred from the first Duke office to the second Duke office, finally to their third office on Park Street, where they apparently were shifted more than once. Things were unavoidably jumbled, but the order within the cartons, the types of file boxes and folders, and the dates made it possible to reconstruct the original filing arrangements.","This collection is rich in source material for scholars of legal, social, or local history. The first area of research focuses on the changes in the character of this small-town law practice from the post-Civil War to the post-World War II periods. There are well-documented accounts in the shifts in the type of legal work the law firm handled, the daily office operations over the years, the economic vicissitudes of the practice, and the attitudes of three generations of lawyers. There is information on the political, economic, and social conditions of the Charlottesville area during the time span of the Dukes' law practice.","Series I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.","Series II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.","Series III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874 but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many but not all of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.","Series IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).","Series V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc. and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.","Series VI. General office correspondence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.","Series VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr. was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.","Series VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records dating from the 1880's provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives.","This addition to the Duke law firm papers came to the law library after the death of Helen Duke, donor of the original gift, and was given by William E. Duke, Jr. and Lucy D. Kinne. These papers are principally legal files from the law firm for the years 1904-[1942-1948]-1954 and financial records of the Duke family, and their arrangement follows that of the original gift.","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Duke family","Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"collection_ssim":["Duke family law firm papers, 1820/1959"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.79.6","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/66"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.79.6","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/66"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"geogname_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"places_ssim":["Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 19th Century","Charlottesville (Va.) -- History -- 20th century"],"creator_ssm":["Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898"],"creator_ssim":["Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Duke family"],"creators_ssim":["Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Duke family"],"acqinfo_ssim":["The collection was a gift of Helen R. Duke in 1979.","The addendum to the papers of the Duke and Duke law firm was donated by William E. Duke and Lucy D. Kinne to the Law Library in October of 1985 after the death of Helen Duke, donor of the original gift."],"access_subjects_ssim":["practice of law -- Virginia","lawyers -- Virginia"],"access_subjects_ssm":["practice of law -- Virginia","lawyers -- Virginia"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["108.5 Linear Feet 232 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["108.5 Linear Feet 232 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers are organized into 8 series: 1st-6th series concern the law practice; 7th series, the insurance business; and the 8th, family business.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874, but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many, but not all, of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc., and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VI. General office correspondendence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason, certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr., was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records, dating from the 1880's, provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The papers are organized into 8 series: 1st-6th series concern the law practice; 7th series, the insurance business; and the 8th, family business.","Series I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.","Series II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.","Series III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874, but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many, but not all, of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.","Series IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).","Series V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc., and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.","Series VI. General office correspondendence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason, certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.","Series VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr., was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.","Series VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records, dating from the 1880's, provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eRichard Thomas Walker Duke, son of Richard and Maria Walker Duke, was born 6 June 1822 in Charlottesville, Virginia, where he spent his childhood. After attending private schools, he entered Virginia Military Institute and finished second in the class of 1845. Upon graduating he taught school in Lewisburg, Virginia (now West Virginia), but returned to Charlottesville when his father died in 1849, and began studying law at the University. In 1850, he started his own law practice, and over the next ten years built a law office, was chosen one of Charlottesville's first aldermen, served briefly as mayor, and became commonwealth's attorney. He married Elizabeth Scott Eskridge of Staunton, and they had two sons, William and R. T. W. Jr. (Tom), and a daughter, Mary, all of whom lived to adulthood; two other children died in childhood.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs colonel of the 48th Regiment of the Virginia Volunteers, R. T. W. Duke took an active role in the Civil War. In 1864, he resigned his commission because of a dispute with a superior officer, but re-enlisted thirty days later. He surrendered with his troops at Silas Creek in 1865, and returned to his law practice and position as commonwealth's attorney. From that time on, Duke was known as \"the Colonel,\" and in honor of his service in the recent war, the local camp for the Sons of Confederate Veterans was named for him.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1863 Duke bought Sunnyside, a 70-acre tract of land northeast of Charlottesville (on which the Law School is now located), and farmed this property until his death. He was chosen secretary/treasurer of the board of trustees of the Samuel Miller Fund, established in 1869. In 1870, Duke assumed the fifth district's Congressional seat for two terms as a member of the Conservative party. Lobbying for a strong South throughout his term, Duke actively opposed the 14th Amendment. R. T. W. Duke died after a lingering illness in the summer of 1898.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWilliam R. Duke, born in 1849, possessed his father's farming instincts and commitment to political involvement. Together they farmed and resided at Sunnyside, whose ownership William shared with his brother Tom after their father's death. Although William studied law at Virginia, and in 1883 joined his father's law practice, he devoted more energy to farming and such groups as the Virginia Cattlemen's Association. In 1897 he was elected delegate to the Virginia General Assembly. Like his father, William was also involved in local affairs, serving, for example, as clerk of the Miller Fund board of trustees for many years. William died in 1929 and was survived by his sons, William (Billy) and Camman.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSince he was born in 1853, Richard Thomas Walker Duke Jr. (Tom) witnessed the Civil War during his impressionable boyhood years and later wrote about those experiences. A gifted writer and student of languages, Tom studied classics, French, German, and English literature when he entered the University of Virginia in 1870. He was awarded the Thomas Jefferson Prize for the best essay in 1872, and then turned his attention to the study of law in 1873-74. It is likely that he later read law for a time in his father's office before passing the bar. Although the practice of law became his career, Duke wrote prose and poetry the rest of his life, and was published in the New York Herald and such magazines as Century, Lippincott's, and Illustrated American.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThroughout his long career, Tom was active in town, University, and state affairs. Among the organizations in which he held office were the Masons, Zeta Psi fraternity, the Sons of the American Revolution, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Miller Board, the UVA Alumni Association, and the state Democratic Committee. He served from 1886 to 1901 as judge of the Corporation Court (now called the Circuit Court), as commonwealth's attorney from 1916 to 1920, and as a member of the Committee to Revise the Virginia Code in 1908. In addition, he sat on the boards of a variety of corporations, including the Charlottesville Ice Company, the First National Bank, and a number of Kentucky and West Virginia coal development companies in which his family had invested. From 1907 to 1910, Tom edited the Virginia Law Journal.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTom Duke married Edith Ridgeway Slaughter in 1884, and they produced six children, of whom five grew to maturity: Mary, R. T. W. III (Walker), John Flavel Slaughter (Jack), William Eskridge, and Helen Risdon. He built a spacious home for his family at 616 Park Street. A frequent traveller because of his practice, Duke also travelled for pleasure. As the children grew up, Edith often accompanied him to New York or Washington to shop, visit friends and attend plays, or she took journeys alone to visit children and other relatives. All the Duke children, as they reached their teens, attended boarding school, and all received at least some college education. Edith Duke died suddenly in 1921, and two years later, Tom married Maymee Richardson Slaughter, his wife's sister-in-law from Lynchburg. In March of 1926 Tom died at the age of 76.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWalker, after a few years in the Navy, joined the Army and became a career officer. Jack served in the Army during World War I, and then began a career in business. In 1917, Eskridge took a law degree at Virginia and joined his father's practice. He was plagued by ill-health throughout his career, and soon after their father's death, his sister Mary, a former social worker, began assisting in the law office. Helen, a librarian, worked in New York and Norfolk for a year or so before moving back to the family home. Eskridge and his wife, Lucy Lee, had three children, of whom two, William Eskridge Jr. (Bill) and Lucy Marshall, grew to adulthood. Jack died in 1933; Eskridge, in 1959; Walker, in 1960; Mary, in 1966; and Helen, in 1984.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Charlottesville law practice established by R. T. W. Duke in 1850 remained in the family for two succeeding generations. After studying law with John B. Minor at the University of Virginia, Duke practiced alone until 1858, when he built his office at 20 Court House Square and took James D. Jones as a partner. Another lawyer, Louis G. Hanckel, joined the firm in the early seventies and handled insurance business. When Tom finished his legal studies in 1874, he assisted his father, whose partner by then was Stephen V. Southall. In the 1880's the firm was called Duke and Duke, William having joined his father shortly before Tom became judge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe early work of the firm was limited to real estate, debt collection, and probate work, with an occasional criminal case. In addition, there was ample time for all three lawyers to pursue their assorted outside interests. At the office each man wrote his own letters, Tom switching to a Remington typewriter in 1889, before the days when they could hire a stenographer. The Dukes handled property rentals for some of their clients, the wealthiest and best known of whom was Jefferson Levy, owner of Monticello, the Opera House, and a great deal of other property in town.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWith the combination of \"the Colonel's\" death, the social and economic changes in town around the turn of the century, and the energetic leadership of Tom, the workload of the practice increased and became more diverse. Loan and bond operations were added to the civil and criminal work and property management. Around 1917, Eskridge and Clarence E. Gentry joined the firm, now called Duke, Duke and Gentry. The law office was torn down in 1922, and the firm moved to a building shared with other lawyers at the corner of Fifth and Jefferson Streets. The practice flourished, and the Dukes often hired Virginia law students or graduates as clerks or associates, including Elizabeth Tompkins (the first female graduate of the Law School), Bernard Chamberlain, Anna Dinwiddie, and John Yancy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIt has not been determined whether the Dukes sold insurance after Hanckel left, but some time after Eskridge joined the firm in the late teens, the Insurance Agency was established. The title was changed to the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville in 1923, when W. F. Carter Jr. as agent. After Carter misappropriated funds, he was relieved of his job, the agency was incorporated, and the Dukes' interest in the business was eventually bought out by William B. Murphy.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eEskridge carried on the law practice with the assistance of Mary and an occasional associate. In 1937, he wrote that his firm \"is regional and local counsel for a number of insurance companies, Virginia counsel for the Pike Coal Company, and does a general legal business, specializing in insurance, real estate, corporation and probate law, also maintains a collection department.\" With his failing health in the late forties, the practice dwindled until 1955, when Duke and Duke closed a little over a hundred years after it began.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Richard Thomas Walker Duke, son of Richard and Maria Walker Duke, was born 6 June 1822 in Charlottesville, Virginia, where he spent his childhood. After attending private schools, he entered Virginia Military Institute and finished second in the class of 1845. Upon graduating he taught school in Lewisburg, Virginia (now West Virginia), but returned to Charlottesville when his father died in 1849, and began studying law at the University. In 1850, he started his own law practice, and over the next ten years built a law office, was chosen one of Charlottesville's first aldermen, served briefly as mayor, and became commonwealth's attorney. He married Elizabeth Scott Eskridge of Staunton, and they had two sons, William and R. T. W. Jr. (Tom), and a daughter, Mary, all of whom lived to adulthood; two other children died in childhood.","As colonel of the 48th Regiment of the Virginia Volunteers, R. T. W. Duke took an active role in the Civil War. In 1864, he resigned his commission because of a dispute with a superior officer, but re-enlisted thirty days later. He surrendered with his troops at Silas Creek in 1865, and returned to his law practice and position as commonwealth's attorney. From that time on, Duke was known as \"the Colonel,\" and in honor of his service in the recent war, the local camp for the Sons of Confederate Veterans was named for him.","In 1863 Duke bought Sunnyside, a 70-acre tract of land northeast of Charlottesville (on which the Law School is now located), and farmed this property until his death. He was chosen secretary/treasurer of the board of trustees of the Samuel Miller Fund, established in 1869. In 1870, Duke assumed the fifth district's Congressional seat for two terms as a member of the Conservative party. Lobbying for a strong South throughout his term, Duke actively opposed the 14th Amendment. R. T. W. Duke died after a lingering illness in the summer of 1898.","William R. Duke, born in 1849, possessed his father's farming instincts and commitment to political involvement. Together they farmed and resided at Sunnyside, whose ownership William shared with his brother Tom after their father's death. Although William studied law at Virginia, and in 1883 joined his father's law practice, he devoted more energy to farming and such groups as the Virginia Cattlemen's Association. In 1897 he was elected delegate to the Virginia General Assembly. Like his father, William was also involved in local affairs, serving, for example, as clerk of the Miller Fund board of trustees for many years. William died in 1929 and was survived by his sons, William (Billy) and Camman.","Since he was born in 1853, Richard Thomas Walker Duke Jr. (Tom) witnessed the Civil War during his impressionable boyhood years and later wrote about those experiences. A gifted writer and student of languages, Tom studied classics, French, German, and English literature when he entered the University of Virginia in 1870. He was awarded the Thomas Jefferson Prize for the best essay in 1872, and then turned his attention to the study of law in 1873-74. It is likely that he later read law for a time in his father's office before passing the bar. Although the practice of law became his career, Duke wrote prose and poetry the rest of his life, and was published in the New York Herald and such magazines as Century, Lippincott's, and Illustrated American.","Throughout his long career, Tom was active in town, University, and state affairs. Among the organizations in which he held office were the Masons, Zeta Psi fraternity, the Sons of the American Revolution, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, the Miller Board, the UVA Alumni Association, and the state Democratic Committee. He served from 1886 to 1901 as judge of the Corporation Court (now called the Circuit Court), as commonwealth's attorney from 1916 to 1920, and as a member of the Committee to Revise the Virginia Code in 1908. In addition, he sat on the boards of a variety of corporations, including the Charlottesville Ice Company, the First National Bank, and a number of Kentucky and West Virginia coal development companies in which his family had invested. From 1907 to 1910, Tom edited the Virginia Law Journal.","Tom Duke married Edith Ridgeway Slaughter in 1884, and they produced six children, of whom five grew to maturity: Mary, R. T. W. III (Walker), John Flavel Slaughter (Jack), William Eskridge, and Helen Risdon. He built a spacious home for his family at 616 Park Street. A frequent traveller because of his practice, Duke also travelled for pleasure. As the children grew up, Edith often accompanied him to New York or Washington to shop, visit friends and attend plays, or she took journeys alone to visit children and other relatives. All the Duke children, as they reached their teens, attended boarding school, and all received at least some college education. Edith Duke died suddenly in 1921, and two years later, Tom married Maymee Richardson Slaughter, his wife's sister-in-law from Lynchburg. In March of 1926 Tom died at the age of 76.","Walker, after a few years in the Navy, joined the Army and became a career officer. Jack served in the Army during World War I, and then began a career in business. In 1917, Eskridge took a law degree at Virginia and joined his father's practice. He was plagued by ill-health throughout his career, and soon after their father's death, his sister Mary, a former social worker, began assisting in the law office. Helen, a librarian, worked in New York and Norfolk for a year or so before moving back to the family home. Eskridge and his wife, Lucy Lee, had three children, of whom two, William Eskridge Jr. (Bill) and Lucy Marshall, grew to adulthood. Jack died in 1933; Eskridge, in 1959; Walker, in 1960; Mary, in 1966; and Helen, in 1984.","The Charlottesville law practice established by R. T. W. Duke in 1850 remained in the family for two succeeding generations. After studying law with John B. Minor at the University of Virginia, Duke practiced alone until 1858, when he built his office at 20 Court House Square and took James D. Jones as a partner. Another lawyer, Louis G. Hanckel, joined the firm in the early seventies and handled insurance business. When Tom finished his legal studies in 1874, he assisted his father, whose partner by then was Stephen V. Southall. In the 1880's the firm was called Duke and Duke, William having joined his father shortly before Tom became judge.","The early work of the firm was limited to real estate, debt collection, and probate work, with an occasional criminal case. In addition, there was ample time for all three lawyers to pursue their assorted outside interests. At the office each man wrote his own letters, Tom switching to a Remington typewriter in 1889, before the days when they could hire a stenographer. The Dukes handled property rentals for some of their clients, the wealthiest and best known of whom was Jefferson Levy, owner of Monticello, the Opera House, and a great deal of other property in town.","With the combination of \"the Colonel's\" death, the social and economic changes in town around the turn of the century, and the energetic leadership of Tom, the workload of the practice increased and became more diverse. Loan and bond operations were added to the civil and criminal work and property management. Around 1917, Eskridge and Clarence E. Gentry joined the firm, now called Duke, Duke and Gentry. The law office was torn down in 1922, and the firm moved to a building shared with other lawyers at the corner of Fifth and Jefferson Streets. The practice flourished, and the Dukes often hired Virginia law students or graduates as clerks or associates, including Elizabeth Tompkins (the first female graduate of the Law School), Bernard Chamberlain, Anna Dinwiddie, and John Yancy.","It has not been determined whether the Dukes sold insurance after Hanckel left, but some time after Eskridge joined the firm in the late teens, the Insurance Agency was established. The title was changed to the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville in 1923, when W. F. Carter Jr. as agent. After Carter misappropriated funds, he was relieved of his job, the agency was incorporated, and the Dukes' interest in the business was eventually bought out by William B. Murphy.","Eskridge carried on the law practice with the assistance of Mary and an occasional associate. In 1937, he wrote that his firm \"is regional and local counsel for a number of insurance companies, Virginia counsel for the Pike Coal Company, and does a general legal business, specializing in insurance, real estate, corporation and probate law, also maintains a collection department.\" With his failing health in the late forties, the practice dwindled until 1955, when Duke and Duke closed a little over a hundred years after it began."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Duke law firm papers include correspondence, case files, legal, insuarance, and financial records, as well as ledgers. The files provide extensive documentation of a small-town family practice. Since the insurance business and the Dukes's family business affairs were handled in the same office as the law practice, these files had remained with the legal files. The family correspondence found with these papers was transferred to Special Collections in Alderman Library. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Duke papers were transferred from the first Duke office to the second Duke office, finally to their third office on Park Street, where they apparently were shifted more than once. Things were unavoidably jumbled, but the order within the cartons, the types of file boxes and folders, and the dates made it possible to reconstruct the original filing arrangements.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis collection is rich in source material for scholars of legal, social, or local history. The first area of research focuses on the changes in the character of this small-town law practice from the post-Civil War to the post-World War II periods. There are well-documented accounts in the shifts in the type of legal work the law firm handled, the daily office operations over the years, the economic vicissitudes of the practice, and the attitudes of three generations of lawyers. There is information on the political, economic, and social conditions of the Charlottesville area during the time span of the Dukes' law practice.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eSeries I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874 but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many but not all of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc. and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VI. General office correspondence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr. was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records dating from the 1880's provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis addition to the Duke law firm papers came to the law library after the death of Helen Duke, donor of the original gift, and was given by William E. Duke, Jr. and Lucy D. Kinne. These papers are principally legal files from the law firm for the years 1904-[1942-1948]-1954 and financial records of the Duke family, and their arrangement follows that of the original gift.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Duke law firm papers include correspondence, case files, legal, insuarance, and financial records, as well as ledgers. The files provide extensive documentation of a small-town family practice. Since the insurance business and the Dukes's family business affairs were handled in the same office as the law practice, these files had remained with the legal files. The family correspondence found with these papers was transferred to Special Collections in Alderman Library.","The Duke papers were transferred from the first Duke office to the second Duke office, finally to their third office on Park Street, where they apparently were shifted more than once. Things were unavoidably jumbled, but the order within the cartons, the types of file boxes and folders, and the dates made it possible to reconstruct the original filing arrangements.","This collection is rich in source material for scholars of legal, social, or local history. The first area of research focuses on the changes in the character of this small-town law practice from the post-Civil War to the post-World War II periods. There are well-documented accounts in the shifts in the type of legal work the law firm handled, the daily office operations over the years, the economic vicissitudes of the practice, and the attitudes of three generations of lawyers. There is information on the political, economic, and social conditions of the Charlottesville area during the time span of the Dukes' law practice.","Series I. Incoming letters (boxes 1-43) -- From 1869 to 1923 (and occasionally through the 1940's) incoming letters were filed separately from other material. From 1899 to 1923 all incoming letters were stored annually in special file boxes arranged alphabetically by correspondent's name. The papers in this series are arranged as they were found.","Series II. Copies of outgoing letters (boxes 44-57) -- From the 1870's through the teens copies of outgoing letters were kept chronologically in letterpress books. The books are stored in chronological order.","Series III. Case files (boxes 58-125) -- The case files date back to 1874 but are concentrated between 1920 and 1955. While the dates of these case files overlap the chronological ones described above, case files were by no means regularly created until the early twenties when the other system was virtually abandoned. Since many but not all of the case files were numbered, it was impossible to restore them to numerical order. Therefore, they have been grouped into decades and then arranged alphabetically by title found on the original folder. If the original folder was numbered, that number is noted on the new one. The cases concern principally the settlement of debts, property and divorce, as well as, for the last few decades, insurance claims.","Series IV. Legal documents (boxes 126-145) -- These documents, originally stored apart from case files, are organized chronologically according to type of document, the largest groups of which are deeds (1885-1929) and titles (1876-1936). Also included in this series are documents related to specific cases (ca. 1870-1925), to the coal business, and to miscellaneous matters (ca. 1800-1950).","Series V. Financial papers (boxes 146-167 and oversize) -- The financial papers were likewise apparently filed separately in the office. They include notes, bonds, collections, accounts, bills, taxes, etc. and are arranged alphabetically (ca. 1870-1950). Ledgers containing the same sort of financial records are organized by size.","Series VI. General office correspondence and cases (boxes 168-185) -- This alphabetical file, ca. 1920-1955, was apparently created for routine correspondence concerning clients and office matters. For some reason certain cases were also incorporated into the alphabetical system, despite the fact that numbered case files continued to be created until the practice closed. (To complicate matters a bit further, there seem to have been two alphabetical files used consecutively. These have now been merged into one.) This series contains correspondence and case files, desk diaries, memoranda, unfiled office papers, and files relating to the insurance companies Eskridge represented.","Series VII. Insurance agency files (boxes 186-217) -- These files of the Insurance Agency of Charlottesville, 1923-1927, cover the period in which W.F. Carter, Jr. was agent. At the beginning of the series are documents concerning the audit of the agency and the subsequent incorporation.","Series VIII. Family business files, civic material and miscellany (boxes 218-232) -- These records dating from the 1880's provide a good deal of information about the financial affairs of the Charlottesville Dukes as well as their relatives.","This addition to the Duke law firm papers came to the law library after the death of Helen Duke, donor of the original gift, and was given by William E. Duke, Jr. and Lucy D. Kinne. These papers are principally legal files from the law firm for the years 1904-[1942-1948]-1954 and financial records of the Duke family, and their arrangement follows that of the original gift."],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"famname_ssim":["Duke family"],"names_coll_ssim":["Duke family","Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929","Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898"],"persname_ssim":["Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929"],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Duke family","Duke, Richard Thomas Walker (R. T. W.), 1822-1898","Duke, William Eskridge, 1893-1959","Duke, William R., 1849-1929"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1908,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:30:23.622Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_66_c04_c03"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c04_c01","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Academic Reports for Bondurant family\n members, 1853/1899","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c04_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c04_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c04_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c04_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c04","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Topical"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"Academic Reports for Bondurant family\n members","title_ssm":["Academic Reports for Bondurant family\n members"],"title_tesim":["Academic Reports for Bondurant family\n members"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Academic Reports for Bondurant family\n members, 1853/1899"],"text":["Academic Reports for Bondurant family\n members, 1853/1899","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Topical","Box Box 33"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Topical"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Topical"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1853/1899"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1853-1899, n.d."],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":103,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 33"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n William G. Harrison, of the \n University of Virginia, on May 14,\n 1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n related through the marriage of \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n of agriculture at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n pastorates in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n death of General \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n brother, \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n from Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n contains the papers of the \n Bondurant familyof \n Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n Morrison familyof \n Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n related through the marriage of \n Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n Alexander J. Bondurantand \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n correspondents in this collection. \n Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n superintendent of \n Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n of agriculture at \n Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n to the government of \n Australia. His father, \n Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n War of 1812, a member of the \n Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n of the \n Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n the daughter of Rev. \n James Morrisonand \n Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n the papers of Rev. \n James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n the \n Presbyterian Church; also included are\n his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n account books for his home, \n Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n Civil War, school administration in \n Buckingham Co., \n Auburn University, the \n University of Virginia, mining and\n mineral rights in \n Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n Virginia, including the \n James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n the \n Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n culture in \n Australiaand the southern \n United States, Rev. \n James Morrison's education at the \n University of North Carolina, his\n pastorates in \n North Carolinaand \n Virginia, the \n Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n Bellevue Schoolin \n Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n especially \n Variety Shade, and \n Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n Australiato various family members\n spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n information on agriculture and the culture of \n Australia. Some of the letters from \n Charles W. Dabneyto \n A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n ore and mineral rights in \n Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n found in the correspondence. Letters from \n Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n 1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n 13 May 1863 letter from \n Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n death of General \n Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n E.M. Bondurantfrom \n A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n brother, \n Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n correspondence. The \n Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n of the \n Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n mentioned in a few letters. \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n to leave the management of the paper to \n A.J. Bondurant. \n Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n George P. Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n Whigagain and the \n Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n 1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n from \n E.M. Bondurantto \n A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n Oct 1896). Letters from \n Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n with local politics; a letter from \n J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n Floodand local tax collecting practices\n and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n 1834).","Religion and the \n Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n James Morrison, pastor of \n New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n from Rev. \n Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n Letters to Rev. \n James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:42.753Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c04_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00769_c13","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Account and Memorandum Books, chiefly of\n James Johnston, 1873/1897","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00769_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00769_c13","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00769_c13"],"id":"viu_viu00769_c13","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00769","_root_":"viu_viu00769","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00769","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00769","parent_ssim":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00769"],"title_filing_ssi":"Account and Memorandum Books, chiefly of\n James Johnston","title_ssm":["Account and Memorandum Books, chiefly of\n James Johnston"],"title_tesim":["Account and Memorandum Books, chiefly of\n James Johnston"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Account and Memorandum Books, chiefly of\n James Johnston, 1873/1897"],"text":["Account and Memorandum Books, chiefly of\n James Johnston, 1873/1897","Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900","(50 vols.)","Box Box 2"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1873/1897"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1873-1897"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":13,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"physdesc_tesim":["(50 vols.)"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 2"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897],"_nest_path_":"/components#12","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00769","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00769","_root_":"viu_viu00769","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00769","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00769.xml","title_ssm":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"title_tesim":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"text":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900","38-8","ca. 625 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection of account books and business papers,\n containing about 625 items, 1858-1900, originated in \n Albemarle County, Virginia. Most of these\n papers concern \n Robert G. Wrightof \n North Gardenand \n James Johnstonof \n Hardware.","Johnston was postmaster of \n Hardwareca. 1885-1890, a general merchant\n dealing in general merchandise, and a miller who operated the \n Green Mountain Mill. One receipt (April\n 17, 1875) indicates that he also rented a place called \n Coles Millfor his milling business. His\n business papers, 1868-1899, reflect his mercantile activities\n and his post office business.","James Johnstonapparently ran the store at\n Hardware, Virginia, for his\n brother-in-law, \n Bob Wright, secretary of the \n Waynesboro Company. Much of the business\n correspondence for 1890-1891 contains Wright's pleas for\n Johnston to accept only cash payments for goods, to collect on\n bad debts, and to furnish him with inventories and orders for\n goods so that he could meet his own obligations.","The few pieces of personal correspondence, 1873-1892, are\n chiefly from Johnston's sisters Mollie [?] and \n Sallie (Johnston) Wright, concerning\n family matters but they also include a letter from \n Thomas E. Locke, a minister, about his\n services and salary (July 14, 1891) and a letter from \n William Garlandto \n Joshua Martin(October 31, 1885)\n concerning the arrival of a \"carpetbagger,\" termed a \"Yanke\n Mahone Emmissary,\" in the black community.","The miscellaneous papers contain undated poems and an\n invitation to the graduation exercises of \n Valley Seminary(1888) at \n Waynesboro, Virginia. Printed material\n consists of the by-laws of the \n Scottsville [Masonic] Lodge(1872) and a\n catalog of farm machinery (1900).","The account books include: ca. fifty small personal account\n and memorandum books, chiefly of \n James Johnston, 1873-1897; ledgers, a\n journal, and a daybook of Johnston's for the \n Green Mountain Millin \n Albemarle County; other ledgers, a\n journal and a daybook concerning the general store at \n Hardware; and an account book for \"Eldon\n Plantation\" of expenses kept by \n W. E. Sims.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Green Mountain Mill","Coles Mill","Waynesboro Company","Valley Seminary","Scottsville [Masonic] Lodge","Robert G. Wright","James Johnston","Bob Wright","Sallie (Johnston) Wright","Thomas E. Locke","William Garland","Joshua Martin","W. E. Sims","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"collection_ssim":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and Papers \n 1858-1900"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["38-8"],"unitid_tesim":["38-8"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Frank E. Johnston"],"creator_ssim":["Frank E. Johnston"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Robert G. Wright","James Johnston","Bob Wright","Sallie (Johnston) Wright","Thomas E. Locke","William Garland","Joshua Martin","W. E. Sims"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Green Mountain Mill","Coles Mill","Waynesboro Company","Valley Seminary","Scottsville [Masonic] Lodge"],"creators_ssim":["Robert G. Wright","James Johnston","Bob Wright","Sallie (Johnston) Wright","Thomas E. Locke","William Garland","Joshua Martin","W. E. Sims","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Green Mountain Mill","Coles Mill","Waynesboro Company","Valley Seminary","Scottsville [Masonic] Lodge"],"acqinfo_ssim":["These papers and ledgers were lent to the Library in\n 1931, and title donated on September 26, 1974, by Frank E.\n Johnston of North Garden, Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 625 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJohnston-Wright Ledgers and\n Papers, Accession 38-8, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Johnston-Wright Ledgers and\n Papers, Accession 38-8, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection of account books and business papers,\n containing about 625 items, 1858-1900, originated in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAlbemarle County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Most of these\n papers concern \n \u003cpersname\u003eRobert G. Wright\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Garden\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Johnston\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHardware\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eJohnston was postmaster of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHardware\u003c/geogname\u003eca. 1885-1890, a general merchant\n dealing in general merchandise, and a miller who operated the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGreen Mountain Mill\u003c/corpname\u003e. One receipt (April\n 17, 1875) indicates that he also rented a place called \n \u003ccorpname\u003eColes Mill\u003c/corpname\u003efor his milling business. His\n business papers, 1868-1899, reflect his mercantile activities\n and his post office business.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eJames Johnston\u003c/persname\u003eapparently ran the store at\n \u003cgeogname\u003eHardware, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, for his\n brother-in-law, \n \u003cpersname\u003eBob Wright\u003c/persname\u003e, secretary of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWaynesboro Company\u003c/corpname\u003e. Much of the business\n correspondence for 1890-1891 contains Wright's pleas for\n Johnston to accept only cash payments for goods, to collect on\n bad debts, and to furnish him with inventories and orders for\n goods so that he could meet his own obligations.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe few pieces of personal correspondence, 1873-1892, are\n chiefly from Johnston's sisters Mollie [?] and \n \u003cpersname\u003eSallie (Johnston) Wright\u003c/persname\u003e, concerning\n family matters but they also include a letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas E. Locke\u003c/persname\u003e, a minister, about his\n services and salary (July 14, 1891) and a letter from \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Garland\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eJoshua Martin\u003c/persname\u003e(October 31, 1885)\n concerning the arrival of a \"carpetbagger,\" termed a \"Yanke\n Mahone Emmissary,\" in the black community.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe miscellaneous papers contain undated poems and an\n invitation to the graduation exercises of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eValley Seminary\u003c/corpname\u003e(1888) at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWaynesboro, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Printed material\n consists of the by-laws of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eScottsville [Masonic] Lodge\u003c/corpname\u003e(1872) and a\n catalog of farm machinery (1900).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe account books include: ca. fifty small personal account\n and memorandum books, chiefly of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Johnston\u003c/persname\u003e, 1873-1897; ledgers, a\n journal, and a daybook of Johnston's for the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGreen Mountain Mill\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAlbemarle County\u003c/geogname\u003e; other ledgers, a\n journal and a daybook concerning the general store at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHardware\u003c/geogname\u003e; and an account book for \"Eldon\n Plantation\" of expenses kept by \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. E. Sims\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection of account books and business papers,\n containing about 625 items, 1858-1900, originated in \n Albemarle County, Virginia. Most of these\n papers concern \n Robert G. Wrightof \n North Gardenand \n James Johnstonof \n Hardware.","Johnston was postmaster of \n Hardwareca. 1885-1890, a general merchant\n dealing in general merchandise, and a miller who operated the \n Green Mountain Mill. One receipt (April\n 17, 1875) indicates that he also rented a place called \n Coles Millfor his milling business. His\n business papers, 1868-1899, reflect his mercantile activities\n and his post office business.","James Johnstonapparently ran the store at\n Hardware, Virginia, for his\n brother-in-law, \n Bob Wright, secretary of the \n Waynesboro Company. Much of the business\n correspondence for 1890-1891 contains Wright's pleas for\n Johnston to accept only cash payments for goods, to collect on\n bad debts, and to furnish him with inventories and orders for\n goods so that he could meet his own obligations.","The few pieces of personal correspondence, 1873-1892, are\n chiefly from Johnston's sisters Mollie [?] and \n Sallie (Johnston) Wright, concerning\n family matters but they also include a letter from \n Thomas E. Locke, a minister, about his\n services and salary (July 14, 1891) and a letter from \n William Garlandto \n Joshua Martin(October 31, 1885)\n concerning the arrival of a \"carpetbagger,\" termed a \"Yanke\n Mahone Emmissary,\" in the black community.","The miscellaneous papers contain undated poems and an\n invitation to the graduation exercises of \n Valley Seminary(1888) at \n Waynesboro, Virginia. Printed material\n consists of the by-laws of the \n Scottsville [Masonic] Lodge(1872) and a\n catalog of farm machinery (1900).","The account books include: ca. fifty small personal account\n and memorandum books, chiefly of \n James Johnston, 1873-1897; ledgers, a\n journal, and a daybook of Johnston's for the \n Green Mountain Millin \n Albemarle County; other ledgers, a\n journal and a daybook concerning the general store at \n Hardware; and an account book for \"Eldon\n Plantation\" of expenses kept by \n W. E. Sims."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Green Mountain Mill","Coles Mill","Waynesboro Company","Valley Seminary","Scottsville [Masonic] Lodge"],"persname_ssim":["Robert G. Wright","James Johnston","Bob Wright","Sallie (Johnston) Wright","Thomas E. Locke","William Garland","Joshua Martin","W. E. Sims"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Green Mountain Mill","Coles Mill","Waynesboro Company","Valley Seminary","Scottsville [Masonic] Lodge","Robert G. Wright","James Johnston","Bob Wright","Sallie (Johnston) Wright","Thomas E. Locke","William Garland","Joshua Martin","W. E. Sims"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":28,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:33:15.613Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00769_c13"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03_c13","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Account Book of George Perkins, 1877/1903","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03_c13#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03_c13","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03_c13"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03_c13","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03","parent_ssim":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920","Bound Folio Volumes and Related Material"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1138","viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Account Book of George Perkins","title_ssm":["Account Book of George Perkins"],"title_tesim":["Account Book of George Perkins"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Account Book of George Perkins, 1877/1903"],"text":["Account Book of George Perkins, 1877/1903","Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920","Bound Folio Volumes and Related Material","Ledger 7"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920","Bound Folio Volumes and Related Material"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920","Bound Folio Volumes and Related Material"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1877/1903"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1877 October 10-1903 March 17"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":247,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920"],"extent_ssm":["1 Volumes"],"extent_tesim":["1 Volumes"],"containers_ssim":["Ledger 7"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["This collection is open for research use."],"date_range_isim":[1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#12","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:28:13.060Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1138","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1138.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/124396","title_filing_ssi":"Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records","title_ssm":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records"],"title_tesim":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records"],"unitdate_ssm":["1751, 1835-1920"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1751, 1835-1920"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1751/1920"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920"],"text":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920","MSS 4407","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1138","Water-supply--Virginia--Charlottesville","Nimrod Hall (Retreat)","lawyers -- Virginia","Perkins family","Perkins \u0026 Perkins Firm (Charlottesville, Va.)","This collection is open for research use.","The collection has been arranged in three series, 1) Legal Correspondence, 2) Financial and Legal Documents and 3) Bound Folio Volumes and Related Material.","The legal correspondence is arranged alphabetically by last name of correspondent or the company name. All the years of each correspondent have been gathered and filed together.","George Perkins (1847-1918) was a lawyer in Charlottesville, Virginia, and attorney for the City of Charlottesville from November 18, 1896 to January 1, 1915. George was born in Cumberland County, Virginia, to William Allen Perkins and Ann Henderson. Having joined the Confederate forces during the Civil War, he attended the University of Virginia from 1865-1868. He then married Eliza Norris Watson, and they had at least three children, Hay W. Perkins, Annie H. Perkins, and W. Allan Perkins. Perkins apparently shared a legal practice with Judge E.R. Watson (deceased 1887) after graduating from the University of Virginia. George Perkins was a also a member of the Presbyterian Church of Charlottesville and served as an Elder (1888-1918) and a Clerk of Session (beginning in 1890).","George Perkins was joined in his law practice by his son, W. Allan Perkins (1880-1960), soon after Allan studied law at the University of Virginia and graduated around 1903. W. Allan Perkins was married to Lizzie Hazlehurst Bolton Perkins and their children were Hazelhurst Bolton Perkins (1911-1923) and William Allen Perkins, Jr. (1925-2014). Allan Perkins also represented the University of Virgina as an attorney from about 1915-1952, was Treasurer of the University Alumni Association, served on the Charlottesville School Board and was a director of the Farmington Country Club.","Some materials were damaged by water prior to their arrival at the University of Virginia Library. These items have been given extra support with mylar enclosures or file folder inserts.","The Perkins Family papers and business records (MSS 38-53) contain related materials, especially the group of letter books belonging to George W. Perkins that contain volumes of personal correspondence, correspondence as Attorney for the City of Charlottesville, and Perkins and Perkins Law Firm.","Letterbook of George Perkins, Attorney for the City of Charlottesville, 1896 November 18 – 1905 December 15","Letterbook of George Perkins, Attorney for the City of Charlottesville, 1906 January 11 – 1914 December 29","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1903 July 1 – 1903 November 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1903 November 12 – 1904 April 16","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1904 April 16 – 1904 August 23","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1904 August 24 – 1904 December 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1904 December 12 – 1905 March 25","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1905 March 25 – 1905 August 3","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1905 August 3 – 1905 December 2","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1905 December 2 – 1906 March 20","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1906 March 20 – 1906 July 14","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1906 July 14 – 1906 November 22","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1906 November 22 – 1907 April 29","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1907 April 29 – 1907 November 15 (16)","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1907 November 16 – 1908 April 14","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1908 April 14 – 1908 September 8","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1908 September – 1909 January, DAMAGED","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1909 February – 1909 June, DAMAGED","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1909 June 23 – 1909 November 10","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1909 November 30 – 1910 March 9","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1910 March 9 – 1910 July 2","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1910 July 2 – 1910 November 30","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1910 November 30 – 1911 April 11","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1911 April 11 – 1911 September 7","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1911 September 8 – 1912 February 15","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1912 February 15 – 1912 September 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1912 September 12 – 1912 December 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1913 February 1 – 1915 January 26","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1883 January 20 – 1886 July 28","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1886 August 10 – 1908 November 27","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1908 – 1915","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1915 – 1918","The records chiefly contain legal correspondence, financial and legal documents and bound folio volumes from the law firm of Perkins and Perkins, consisting of George Perkins and his son, W. Allan Perkins, 1903-1916.","In addition, some legal correspondence and documents represent the service of George Perkins as attorney for the City of Charlottesville, 1904-1916. There is very little personal correspondence or documents in these records.","Topics include:","Property and License Tax Controversy with Telephone, Telegraph and Express Companies; Strattan Case and the street through the property of the Charlottesville Ice Company, Folder 1 (1901-1902)","McKee Stree issue; the Federal Building and Leterman, Folder 2 (1902-1904)","Street Improvement Bonds; Charlottesville v Bishop; and the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad Depot, Folder 3 (1903-1904)","Street Car Company Report; Failes v City of Charlottesville; the Water Main through the Carter property; the account of Albemarle County with the City of Charlottesville; and Patrick Grady lawsuit, Folder 4 (1904-1906)","Greaver v City of Charlottesville; and City Gas Works Lease, Folder 5 (1906)","Late Due Notices for Oakwood Cemetery Lots with lists of purchasers, noting both white and African American buyers, threatening to remove bodies from unpaid lots; and a bond issue for a Gas Plant, Folder 6 (1908?-1912)","Items include a page from a Bible with notes on significant family events for the Mallam, Neil and Hays families (circa 1751-1803); two letters about the finances of Annie Byrd and Edward Alexander Watson (1899); the marriage license of two African Americans, Moses Brooks and Mildred Lewis (1902); 3 insurance policies for \"Nimrod Hall,\" Bath County (1903-1904); a broadside \"University of Virginia Students. Confederate Soldiers, 1861-1865. Reunion of June 10-12, 1912\"; a delegate certificate of Major Channing M. Bolton to the Atlantic Deeper Waterways Association Convention (1917); Sketch Map to accompany the Report on Remick-Waters Soapstone property (1911); and a printed notice about the Charlottesville City Democratic Primary (undated).","Two items have been removed from the collection and sent to Rare Books for individual cataloging:","Broadside for public auction sale of \"Nimrod Hall,\" near Millboro, Bath County, Virginia, May 4, 1899","Broadside for Sheriff's Sale at Public Auction, Crozet, Albemarle County, March 17, 1908, to satisfy a legal suit between M.R. and Polly Graves v Virginia Ginseng Company, for Sheriff L.C. Watts.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Perkins, George, 1847-1918","Perkins, W. Allan, 1880-1960","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920"],"collection_ssim":["Perkins \u0026 Perkins Law Firm Records, 1751/1920"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 4407","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1138"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 4407","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1138"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Water-supply--Virginia--Charlottesville","Nimrod Hall (Retreat)"],"geogname_ssim":["Water-supply--Virginia--Charlottesville","Nimrod Hall (Retreat)"],"places_ssim":["Water-supply--Virginia--Charlottesville","Nimrod Hall (Retreat)"],"creator_ssm":["Perkins, George, 1847-1918","Perkins, W. 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Allan Perkins, Charlottesville, Virginia."],"access_subjects_ssim":["lawyers -- Virginia","Perkins family","Perkins \u0026 Perkins Firm (Charlottesville, Va.)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["lawyers -- Virginia","Perkins family","Perkins \u0026 Perkins Firm (Charlottesville, Va.)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["18.5 Cubic Feet 36 legal document boxes, 12 ledgers and one small oversize folder (14\" x 18')"],"extent_tesim":["18.5 Cubic Feet 36 legal document boxes, 12 ledgers and one small oversize folder (14\" x 18')"],"date_range_isim":[1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection has been arranged in three series, 1) Legal Correspondence, 2) Financial and Legal Documents and 3) Bound Folio Volumes and Related Material. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe legal correspondence is arranged alphabetically by last name of correspondent or the company name. 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Perkins, and W. Allan Perkins. Perkins apparently shared a legal practice with Judge E.R. Watson (deceased 1887) after graduating from the University of Virginia. George Perkins was a also a member of the Presbyterian Church of Charlottesville and served as an Elder (1888-1918) and a Clerk of Session (beginning in 1890). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGeorge Perkins was joined in his law practice by his son, W. Allan Perkins (1880-1960), soon after Allan studied law at the University of Virginia and graduated around 1903. W. Allan Perkins was married to Lizzie Hazlehurst Bolton Perkins and their children were Hazelhurst Bolton Perkins (1911-1923) and William Allen Perkins, Jr. (1925-2014). Allan Perkins also represented the University of Virgina as an attorney from about 1915-1952, was Treasurer of the University Alumni Association, served on the Charlottesville School Board and was a director of the Farmington Country Club. \u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["George Perkins (1847-1918) was a lawyer in Charlottesville, Virginia, and attorney for the City of Charlottesville from November 18, 1896 to January 1, 1915. George was born in Cumberland County, Virginia, to William Allen Perkins and Ann Henderson. Having joined the Confederate forces during the Civil War, he attended the University of Virginia from 1865-1868. He then married Eliza Norris Watson, and they had at least three children, Hay W. Perkins, Annie H. Perkins, and W. Allan Perkins. Perkins apparently shared a legal practice with Judge E.R. Watson (deceased 1887) after graduating from the University of Virginia. George Perkins was a also a member of the Presbyterian Church of Charlottesville and served as an Elder (1888-1918) and a Clerk of Session (beginning in 1890).","George Perkins was joined in his law practice by his son, W. Allan Perkins (1880-1960), soon after Allan studied law at the University of Virginia and graduated around 1903. W. Allan Perkins was married to Lizzie Hazlehurst Bolton Perkins and their children were Hazelhurst Bolton Perkins (1911-1923) and William Allen Perkins, Jr. (1925-2014). Allan Perkins also represented the University of Virgina as an attorney from about 1915-1952, was Treasurer of the University Alumni Association, served on the Charlottesville School Board and was a director of the Farmington Country Club."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePerkins and Perkins Law Firm records, MSS 4407, 1751, 1835-1920, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["Perkins and Perkins Law Firm records, MSS 4407, 1751, 1835-1920, Special Collections, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Virginia."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome materials were damaged by water prior to their arrival at the University of Virginia Library. 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Perkins that contain volumes of personal correspondence, correspondence as Attorney for the City of Charlottesville, and Perkins and Perkins Law Firm.","Letterbook of George Perkins, Attorney for the City of Charlottesville, 1896 November 18 – 1905 December 15","Letterbook of George Perkins, Attorney for the City of Charlottesville, 1906 January 11 – 1914 December 29","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1903 July 1 – 1903 November 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1903 November 12 – 1904 April 16","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1904 April 16 – 1904 August 23","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1904 August 24 – 1904 December 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1904 December 12 – 1905 March 25","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1905 March 25 – 1905 August 3","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1905 August 3 – 1905 December 2","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1905 December 2 – 1906 March 20","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1906 March 20 – 1906 July 14","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1906 July 14 – 1906 November 22","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1906 November 22 – 1907 April 29","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1907 April 29 – 1907 November 15 (16)","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1907 November 16 – 1908 April 14","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1908 April 14 – 1908 September 8","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1908 September – 1909 January, DAMAGED","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1909 February – 1909 June, DAMAGED","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1909 June 23 – 1909 November 10","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1909 November 30 – 1910 March 9","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1910 March 9 – 1910 July 2","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1910 July 2 – 1910 November 30","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1910 November 30 – 1911 April 11","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1911 April 11 – 1911 September 7","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1911 September 8 – 1912 February 15","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1912 February 15 – 1912 September 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1912 September 12 – 1912 December 12","Letterbook of Perkins and Perkins, 1913 February 1 – 1915 January 26","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1883 January 20 – 1886 July 28","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1886 August 10 – 1908 November 27","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1908 – 1915","Letterbook of George Perkins, Private Correspondence, 1915 – 1918"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe records chiefly contain legal correspondence, financial and legal documents and bound folio volumes from the law firm of Perkins and Perkins, consisting of George Perkins and his son, W. Allan Perkins, 1903-1916. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition, some legal correspondence and documents represent the service of George Perkins as attorney for the City of Charlottesville, 1904-1916. There is very little personal correspondence or documents in these records.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eTopics include: \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eProperty and License Tax Controversy with Telephone, Telegraph and Express Companies; Strattan Case and the street through the property of the Charlottesville Ice Company, Folder 1 (1901-1902)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMcKee Stree issue; the Federal Building and Leterman, Folder 2 (1902-1904)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStreet Improvement Bonds; Charlottesville v Bishop; and the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad Depot, Folder 3 (1903-1904)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStreet Car Company Report; Failes v City of Charlottesville; the Water Main through the Carter property; the account of Albemarle County with the City of Charlottesville; and Patrick Grady lawsuit, Folder 4 (1904-1906)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGreaver v City of Charlottesville; and City Gas Works Lease, Folder 5 (1906)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLate Due Notices for Oakwood Cemetery Lots with lists of purchasers, noting both white and African American buyers, threatening to remove bodies from unpaid lots; and a bond issue for a Gas Plant, Folder 6 (1908?-1912)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems include a page from a Bible with notes on significant family events for the Mallam, Neil and Hays families (circa 1751-1803); two letters about the finances of Annie Byrd and Edward Alexander Watson (1899); the marriage license of two African Americans, Moses Brooks and Mildred Lewis (1902); 3 insurance policies for \"Nimrod Hall,\" Bath County (1903-1904); a broadside \"University of Virginia Students. Confederate Soldiers, 1861-1865. Reunion of June 10-12, 1912\"; a delegate certificate of Major Channing M. Bolton to the Atlantic Deeper Waterways Association Convention (1917); Sketch Map to accompany the Report on Remick-Waters Soapstone property (1911); and a printed notice about the Charlottesville City Democratic Primary (undated).\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The records chiefly contain legal correspondence, financial and legal documents and bound folio volumes from the law firm of Perkins and Perkins, consisting of George Perkins and his son, W. Allan Perkins, 1903-1916.","In addition, some legal correspondence and documents represent the service of George Perkins as attorney for the City of Charlottesville, 1904-1916. There is very little personal correspondence or documents in these records.","Topics include:","Property and License Tax Controversy with Telephone, Telegraph and Express Companies; Strattan Case and the street through the property of the Charlottesville Ice Company, Folder 1 (1901-1902)","McKee Stree issue; the Federal Building and Leterman, Folder 2 (1902-1904)","Street Improvement Bonds; Charlottesville v Bishop; and the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad Depot, Folder 3 (1903-1904)","Street Car Company Report; Failes v City of Charlottesville; the Water Main through the Carter property; the account of Albemarle County with the City of Charlottesville; and Patrick Grady lawsuit, Folder 4 (1904-1906)","Greaver v City of Charlottesville; and City Gas Works Lease, Folder 5 (1906)","Late Due Notices for Oakwood Cemetery Lots with lists of purchasers, noting both white and African American buyers, threatening to remove bodies from unpaid lots; and a bond issue for a Gas Plant, Folder 6 (1908?-1912)","Items include a page from a Bible with notes on significant family events for the Mallam, Neil and Hays families (circa 1751-1803); two letters about the finances of Annie Byrd and Edward Alexander Watson (1899); the marriage license of two African Americans, Moses Brooks and Mildred Lewis (1902); 3 insurance policies for \"Nimrod Hall,\" Bath County (1903-1904); a broadside \"University of Virginia Students. Confederate Soldiers, 1861-1865. Reunion of June 10-12, 1912\"; a delegate certificate of Major Channing M. Bolton to the Atlantic Deeper Waterways Association Convention (1917); Sketch Map to accompany the Report on Remick-Waters Soapstone property (1911); and a printed notice about the Charlottesville City Democratic Primary (undated)."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTwo items have been removed from the collection and sent to Rare Books for individual cataloging: \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBroadside for public auction sale of \"Nimrod Hall,\" near Millboro, Bath County, Virginia, May 4, 1899\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBroadside for Sheriff's Sale at Public Auction, Crozet, Albemarle County, March 17, 1908, to satisfy a legal suit between M.R. and Polly Graves v Virginia Ginseng Company, for Sheriff L.C. Watts.\u003c/p\u003e "],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["Two items have been removed from the collection and sent to Rare Books for individual cataloging:","Broadside for public auction sale of \"Nimrod Hall,\" near Millboro, Bath County, Virginia, May 4, 1899","Broadside for Sheriff's Sale at Public Auction, Crozet, Albemarle County, March 17, 1908, to satisfy a legal suit between M.R. and Polly Graves v Virginia Ginseng Company, for Sheriff L.C. Watts."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"persname_ssim":["Perkins, George, 1847-1918","Perkins, W. Allan, 1880-1960"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Perkins, George, 1847-1918","Perkins, W. Allan, 1880-1960"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":252,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:28:13.060Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1138_c03_c13"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2_c01","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Account Books, 1850/1896","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_2_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_2_c01"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","parent_ssim":["George family papers, 1816/1963"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_2"],"title_filing_ssi":"Account Books","title_ssm":["Account Books"],"title_tesim":["Account Books"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Account Books, 1850/1896"],"text":["Account Books, 1850/1896","George family papers, 1816/1963","box 1 [X030898942]","folder 1"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["George family papers, 1816/1963"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["George family papers, 1816/1963"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1850/1896"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1850-1896"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":1,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["George family papers, 1816/1963"],"containers_ssim":["box 1 [X030898942]","folder 1"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open for research use."],"date_range_isim":[1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896],"_nest_path_":"/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:28:59.529Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_2","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_2.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/2","title_filing_ssi":"George family papers","title_ssm":["George family papers"],"title_tesim":["George family papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1816-1963"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1816-1963"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1816/1963"],"normalized_title_ssm":["George family papers, 1816/1963"],"text":["George family papers, 1816/1963","MSS 13543","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/2","Albemarle County (Va.) -- Photographs.","Collection is open for research use.","The collection (1816-1963; 1 document box) contains receipts and miscellaneous papers of several businesses owned by the George family in Charlottesville, Virginia. The papers also contain correspondence between family members and friends, including James Alexander, publisher of the Jeffersonian Republican. There are also family photographs taken by Charlottesville photographers, and several photographs of buildings and streets in Charlottesville, Virginia.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["George family papers, 1816/1963"],"collection_ssim":["George family papers, 1816/1963"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 13543","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/2"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 13543","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/2"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Albemarle County (Va.) -- Photographs."],"geogname_ssim":["Albemarle County (Va.) -- Photographs."],"places_ssim":["Albemarle County (Va.) -- Photographs."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["Donated by Belinda Pullen and Diana Drake, 2 February 2006."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box"],"extent_tesim":["0.5 Cubic Feet 1 document box"],"date_range_isim":[1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection (1816-1963; 1 document box) contains receipts and miscellaneous papers of several businesses owned by the George family in Charlottesville, Virginia. The papers also contain correspondence between family members and friends, including James Alexander, publisher of the Jeffersonian Republican. There are also family photographs taken by Charlottesville photographers, and several photographs of buildings and streets in Charlottesville, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection (1816-1963; 1 document box) contains receipts and miscellaneous papers of several businesses owned by the George family in Charlottesville, Virginia. The papers also contain correspondence between family members and friends, including James Alexander, publisher of the Jeffersonian Republican. There are also family photographs taken by Charlottesville photographers, and several photographs of buildings and streets in Charlottesville, Virginia."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":13,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:28:59.529Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_2_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00089_c02_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Account Books, 1878/1894","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00089_c02_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00089_c02_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00089_c02_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00089_c02_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00089","_root_":"viu_viu00089","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00089_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00089_c02","parent_ssim":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941","SERIES II: MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RE THE HENKEL\n FAMILY"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00089","viu_viu00089_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Account Books","title_ssm":["Account Books"],"title_tesim":["Account Books"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Account Books, 1878/1894"],"text":["Account Books, 1878/1894","Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941","SERIES II: MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RE THE HENKEL\n FAMILY","Box Box 2"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941","SERIES II: MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RE THE HENKEL\n FAMILY"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941","SERIES II: MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RE THE HENKEL\n FAMILY"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1878/1894"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1878-1894"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":84,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 2"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#0","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:56.027Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00089","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00089","_root_":"viu_viu00089","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00089","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00089.xml","title_ssm":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941"],"title_tesim":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941"],"text":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941","8653-f","ca. 475 items","Collection is open to research","This collection has been divided into two alphabetical\n series: 1) Correspondence and 2) Miscellaneous Papers. The\n nineteenth century correspondence has been arranged\n alphabetically by name of correspondent. The miscellaneous\n papers have been arranged according to type of material.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This addition to the papers of the \n Henkel familyof \n New Market, Virginia, consists of ca. 475\n items (4 Hollinger boxes, ca. 2 linear feet), 1805-1941, and\n contains correspondence, business and legal papers,\n genealogical material, account books, photographs, notes,\n block cuts, subscription lists, minute books, printed\n material, and manuscripts.","The nineteenth century correspondents of the \n Henkel familyare listed alphabetically in\n the folder listing section of this guide beginning on page\n five with a brief note concerning the content of the letters.\n Mr. \n John G. Stewart, retired professor of \n James Madison University, has supplied\n notes concerning the content of those letters in German. Most\n of the correspondence was addressed to Dr. \n Solomon Henkeland Dr. \n Samuel G. Henkel.","The correspondence of the \n Henkel Family Associationcontains the\n following topics: a discussion about the inscriptions on the \n Hinkle Fortmonument and the memorial for \n John Justus Henckelwith notes on the\n history of \n Hinkle's Fortand \n John Justus Henckel(1935 Aug 21); remarks\n concerning \n Christina Hinkleand \n Isaac Harmonupon the unveiling of the\n monument to \n John Justus Henckelby \n J.W. Harmonof \n Parsons, West Virginia(1937 Jan 25); \n Jacob Henkel's property in \n West Virginia(1937 Sep 20); information\n regarding \n Angeline Millerand \n Adam Sheets(1940 Jan 6); and \n Jacob Hinkle, son of \n George Rudolphus Hinkle(1940 Jan 11).","Some items in the business and legal papers include a\n memorandum of type to be secured in \n Baltimore(1826 Oct 15); the attempt to\n purchase a \"boalting cloth No. 8\" for use in \n John Coiner's flour mill (1834 Jun 3); a\n fine for \n Samuel G. Henkel's non-attendance at the\n regimental muster in Captain Neff's Company (1839); plans for \n Godfred Hinkle's barn (1840 Feb 20); a \n Land Office TreasuryWarrant # 18063 to \n Samuel G. Henkelfor 590 acres (1849 Nov\n 26); \n Solomon Henkel's memorandum book with\n notes for the settling of his estate (1856 Feb 28); a bill of\n type to be secured in \n Baltimoreat Spaldings (1837 Apr 26);\n typed copies of \n Henkel familyland patents, surveys, and\n deeds in \n Virginiaand \n West Virginia(n.d.).","Genealogical materials include a \n Conrad familyand \n Keyser familynotebook (1917); a \"family\n record of Henkel Stock\" as copied by Dr. \n C.C. Henkeland Rev. \n D.M. Henkel, partially related by Dr. \n Solomon Henkel(n.d.); and miscellaneous\n notes and manuscripts concerning the \n Henkel family.","Miscellaneous papers contains notes about Rev. Reck's\n sermons taken by [ \n Samuel G. Henkel] (1825); a phrenological\n analysis of the head of \n Samuel G. Henkel(1841 Apr 2); the\n marriage certificate of \n Gideon Koinerand \n Rebecca M. Henkel(1853 Nov 14); a\n qualitative analysis of a sample of water made by \n University of VirginiaProfessor \n J.W. Mallet(1892 Oct 15); the historical\n address \"One Army of the Living God\" given before the \n Henkel Memorial Associationin \n Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, concerning\n the contributions of the \n Henkel Family(1917); minutes of the \n Henkel Memorial Association(n.d.); and an\n engraving of a printing press patented by \n Peter Smithand manufactured by \n Robert Hoe and Company, \n New York(n.d.).","Also present are three bound volumes of records pertaining\n to the \n New Market Academy, including minutes,\n subscription lists, resignation letters of its professors, and\n other loose material found in the volumes, 1838-1941. Dr. \n Solomon Henkelwas one of the original\n Trustees appointed on February 21, 1817, when the \n New Market Academywas incorporated. The \n Henkel familyhas been represented on the \n Board of Trustees of the New Market\n Academythroughout its history by such men as \n Samuel G. Henkeland \n C.C. Henkel.","Photographs include those of Dr. [ \n Casper Henkel]; \n Barbara Teter Henkel; a page from the\n diary of Rev. \n H.M. Muhlenbergconcerning Rev. \n Anthony Jacob Henkel; the \n Hinkle Fortbuilt by \n Justus Henckel; two houses built by \n Abraham Henckel; the memorial monument to\n John Justus Henckel, Sr.; sons of Dr. \n Solomon Henkel; Rev. \n Paul Henkeland his wife, \n Elizabeth Nagley Henkel; and the sons of\n Rev. \n Paul Henkel.","Most of the printed material is described in the folder\n listing part of this guide.","* indicates some or all documents are in\n German","re his absence in Germany and his instructions\n that his mail be sent to Solomon Henkel where he\n will pick it up on his return to the United\n States","re his need of medical supplies as he is a\n physician","re financial provision for his aunt, Mrs.\n Duff","re his preparations for sailing to\n California","re the improvements in his health, rumors of\n the death of Solomon Henkel, and a fire engine for\n sale","re arrangements for a cataract operation","re Mr. Yeager's misrepresentation of his\n statements concerning the Tennessee Synod in The\n Observer","re his supply of medical instruments and models\n with their cost","his letters include: a list of elders and\n officers of the Hebron Church, Madison County\n (1809 Jun); his difficulties in attending Special\n Conference, books sent for sale, and a discussion\n of methods of payment (1809 Sep 14); his trip to\n Ohio, and his request to Paul or Phillip Henkel to\n preach in his church and also at the Reformed\n Church (1810 Aug 22); acknowledgement of the\n receipt of some medicine and mention of the good\n acceptance of the Song Book by the congregation\n (1811 Mar 9); difficulties in obtaining Conference\n Reports and description of his sickness (1811 Apr\n 1); approval of new Catechism, and requests\n information re next Special Conference (1812 Feb\n 3); discussion of the possibility of the Henkel\n Press printing Arndt's \"Wahres Christenthum\" in\n English (1812 Apr 8); necessity of a personal\n meeting with Paul Henkel (1812 Sep 11); and\n mention of Solomon Henkel as agent for Johann\n Gruber in Hagerstown, and The Evangelical Magazine\n printed in Philadelphia (1813 Mar 8).","re money matters and the purchase of a\n horse","re the formation of a new Synod, testimonial\n for Rev. J. Killian, and the need for attention to\n the literary qualifications for aspiring young\n ministers","re his order for a Cycl[opedia]","re money sent to the post office and the\n failing health of all three of her brothers,\n Martin, David, and Simon","difficulties re taxes and land formerly owned\n by Johannes Henkel (1812 Sep 20); and questions re\n sale of land and request for advice (1816 May\n 16)","death of two of his sons due to dysentery, wife\n and slave both in serious condition (Feb 16) and\n the introduction of English Song Books in Madison\n County (Jul 22)","request for books and a proposal for\n transporting them (1806 Oct 11); his interest in\n subscription to a New Market newspaper and\n detailed description of a deadly disease on the\n rampage in North Carolina (1807 Oct 11); while in\n Staunton sends announcement that he wishes to\n preach in New Market on June 25 th (1815 Jun\n 20)","difficulties in recruiting preachers, the need\n for outsiders to come to [South Carolina ?], and\n business matters","re an order for books about Martin Luther, the\n Augsburg Confession, Catechisms, and hymn books in\n English and German to be sent to Saluda, S.C.,\n inroads made by other denominations in South\n Carolina and David Henkel's work there","re expressions of his love","request for books including two dozen\n catechisms for teaching purposes","difficulties in attending the Special\n Conference in New Market because of distance and\n pastoral duties (1807 Sep 12); a list of officers,\n Lutheran and Reformed, and the location of\n churches in Wythe, Montgomery, and Greenbriar\n Counties (1809 Oct 18); receipt of catechisms and\n their success as a teaching tool (1809 Oct);\n detailed and lengthy manuscript of a Lutheran\n Catechism, and its differences with Reformed\n beliefs (1810 Dec 22); explanation and commentary\n re Catechism (1811 Feb 16); suggestions re the new\n Lutheran Catechism (1811 Jul 30); urgent request\n for more English Catechisms, saying more than 200\n could be sold, if available, and interest in\n applying for Pastor Carpenter's job in Madison\n County (1814 Apr 14); request for more English\n Catechisms (1819 Sep 14); account of books (1820\n Feb 5); requests more first edition catechisms,\n recommends the bank notes from the Union Bank of\n Alexandria or the North Carolina Treasury bills\n for paying notes (1820 Apr 1); requests\n clarification of his account (1820 Jun 24);\n requests for more catechisms, concern with his\n book account and mention of the South Carolina\n State Bank (1821 Sep 1; 1822 Jun 3 Aug 4; \u0026\n Dec 18); warning about a so-called preacher by the\n name of Miller, known for his drinking and\n carousing, [who ?] will be in New Market soon and\n will want to buy a horse to ride back to\n Pennsylvania (1823 Jan 24).","money transactions with Henkel's brother-in-law\n Miller in Winchester (1819 Jan 19); and requests\n for Henkel to mediate between two parties re land\n transactions (1822 Dec 23)","re family news","request to expedite the binding of the Song\n Books as he will be in New Market on the following\n Saturday","difficulties in receiving mail (1812 Jun\n 18)","transaction involving the trading of 2/6 nails\n for Song Books in New Market","lengthy remarks re the new Catechism and his\n own personal observations","J.O. Kramer of Maytown, North Carolina, has two\n dozen copies of a book which Henkel wants (Jul\n 30); reference to previous letter and the sale of\n books (Sep 4); acknowlegement of the receipt of\n books (Nov 14)","requests for German catechisms","request for German Bible (1815 Dec 5); and\n business transactions re books (1816 Dec 8)","account of books (1810) and book transactions\n and a list of subscribers to a book (1821)","re his refusal to get involved in political\n questions, favoring a complete separation of\n church and state, as does the Lutheran Church and\n the Society for the Promotion of Christian\n Union","Request for a subscription for a church\n proposal (1805); his acknowledgement of the\n influence of Henkel on the writing of a small book\n by Helmuth (1817); the cessation of the The\n Evangelical Magazine and his recommendation of\n Pastor Plitt's new magazine (1820)","arrival in Point Pleasant and his great\n difficulty in learning German","re a list of articles that he wants him to get\n for him, the isolation of their home from society,\n Ambrose's success in selling medicines and books\n on commission, the success of other businessmen,\n the desire of the German people to educate their\n children, his neighbors desire for the Henkel\n family to erect a post office, store, and school\n located at the crossroads at Wood's Ferry, Green\n County, Tennessee; his regret that Samuel will not\n visit soon, his hopes of finishing his studies so\n he might be a candidate for the position at the\n New Market Academy, his \"medical practice,\" the\n need of copies of the Concordia and other\n books","re his criticism of Professor Samuel\n Schmucker's Popular Theology because of its\n deviation from the fundamental doctrines of the\n Lutheran Church and the General Synod, the birth\n of his son Casper Coiner Henkel, and and Rev.\n Charles Henkel's translation of the Augustan\n Confession (1835); the republication of the works\n of David Henkel, and the impracticality of using\n agents to sell their books (1836); a strange\n medical case (1843); a request that the son of\n Hannah Stirewalt be admitted to the University of\n Virginia (1848); the translation of the Book of\n Concord (1849); the Book of Concord about to be\n bound, and his annoyance with the teaching of\n Professor Schmucker (1851); and recommendations to\n the Tennessee Synod meeting in 1857.","re his medical studies in Philadelphia","re family news","offer of this bookseller to send a catalog of\n medical books, his plans to travel to Europe in\n eight weeks and his offer to visit friends and\n acquaintances of Solomon Henkel","re the salary for a minister at New Market","re a gift from her mother","list of subscribers for Henkel Press Song Book\n in Pendleton and Hardy Counties","questions re content of the catechism, symptoms\n of his sick wife, praise of Paul Henkel's work in\n Ohio, possibility of moving to Brush Creek Church,\n Highland County","re request to study medical practice with\n him","land transaction in the area of Salisbury,\n North Carolina, with the signatures of witnesses\n (1805) and questions re payment for land\n (1806)","request to engrave the plates for Baron\n Steuben's \"Regulations for the Order and\n Discipline of the Troops of the United States,\"\n with sample plates (formerly) enclosed, and\n immediate reply needed","re a letter possibly mailed to New Market,\n Virginia by mistake","proposal to sell Henkel Press ABC books in\n Philadelphia by means of subscriptions","request for books, especially the new ABC book\n (1808 Apr 9); note that the ABC books are selling\n well, request's Helmuth's Spelling Book and\n medical advice (1809 Apr 23); list of subcribers\n for 170 Song Books (1809 Dec 16); two pages of\n brief Biblical interpretations, and more\n subscribers for Song Books (1810 Feb 10); request\n that Paul Henkel come to North Carolina to help\n Pastor Schober with difficulties in his\n congregation (1810 Sep 5); demand for the Song\n Book and ABC books, intention of traveling to\n Kentucky and Ohio and visiting New Market on his\n return, and his work on a Children's Book (1811\n Mar 27); description of trip to Ohio, his travels\n through Tennessee and Kentucky, the great influx\n of Baptists in Ohio, the need for both German and\n English Catechisms, Song Books, and ABC books, and\n the need for Paul Henkel in Ohio (1811 Aug 27);\n his return from Ohio, translation work on \"Ein\n Briefwechsel die Methodisten betreffend\" (1811 Dec\n 16); need for more books translated into English,\n plans another trip with Paul Henkel to Ohio, and\n worries re the War and conscription (1812 Jun 13);\n and his desire to travel but not teach school\n children, difficulties in North Carolina re the\n Song Books and Catechism, hints of a split among\n congregations (1813 Jan 4)","list of officers and elders in Bottetourt\n County (1809); and request for the name and\n address of the present secretary of the German\n Evangelical Ministry (Ministerium)","report re steam driven printing presses in New\n York and Philadelphia","request for English Catechisms, also Conference\n Reports (1816); account of books and difficulties\n in selling books (1817); good reception of the new\n ABC books in Tennessee (1818)","troubles re the survival of the German\n [language], and good reception of the new ABC\n books","re arrangements to purchase books for the\n brethren in North Carolina","synodical difficulties in North and South\n Carolina","advice re cancer cure using an arsenic\n solution, hydrophobia, recently acquired books for\n sale, book store started by Muhlenberg and his\n source for books, his interest in medicinal plants\n and names of plant dealers, Dr. John Brickel and\n Fr. Dahlman (1805); advice concerning herbs, and a\n list of eleven books with their prices sent to New\n Market (1806); financial accounts concerning Mr.\n Etter, Michael Lohr, and Heinrich Busching, and\n complaints re bills (1807)","request for medicine for a pastor's wife and a\n description of her symptoms","inability to sell books and his desire to\n return the 150 small books","reference to previous letters, collection of\n bills, and the Bank of Alexandria","report of his position as a teacher in\n Franconia Township near Philadelphia, request for\n twelve dozen ABC Books and a dozen other books\n (1811); and lack of a bill with the books received\n from the Henkels (1812)","the health of her son","request for tobacco seeds from Virginia with\n instructions for planting, in return for seeds of\n European plants recently bought abroad","request for German-English and English-German\n dictionaries (1816 Apr 2); thankfulness for the\n books and gratitude for Solomon Henkel's work in\n the Church (1816 Sep 30); receipt of box of books\n in Christiansburg (1818 Sep 17); return of two\n damaged books (1818 Sep 28); difficult time to\n sell books (1821 Apr 8)","reference to a delivery of a package with\n newspapers or pamphlets and the need for\n subscribers","re an order of books","the need for Song Books and a misunderstanding\n re Special Conference attendance","re his marriage to Susan Koiner (1832) and\n other family news","re renting a plantation managed by Henkel and\n owned by Casper Koiner","re his financial affairs, the settling of a\n debt in Virginia owed to James and Alexander Wray,\n the interest due on the bonds made out to Samuel\n Henkel, and settling a debt in Philadelphia","Book Society wants to sell Shakespeare's works\n (22 volumes) for $ 9.00, the Collected Works of\n the King of Prussia (15 volumes) for $ 6.00, and\n Stiller's Heimweh for $ 5.00 (180[7] Jul 20);\n complaints about lack of correspondence and\n uncertainty of whether Henkel received the money\n (1808 Oct 17); receipt of newspaper and desire to\n receive copies of new pamphlets and books printed\n in New Market (1809 Apr 2); misunderstanding re\n the political views expressed by the writer and\n made public by Henkel, Republicans and Federalists\n are friends and calls the Democrats and Torys\n enemies of freedom (1809 Apr 15); announcement of\n a possible move to York, plans to preach in\n Woodstock, Shenandoah County, the first of August\n (1809 Jun 9); excerpts of \"Protocols of the\n Lutheran Synod,\" Philadelphia, permission for Paul\n Henkel to do missionary work in Kentucky,\n Tennessee, Ohio, and Virginia, advice to Lutheran\n ministers to avoid camp meetings, and request for\n Paul Henkel's travel diary (1811 Jun 27); excerpts\n of Paul Henkel's missionary activities in South\n Carolina to be published by Mr. Helmuth in The\n Evangelical Magazine which needs 500 new\n subscribers to get started (1811 Aug 27); praises\n several Henkel publications (1812 Jan 11); remarks\n re The Evangelical Magazine and books ordered\n (1812 Apr 1); belief that the printing of the new\n Song Book should have been financially aided by\n the Synod (1812 Oct 17); business account and\n advice to David Henkel to enter the ministry (1812\n Dec 18); possibility that Pastor Carpenter may go\n to Kentucky, and worries over possible victory by\n Napoleon Bonaparte (1813 Dec 3); Synodical\n expenses for Paul Henkel (1814 Jun 15); The\n Evangelical Magazine will be published yearly, and\n rejoicing re Napoleon Bonaparte's downfall (1814\n Jul 23); accounts of [The Evangelical Magazine]\n taken care of by Pastor Muhlenberg in Reading\n (1817 Jun 11); asks if anyone in the area is a\n subscriber to the second part of Georg Schmucker's\n Prophetic History (1818 Dec 30); enclosure of a\n new children's book requested by Dr. Helmuth (1819\n Apr 27); and acknowledgement of a letter (1821 Aug\n 31)","rumors of a Henkel Press business to be\n established in Lincolntown, North Carolina, and\n non-receipt of Honig Tropfen","re the need for printer's ink","re the birth of a son, William Bentin, to [his\n wife ?] Jane, other family news, and the bonds of\n Jacob Savage","re his problems with his uncle over the use of\n a farm","re Jacob Savage's notes","re his duties as Postmaster at New Market","re collecting on his account","re the payment of some bonds and other business\n matters","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","James Madison University","Henkel Family Association","Land Office Treasury","University of Virginia","Henkel Memorial Association","Robert Hoe and Company","New Market Academy","Board of Trustees of the New Market\n Academy","Henkel family","Conrad family","Keyser family","Henkel Family","Mrs. John Godfrey Miller","H.E. Comstock","John G. Stewart","Solomon Henkel","Samuel G. Henkel","John Justus Henckel","Christina Hinkle","Isaac Harmon","J.W. Harmon","Jacob Henkel","Angeline Miller","Adam Sheets","Jacob Hinkle","George Rudolphus Hinkle","John Coiner","Godfred Hinkle","C.C. Henkel","D.M. Henkel","Gideon Koiner","Rebecca M. Henkel","J.W. Mallet","Peter Smith","Casper Henkel","Barbara Teter Henkel","H.M. Muhlenberg","Anthony Jacob Henkel","Justus Henckel","Abraham Henckel","John Justus Henckel, Sr.","Paul Henkel","Elizabeth Nagley Henkel","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941"],"collection_ssim":["Henkel Family Papers \n 1805-1941"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["8653-f"],"unitid_tesim":["8653-f"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Mrs. John Godfrey\n Miller"],"creator_ssim":["Mrs. John Godfrey\n Miller"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Mrs. John Godfrey Miller","H.E. Comstock","John G. Stewart","Solomon Henkel","Samuel G. Henkel","John Justus Henckel","Christina Hinkle","Isaac Harmon","J.W. Harmon","Jacob Henkel","Angeline Miller","Adam Sheets","Jacob Hinkle","George Rudolphus Hinkle","John Coiner","Godfred Hinkle","C.C. Henkel","D.M. Henkel","Gideon Koiner","Rebecca M. Henkel","J.W. Mallet","Peter Smith","Casper Henkel","Barbara Teter Henkel","H.M. Muhlenberg","Anthony Jacob Henkel","Justus Henckel","Abraham Henckel","John Justus Henckel, Sr.","Paul Henkel","Elizabeth Nagley Henkel"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","James Madison University","Henkel Family Association","Land Office Treasury","University of Virginia","Henkel Memorial Association","Robert Hoe and Company","New Market Academy","Board of Trustees of the New Market\n Academy"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Henkel family","Conrad family","Keyser family","Henkel Family"],"creators_ssim":["Mrs. John Godfrey Miller","H.E. Comstock","John G. Stewart","Solomon Henkel","Samuel G. Henkel","John Justus Henckel","Christina Hinkle","Isaac Harmon","J.W. Harmon","Jacob Henkel","Angeline Miller","Adam Sheets","Jacob Hinkle","George Rudolphus Hinkle","John Coiner","Godfred Hinkle","C.C. Henkel","D.M. Henkel","Gideon Koiner","Rebecca M. Henkel","J.W. Mallet","Peter Smith","Casper Henkel","Barbara Teter Henkel","H.M. Muhlenberg","Anthony Jacob Henkel","Justus Henckel","Abraham Henckel","John Justus Henckel, Sr.","Paul Henkel","Elizabeth Nagley Henkel","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","James Madison University","Henkel Family Association","Land Office Treasury","University of Virginia","Henkel Memorial Association","Robert Hoe and Company","New Market Academy","Board of Trustees of the New Market\n Academy","Henkel family","Conrad family","Keyser family","Henkel Family"],"acqinfo_ssim":["These papers were given to the Library by \n Mrs. John Godfrey Millerof \n New Market, Virginia, through Dr. \n H.E. Comstockof \n Winchester, Virginia, on \n November 21, 1989."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["ca. 475 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection has been divided into two alphabetical\n series: 1) Correspondence and 2) Miscellaneous Papers. The\n nineteenth century correspondence has been arranged\n alphabetically by name of correspondent. The miscellaneous\n papers have been arranged according to type of material.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection has been divided into two alphabetical\n series: 1) Correspondence and 2) Miscellaneous Papers. The\n nineteenth century correspondence has been arranged\n alphabetically by name of correspondent. The miscellaneous\n papers have been arranged according to type of material."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eHenkel Family\n Papers, Accession 8653-f, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Henkel Family\n Papers, Accession 8653-f, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis addition to the papers of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eHenkel family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNew Market, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, consists of ca. 475\n items (4 Hollinger boxes, ca. 2 linear feet), 1805-1941, and\n contains correspondence, business and legal papers,\n genealogical material, account books, photographs, notes,\n block cuts, subscription lists, minute books, printed\n material, and manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe nineteenth century correspondents of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eHenkel family\u003c/famname\u003eare listed alphabetically in\n the folder listing section of this guide beginning on page\n five with a brief note concerning the content of the letters.\n Mr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn G. Stewart\u003c/persname\u003e, retired professor of \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJames Madison University\u003c/corpname\u003e, has supplied\n notes concerning the content of those letters in German. Most\n of the correspondence was addressed to Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eSolomon Henkel\u003c/persname\u003eand Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel G. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHenkel Family Association\u003c/corpname\u003econtains the\n following topics: a discussion about the inscriptions on the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHinkle Fort\u003c/geogname\u003emonument and the memorial for \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Justus Henckel\u003c/persname\u003ewith notes on the\n history of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHinkle's Fort\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Justus Henckel\u003c/persname\u003e(1935 Aug 21); remarks\n concerning \n \u003cpersname\u003eChristina Hinkle\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eIsaac Harmon\u003c/persname\u003eupon the unveiling of the\n monument to \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Justus Henckel\u003c/persname\u003eby \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ.W. Harmon\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eParsons, West Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e(1937 Jan 25); \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e's property in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWest Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e(1937 Sep 20); information\n regarding \n \u003cpersname\u003eAngeline Miller\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eAdam Sheets\u003c/persname\u003e(1940 Jan 6); and \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob Hinkle\u003c/persname\u003e, son of \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Rudolphus Hinkle\u003c/persname\u003e(1940 Jan 11).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome items in the business and legal papers include a\n memorandum of type to be secured in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBaltimore\u003c/geogname\u003e(1826 Oct 15); the attempt to\n purchase a \"boalting cloth No. 8\" for use in \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Coiner\u003c/persname\u003e's flour mill (1834 Jun 3); a\n fine for \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel G. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e's non-attendance at the\n regimental muster in Captain Neff's Company (1839); plans for \n \u003cpersname\u003eGodfred Hinkle\u003c/persname\u003e's barn (1840 Feb 20); a \n \u003ccorpname\u003eLand Office Treasury\u003c/corpname\u003eWarrant # 18063 to \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel G. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003efor 590 acres (1849 Nov\n 26); \n \u003cpersname\u003eSolomon Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e's memorandum book with\n notes for the settling of his estate (1856 Feb 28); a bill of\n type to be secured in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBaltimore\u003c/geogname\u003eat Spaldings (1837 Apr 26);\n typed copies of \n \u003cfamname\u003eHenkel family\u003c/famname\u003eland patents, surveys, and\n deeds in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWest Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e(n.d.).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eGenealogical materials include a \n \u003cfamname\u003eConrad family\u003c/famname\u003eand \n \u003cfamname\u003eKeyser family\u003c/famname\u003enotebook (1917); a \"family\n record of Henkel Stock\" as copied by Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eC.C. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003eand Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eD.M. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e, partially related by Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eSolomon Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e(n.d.); and miscellaneous\n notes and manuscripts concerning the \n \u003cfamname\u003eHenkel family\u003c/famname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous papers contains notes about Rev. Reck's\n sermons taken by [ \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel G. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e] (1825); a phrenological\n analysis of the head of \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel G. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e(1841 Apr 2); the\n marriage certificate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eGideon Koiner\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eRebecca M. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e(1853 Nov 14); a\n qualitative analysis of a sample of water made by \n \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003eProfessor \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ.W. Mallet\u003c/persname\u003e(1892 Oct 15); the historical\n address \"One Army of the Living God\" given before the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHenkel Memorial Association\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePhiladelphia, Pennsylvania\u003c/geogname\u003e, concerning\n the contributions of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eHenkel Family\u003c/famname\u003e(1917); minutes of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHenkel Memorial Association\u003c/corpname\u003e(n.d.); and an\n engraving of a printing press patented by \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Smith\u003c/persname\u003eand manufactured by \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRobert Hoe and Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eNew York\u003c/geogname\u003e(n.d.).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAlso present are three bound volumes of records pertaining\n to the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Market Academy\u003c/corpname\u003e, including minutes,\n subscription lists, resignation letters of its professors, and\n other loose material found in the volumes, 1838-1941. Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eSolomon Henkel\u003c/persname\u003ewas one of the original\n Trustees appointed on February 21, 1817, when the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Market Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ewas incorporated. The \n \u003cfamname\u003eHenkel family\u003c/famname\u003ehas been represented on the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBoard of Trustees of the New Market\n Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ethroughout its history by such men as \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel G. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eC.C. Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs include those of Dr. [ \n \u003cpersname\u003eCasper Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e]; \n \u003cpersname\u003eBarbara Teter Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e; a page from the\n diary of Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eH.M. Muhlenberg\u003c/persname\u003econcerning Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003eAnthony Jacob Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e; the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHinkle Fort\u003c/geogname\u003ebuilt by \n \u003cpersname\u003eJustus Henckel\u003c/persname\u003e; two houses built by \n \u003cpersname\u003eAbraham Henckel\u003c/persname\u003e; the memorial monument to\n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Justus Henckel, Sr.\u003c/persname\u003e; sons of Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eSolomon Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e; Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePaul Henkel\u003c/persname\u003eand his wife, \n \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Nagley Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e; and the sons of\n Rev. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePaul Henkel\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the printed material is described in the folder\n listing part of this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e* indicates some or all documents are in\n German\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his absence in Germany and his instructions\n that his mail be sent to Solomon Henkel where he\n will pick it up on his return to the United\n States\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his need of medical supplies as he is a\n physician\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere financial provision for his aunt, Mrs.\n Duff\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his preparations for sailing to\n California\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere the improvements in his health, rumors of\n the death of Solomon Henkel, and a fire engine for\n sale\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere arrangements for a cataract operation\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere Mr. Yeager's misrepresentation of his\n statements concerning the Tennessee Synod in The\n Observer\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his supply of medical instruments and models\n with their cost\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ehis letters include: a list of elders and\n officers of the Hebron Church, Madison County\n (1809 Jun); his difficulties in attending Special\n Conference, books sent for sale, and a discussion\n of methods of payment (1809 Sep 14); his trip to\n Ohio, and his request to Paul or Phillip Henkel to\n preach in his church and also at the Reformed\n Church (1810 Aug 22); acknowledgement of the\n receipt of some medicine and mention of the good\n acceptance of the Song Book by the congregation\n (1811 Mar 9); difficulties in obtaining Conference\n Reports and description of his sickness (1811 Apr\n 1); approval of new Catechism, and requests\n information re next Special Conference (1812 Feb\n 3); discussion of the possibility of the Henkel\n Press printing Arndt's \"Wahres Christenthum\" in\n English (1812 Apr 8); necessity of a personal\n meeting with Paul Henkel (1812 Sep 11); and\n mention of Solomon Henkel as agent for Johann\n Gruber in Hagerstown, and The Evangelical Magazine\n printed in Philadelphia (1813 Mar 8).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere money matters and the purchase of a\n horse\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere the formation of a new Synod, testimonial\n for Rev. J. Killian, and the need for attention to\n the literary qualifications for aspiring young\n ministers\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his order for a Cycl[opedia]\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere money sent to the post office and the\n failing health of all three of her brothers,\n Martin, David, and Simon\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003edifficulties re taxes and land formerly owned\n by Johannes Henkel (1812 Sep 20); and questions re\n sale of land and request for advice (1816 May\n 16)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003edeath of two of his sons due to dysentery, wife\n and slave both in serious condition (Feb 16) and\n the introduction of English Song Books in Madison\n County (Jul 22)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for books and a proposal for\n transporting them (1806 Oct 11); his interest in\n subscription to a New Market newspaper and\n detailed description of a deadly disease on the\n rampage in North Carolina (1807 Oct 11); while in\n Staunton sends announcement that he wishes to\n preach in New Market on June 25 th (1815 Jun\n 20)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003edifficulties in recruiting preachers, the need\n for outsiders to come to [South Carolina ?], and\n business matters\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere an order for books about Martin Luther, the\n Augsburg Confession, Catechisms, and hymn books in\n English and German to be sent to Saluda, S.C.,\n inroads made by other denominations in South\n Carolina and David Henkel's work there\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere expressions of his love\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for books including two dozen\n catechisms for teaching purposes\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003edifficulties in attending the Special\n Conference in New Market because of distance and\n pastoral duties (1807 Sep 12); a list of officers,\n Lutheran and Reformed, and the location of\n churches in Wythe, Montgomery, and Greenbriar\n Counties (1809 Oct 18); receipt of catechisms and\n their success as a teaching tool (1809 Oct);\n detailed and lengthy manuscript of a Lutheran\n Catechism, and its differences with Reformed\n beliefs (1810 Dec 22); explanation and commentary\n re Catechism (1811 Feb 16); suggestions re the new\n Lutheran Catechism (1811 Jul 30); urgent request\n for more English Catechisms, saying more than 200\n could be sold, if available, and interest in\n applying for Pastor Carpenter's job in Madison\n County (1814 Apr 14); request for more English\n Catechisms (1819 Sep 14); account of books (1820\n Feb 5); requests more first edition catechisms,\n recommends the bank notes from the Union Bank of\n Alexandria or the North Carolina Treasury bills\n for paying notes (1820 Apr 1); requests\n clarification of his account (1820 Jun 24);\n requests for more catechisms, concern with his\n book account and mention of the South Carolina\n State Bank (1821 Sep 1; 1822 Jun 3 Aug 4; \u0026amp;\n Dec 18); warning about a so-called preacher by the\n name of Miller, known for his drinking and\n carousing, [who ?] will be in New Market soon and\n will want to buy a horse to ride back to\n Pennsylvania (1823 Jan 24).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003emoney transactions with Henkel's brother-in-law\n Miller in Winchester (1819 Jan 19); and requests\n for Henkel to mediate between two parties re land\n transactions (1822 Dec 23)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere family news\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest to expedite the binding of the Song\n Books as he will be in New Market on the following\n Saturday\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003edifficulties in receiving mail (1812 Jun\n 18)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003etransaction involving the trading of 2/6 nails\n for Song Books in New Market\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003elengthy remarks re the new Catechism and his\n own personal observations\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eJ.O. Kramer of Maytown, North Carolina, has two\n dozen copies of a book which Henkel wants (Jul\n 30); reference to previous letter and the sale of\n books (Sep 4); acknowlegement of the receipt of\n books (Nov 14)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequests for German catechisms\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for German Bible (1815 Dec 5); and\n business transactions re books (1816 Dec 8)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eaccount of books (1810) and book transactions\n and a list of subscribers to a book (1821)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his refusal to get involved in political\n questions, favoring a complete separation of\n church and state, as does the Lutheran Church and\n the Society for the Promotion of Christian\n Union\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eRequest for a subscription for a church\n proposal (1805); his acknowledgement of the\n influence of Henkel on the writing of a small book\n by Helmuth (1817); the cessation of the The\n Evangelical Magazine and his recommendation of\n Pastor Plitt's new magazine (1820)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003earrival in Point Pleasant and his great\n difficulty in learning German\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere a list of articles that he wants him to get\n for him, the isolation of their home from society,\n Ambrose's success in selling medicines and books\n on commission, the success of other businessmen,\n the desire of the German people to educate their\n children, his neighbors desire for the Henkel\n family to erect a post office, store, and school\n located at the crossroads at Wood's Ferry, Green\n County, Tennessee; his regret that Samuel will not\n visit soon, his hopes of finishing his studies so\n he might be a candidate for the position at the\n New Market Academy, his \"medical practice,\" the\n need of copies of the Concordia and other\n books\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his criticism of Professor Samuel\n Schmucker's Popular Theology because of its\n deviation from the fundamental doctrines of the\n Lutheran Church and the General Synod, the birth\n of his son Casper Coiner Henkel, and and Rev.\n Charles Henkel's translation of the Augustan\n Confession (1835); the republication of the works\n of David Henkel, and the impracticality of using\n agents to sell their books (1836); a strange\n medical case (1843); a request that the son of\n Hannah Stirewalt be admitted to the University of\n Virginia (1848); the translation of the Book of\n Concord (1849); the Book of Concord about to be\n bound, and his annoyance with the teaching of\n Professor Schmucker (1851); and recommendations to\n the Tennessee Synod meeting in 1857.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his medical studies in Philadelphia\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere family news\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eoffer of this bookseller to send a catalog of\n medical books, his plans to travel to Europe in\n eight weeks and his offer to visit friends and\n acquaintances of Solomon Henkel\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere the salary for a minister at New Market\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere a gift from her mother\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003elist of subscribers for Henkel Press Song Book\n in Pendleton and Hardy Counties\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003equestions re content of the catechism, symptoms\n of his sick wife, praise of Paul Henkel's work in\n Ohio, possibility of moving to Brush Creek Church,\n Highland County\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere request to study medical practice with\n him\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eland transaction in the area of Salisbury,\n North Carolina, with the signatures of witnesses\n (1805) and questions re payment for land\n (1806)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest to engrave the plates for Baron\n Steuben's \"Regulations for the Order and\n Discipline of the Troops of the United States,\"\n with sample plates (formerly) enclosed, and\n immediate reply needed\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere a letter possibly mailed to New Market,\n Virginia by mistake\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eproposal to sell Henkel Press ABC books in\n Philadelphia by means of subscriptions\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for books, especially the new ABC book\n (1808 Apr 9); note that the ABC books are selling\n well, request's Helmuth's Spelling Book and\n medical advice (1809 Apr 23); list of subcribers\n for 170 Song Books (1809 Dec 16); two pages of\n brief Biblical interpretations, and more\n subscribers for Song Books (1810 Feb 10); request\n that Paul Henkel come to North Carolina to help\n Pastor Schober with difficulties in his\n congregation (1810 Sep 5); demand for the Song\n Book and ABC books, intention of traveling to\n Kentucky and Ohio and visiting New Market on his\n return, and his work on a Children's Book (1811\n Mar 27); description of trip to Ohio, his travels\n through Tennessee and Kentucky, the great influx\n of Baptists in Ohio, the need for both German and\n English Catechisms, Song Books, and ABC books, and\n the need for Paul Henkel in Ohio (1811 Aug 27);\n his return from Ohio, translation work on \"Ein\n Briefwechsel die Methodisten betreffend\" (1811 Dec\n 16); need for more books translated into English,\n plans another trip with Paul Henkel to Ohio, and\n worries re the War and conscription (1812 Jun 13);\n and his desire to travel but not teach school\n children, difficulties in North Carolina re the\n Song Books and Catechism, hints of a split among\n congregations (1813 Jan 4)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003elist of officers and elders in Bottetourt\n County (1809); and request for the name and\n address of the present secretary of the German\n Evangelical Ministry (Ministerium)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ereport re steam driven printing presses in New\n York and Philadelphia\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for English Catechisms, also Conference\n Reports (1816); account of books and difficulties\n in selling books (1817); good reception of the new\n ABC books in Tennessee (1818)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003etroubles re the survival of the German\n [language], and good reception of the new ABC\n books\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere arrangements to purchase books for the\n brethren in North Carolina\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003esynodical difficulties in North and South\n Carolina\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eadvice re cancer cure using an arsenic\n solution, hydrophobia, recently acquired books for\n sale, book store started by Muhlenberg and his\n source for books, his interest in medicinal plants\n and names of plant dealers, Dr. John Brickel and\n Fr. Dahlman (1805); advice concerning herbs, and a\n list of eleven books with their prices sent to New\n Market (1806); financial accounts concerning Mr.\n Etter, Michael Lohr, and Heinrich Busching, and\n complaints re bills (1807)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for medicine for a pastor's wife and a\n description of her symptoms\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003einability to sell books and his desire to\n return the 150 small books\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ereference to previous letters, collection of\n bills, and the Bank of Alexandria\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ereport of his position as a teacher in\n Franconia Township near Philadelphia, request for\n twelve dozen ABC Books and a dozen other books\n (1811); and lack of a bill with the books received\n from the Henkels (1812)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ethe health of her son\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for tobacco seeds from Virginia with\n instructions for planting, in return for seeds of\n European plants recently bought abroad\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erequest for German-English and English-German\n dictionaries (1816 Apr 2); thankfulness for the\n books and gratitude for Solomon Henkel's work in\n the Church (1816 Sep 30); receipt of box of books\n in Christiansburg (1818 Sep 17); return of two\n damaged books (1818 Sep 28); difficult time to\n sell books (1821 Apr 8)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ereference to a delivery of a package with\n newspapers or pamphlets and the need for\n subscribers\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere an order of books\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ethe need for Song Books and a misunderstanding\n re Special Conference attendance\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his marriage to Susan Koiner (1832) and\n other family news\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere renting a plantation managed by Henkel and\n owned by Casper Koiner\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his financial affairs, the settling of a\n debt in Virginia owed to James and Alexander Wray,\n the interest due on the bonds made out to Samuel\n Henkel, and settling a debt in Philadelphia\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBook Society wants to sell Shakespeare's works\n (22 volumes) for $ 9.00, the Collected Works of\n the King of Prussia (15 volumes) for $ 6.00, and\n Stiller's Heimweh for $ 5.00 (180[7] Jul 20);\n complaints about lack of correspondence and\n uncertainty of whether Henkel received the money\n (1808 Oct 17); receipt of newspaper and desire to\n receive copies of new pamphlets and books printed\n in New Market (1809 Apr 2); misunderstanding re\n the political views expressed by the writer and\n made public by Henkel, Republicans and Federalists\n are friends and calls the Democrats and Torys\n enemies of freedom (1809 Apr 15); announcement of\n a possible move to York, plans to preach in\n Woodstock, Shenandoah County, the first of August\n (1809 Jun 9); excerpts of \"Protocols of the\n Lutheran Synod,\" Philadelphia, permission for Paul\n Henkel to do missionary work in Kentucky,\n Tennessee, Ohio, and Virginia, advice to Lutheran\n ministers to avoid camp meetings, and request for\n Paul Henkel's travel diary (1811 Jun 27); excerpts\n of Paul Henkel's missionary activities in South\n Carolina to be published by Mr. Helmuth in The\n Evangelical Magazine which needs 500 new\n subscribers to get started (1811 Aug 27); praises\n several Henkel publications (1812 Jan 11); remarks\n re The Evangelical Magazine and books ordered\n (1812 Apr 1); belief that the printing of the new\n Song Book should have been financially aided by\n the Synod (1812 Oct 17); business account and\n advice to David Henkel to enter the ministry (1812\n Dec 18); possibility that Pastor Carpenter may go\n to Kentucky, and worries over possible victory by\n Napoleon Bonaparte (1813 Dec 3); Synodical\n expenses for Paul Henkel (1814 Jun 15); The\n Evangelical Magazine will be published yearly, and\n rejoicing re Napoleon Bonaparte's downfall (1814\n Jul 23); accounts of [The Evangelical Magazine]\n taken care of by Pastor Muhlenberg in Reading\n (1817 Jun 11); asks if anyone in the area is a\n subscriber to the second part of Georg Schmucker's\n Prophetic History (1818 Dec 30); enclosure of a\n new children's book requested by Dr. Helmuth (1819\n Apr 27); and acknowledgement of a letter (1821 Aug\n 31)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003erumors of a Henkel Press business to be\n established in Lincolntown, North Carolina, and\n non-receipt of Honig Tropfen\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere the need for printer's ink\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere the birth of a son, William Bentin, to [his\n wife ?] Jane, other family news, and the bonds of\n Jacob Savage\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his problems with his uncle over the use of\n a farm\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere Jacob Savage's notes\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere his duties as Postmaster at New Market\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere collecting on his account\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ere the payment of some bonds and other business\n matters\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["SCOPE AND CONTENT"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This addition to the papers of the \n Henkel familyof \n New Market, Virginia, consists of ca. 475\n items (4 Hollinger boxes, ca. 2 linear feet), 1805-1941, and\n contains correspondence, business and legal papers,\n genealogical material, account books, photographs, notes,\n block cuts, subscription lists, minute books, printed\n material, and manuscripts.","The nineteenth century correspondents of the \n Henkel familyare listed alphabetically in\n the folder listing section of this guide beginning on page\n five with a brief note concerning the content of the letters.\n Mr. \n John G. Stewart, retired professor of \n James Madison University, has supplied\n notes concerning the content of those letters in German. Most\n of the correspondence was addressed to Dr. \n Solomon Henkeland Dr. \n Samuel G. Henkel.","The correspondence of the \n Henkel Family Associationcontains the\n following topics: a discussion about the inscriptions on the \n Hinkle Fortmonument and the memorial for \n John Justus Henckelwith notes on the\n history of \n Hinkle's Fortand \n John Justus Henckel(1935 Aug 21); remarks\n concerning \n Christina Hinkleand \n Isaac Harmonupon the unveiling of the\n monument to \n John Justus Henckelby \n J.W. Harmonof \n Parsons, West Virginia(1937 Jan 25); \n Jacob Henkel's property in \n West Virginia(1937 Sep 20); information\n regarding \n Angeline Millerand \n Adam Sheets(1940 Jan 6); and \n Jacob Hinkle, son of \n George Rudolphus Hinkle(1940 Jan 11).","Some items in the business and legal papers include a\n memorandum of type to be secured in \n Baltimore(1826 Oct 15); the attempt to\n purchase a \"boalting cloth No. 8\" for use in \n John Coiner's flour mill (1834 Jun 3); a\n fine for \n Samuel G. Henkel's non-attendance at the\n regimental muster in Captain Neff's Company (1839); plans for \n Godfred Hinkle's barn (1840 Feb 20); a \n Land Office TreasuryWarrant # 18063 to \n Samuel G. Henkelfor 590 acres (1849 Nov\n 26); \n Solomon Henkel's memorandum book with\n notes for the settling of his estate (1856 Feb 28); a bill of\n type to be secured in \n Baltimoreat Spaldings (1837 Apr 26);\n typed copies of \n Henkel familyland patents, surveys, and\n deeds in \n Virginiaand \n West Virginia(n.d.).","Genealogical materials include a \n Conrad familyand \n Keyser familynotebook (1917); a \"family\n record of Henkel Stock\" as copied by Dr. \n C.C. Henkeland Rev. \n D.M. Henkel, partially related by Dr. \n Solomon Henkel(n.d.); and miscellaneous\n notes and manuscripts concerning the \n Henkel family.","Miscellaneous papers contains notes about Rev. Reck's\n sermons taken by [ \n Samuel G. Henkel] (1825); a phrenological\n analysis of the head of \n Samuel G. Henkel(1841 Apr 2); the\n marriage certificate of \n Gideon Koinerand \n Rebecca M. Henkel(1853 Nov 14); a\n qualitative analysis of a sample of water made by \n University of VirginiaProfessor \n J.W. Mallet(1892 Oct 15); the historical\n address \"One Army of the Living God\" given before the \n Henkel Memorial Associationin \n Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, concerning\n the contributions of the \n Henkel Family(1917); minutes of the \n Henkel Memorial Association(n.d.); and an\n engraving of a printing press patented by \n Peter Smithand manufactured by \n Robert Hoe and Company, \n New York(n.d.).","Also present are three bound volumes of records pertaining\n to the \n New Market Academy, including minutes,\n subscription lists, resignation letters of its professors, and\n other loose material found in the volumes, 1838-1941. Dr. \n Solomon Henkelwas one of the original\n Trustees appointed on February 21, 1817, when the \n New Market Academywas incorporated. The \n Henkel familyhas been represented on the \n Board of Trustees of the New Market\n Academythroughout its history by such men as \n Samuel G. Henkeland \n C.C. Henkel.","Photographs include those of Dr. [ \n Casper Henkel]; \n Barbara Teter Henkel; a page from the\n diary of Rev. \n H.M. Muhlenbergconcerning Rev. \n Anthony Jacob Henkel; the \n Hinkle Fortbuilt by \n Justus Henckel; two houses built by \n Abraham Henckel; the memorial monument to\n John Justus Henckel, Sr.; sons of Dr. \n Solomon Henkel; Rev. \n Paul Henkeland his wife, \n Elizabeth Nagley Henkel; and the sons of\n Rev. \n Paul Henkel.","Most of the printed material is described in the folder\n listing part of this guide.","* indicates some or all documents are in\n German","re his absence in Germany and his instructions\n that his mail be sent to Solomon Henkel where he\n will pick it up on his return to the United\n States","re his need of medical supplies as he is a\n physician","re financial provision for his aunt, Mrs.\n Duff","re his preparations for sailing to\n California","re the improvements in his health, rumors of\n the death of Solomon Henkel, and a fire engine for\n sale","re arrangements for a cataract operation","re Mr. Yeager's misrepresentation of his\n statements concerning the Tennessee Synod in The\n Observer","re his supply of medical instruments and models\n with their cost","his letters include: a list of elders and\n officers of the Hebron Church, Madison County\n (1809 Jun); his difficulties in attending Special\n Conference, books sent for sale, and a discussion\n of methods of payment (1809 Sep 14); his trip to\n Ohio, and his request to Paul or Phillip Henkel to\n preach in his church and also at the Reformed\n Church (1810 Aug 22); acknowledgement of the\n receipt of some medicine and mention of the good\n acceptance of the Song Book by the congregation\n (1811 Mar 9); difficulties in obtaining Conference\n Reports and description of his sickness (1811 Apr\n 1); approval of new Catechism, and requests\n information re next Special Conference (1812 Feb\n 3); discussion of the possibility of the Henkel\n Press printing Arndt's \"Wahres Christenthum\" in\n English (1812 Apr 8); necessity of a personal\n meeting with Paul Henkel (1812 Sep 11); and\n mention of Solomon Henkel as agent for Johann\n Gruber in Hagerstown, and The Evangelical Magazine\n printed in Philadelphia (1813 Mar 8).","re money matters and the purchase of a\n horse","re the formation of a new Synod, testimonial\n for Rev. J. Killian, and the need for attention to\n the literary qualifications for aspiring young\n ministers","re his order for a Cycl[opedia]","re money sent to the post office and the\n failing health of all three of her brothers,\n Martin, David, and Simon","difficulties re taxes and land formerly owned\n by Johannes Henkel (1812 Sep 20); and questions re\n sale of land and request for advice (1816 May\n 16)","death of two of his sons due to dysentery, wife\n and slave both in serious condition (Feb 16) and\n the introduction of English Song Books in Madison\n County (Jul 22)","request for books and a proposal for\n transporting them (1806 Oct 11); his interest in\n subscription to a New Market newspaper and\n detailed description of a deadly disease on the\n rampage in North Carolina (1807 Oct 11); while in\n Staunton sends announcement that he wishes to\n preach in New Market on June 25 th (1815 Jun\n 20)","difficulties in recruiting preachers, the need\n for outsiders to come to [South Carolina ?], and\n business matters","re an order for books about Martin Luther, the\n Augsburg Confession, Catechisms, and hymn books in\n English and German to be sent to Saluda, S.C.,\n inroads made by other denominations in South\n Carolina and David Henkel's work there","re expressions of his love","request for books including two dozen\n catechisms for teaching purposes","difficulties in attending the Special\n Conference in New Market because of distance and\n pastoral duties (1807 Sep 12); a list of officers,\n Lutheran and Reformed, and the location of\n churches in Wythe, Montgomery, and Greenbriar\n Counties (1809 Oct 18); receipt of catechisms and\n their success as a teaching tool (1809 Oct);\n detailed and lengthy manuscript of a Lutheran\n Catechism, and its differences with Reformed\n beliefs (1810 Dec 22); explanation and commentary\n re Catechism (1811 Feb 16); suggestions re the new\n Lutheran Catechism (1811 Jul 30); urgent request\n for more English Catechisms, saying more than 200\n could be sold, if available, and interest in\n applying for Pastor Carpenter's job in Madison\n County (1814 Apr 14); request for more English\n Catechisms (1819 Sep 14); account of books (1820\n Feb 5); requests more first edition catechisms,\n recommends the bank notes from the Union Bank of\n Alexandria or the North Carolina Treasury bills\n for paying notes (1820 Apr 1); requests\n clarification of his account (1820 Jun 24);\n requests for more catechisms, concern with his\n book account and mention of the South Carolina\n State Bank (1821 Sep 1; 1822 Jun 3 Aug 4; \u0026\n Dec 18); warning about a so-called preacher by the\n name of Miller, known for his drinking and\n carousing, [who ?] will be in New Market soon and\n will want to buy a horse to ride back to\n Pennsylvania (1823 Jan 24).","money transactions with Henkel's brother-in-law\n Miller in Winchester (1819 Jan 19); and requests\n for Henkel to mediate between two parties re land\n transactions (1822 Dec 23)","re family news","request to expedite the binding of the Song\n Books as he will be in New Market on the following\n Saturday","difficulties in receiving mail (1812 Jun\n 18)","transaction involving the trading of 2/6 nails\n for Song Books in New Market","lengthy remarks re the new Catechism and his\n own personal observations","J.O. Kramer of Maytown, North Carolina, has two\n dozen copies of a book which Henkel wants (Jul\n 30); reference to previous letter and the sale of\n books (Sep 4); acknowlegement of the receipt of\n books (Nov 14)","requests for German catechisms","request for German Bible (1815 Dec 5); and\n business transactions re books (1816 Dec 8)","account of books (1810) and book transactions\n and a list of subscribers to a book (1821)","re his refusal to get involved in political\n questions, favoring a complete separation of\n church and state, as does the Lutheran Church and\n the Society for the Promotion of Christian\n Union","Request for a subscription for a church\n proposal (1805); his acknowledgement of the\n influence of Henkel on the writing of a small book\n by Helmuth (1817); the cessation of the The\n Evangelical Magazine and his recommendation of\n Pastor Plitt's new magazine (1820)","arrival in Point Pleasant and his great\n difficulty in learning German","re a list of articles that he wants him to get\n for him, the isolation of their home from society,\n Ambrose's success in selling medicines and books\n on commission, the success of other businessmen,\n the desire of the German people to educate their\n children, his neighbors desire for the Henkel\n family to erect a post office, store, and school\n located at the crossroads at Wood's Ferry, Green\n County, Tennessee; his regret that Samuel will not\n visit soon, his hopes of finishing his studies so\n he might be a candidate for the position at the\n New Market Academy, his \"medical practice,\" the\n need of copies of the Concordia and other\n books","re his criticism of Professor Samuel\n Schmucker's Popular Theology because of its\n deviation from the fundamental doctrines of the\n Lutheran Church and the General Synod, the birth\n of his son Casper Coiner Henkel, and and Rev.\n Charles Henkel's translation of the Augustan\n Confession (1835); the republication of the works\n of David Henkel, and the impracticality of using\n agents to sell their books (1836); a strange\n medical case (1843); a request that the son of\n Hannah Stirewalt be admitted to the University of\n Virginia (1848); the translation of the Book of\n Concord (1849); the Book of Concord about to be\n bound, and his annoyance with the teaching of\n Professor Schmucker (1851); and recommendations to\n the Tennessee Synod meeting in 1857.","re his medical studies in Philadelphia","re family news","offer of this bookseller to send a catalog of\n medical books, his plans to travel to Europe in\n eight weeks and his offer to visit friends and\n acquaintances of Solomon Henkel","re the salary for a minister at New Market","re a gift from her mother","list of subscribers for Henkel Press Song Book\n in Pendleton and Hardy Counties","questions re content of the catechism, symptoms\n of his sick wife, praise of Paul Henkel's work in\n Ohio, possibility of moving to Brush Creek Church,\n Highland County","re request to study medical practice with\n him","land transaction in the area of Salisbury,\n North Carolina, with the signatures of witnesses\n (1805) and questions re payment for land\n (1806)","request to engrave the plates for Baron\n Steuben's \"Regulations for the Order and\n Discipline of the Troops of the United States,\"\n with sample plates (formerly) enclosed, and\n immediate reply needed","re a letter possibly mailed to New Market,\n Virginia by mistake","proposal to sell Henkel Press ABC books in\n Philadelphia by means of subscriptions","request for books, especially the new ABC book\n (1808 Apr 9); note that the ABC books are selling\n well, request's Helmuth's Spelling Book and\n medical advice (1809 Apr 23); list of subcribers\n for 170 Song Books (1809 Dec 16); two pages of\n brief Biblical interpretations, and more\n subscribers for Song Books (1810 Feb 10); request\n that Paul Henkel come to North Carolina to help\n Pastor Schober with difficulties in his\n congregation (1810 Sep 5); demand for the Song\n Book and ABC books, intention of traveling to\n Kentucky and Ohio and visiting New Market on his\n return, and his work on a Children's Book (1811\n Mar 27); description of trip to Ohio, his travels\n through Tennessee and Kentucky, the great influx\n of Baptists in Ohio, the need for both German and\n English Catechisms, Song Books, and ABC books, and\n the need for Paul Henkel in Ohio (1811 Aug 27);\n his return from Ohio, translation work on \"Ein\n Briefwechsel die Methodisten betreffend\" (1811 Dec\n 16); need for more books translated into English,\n plans another trip with Paul Henkel to Ohio, and\n worries re the War and conscription (1812 Jun 13);\n and his desire to travel but not teach school\n children, difficulties in North Carolina re the\n Song Books and Catechism, hints of a split among\n congregations (1813 Jan 4)","list of officers and elders in Bottetourt\n County (1809); and request for the name and\n address of the present secretary of the German\n Evangelical Ministry (Ministerium)","report re steam driven printing presses in New\n York and Philadelphia","request for English Catechisms, also Conference\n Reports (1816); account of books and difficulties\n in selling books (1817); good reception of the new\n ABC books in Tennessee (1818)","troubles re the survival of the German\n [language], and good reception of the new ABC\n books","re arrangements to purchase books for the\n brethren in North Carolina","synodical difficulties in North and South\n Carolina","advice re cancer cure using an arsenic\n solution, hydrophobia, recently acquired books for\n sale, book store started by Muhlenberg and his\n source for books, his interest in medicinal plants\n and names of plant dealers, Dr. John Brickel and\n Fr. Dahlman (1805); advice concerning herbs, and a\n list of eleven books with their prices sent to New\n Market (1806); financial accounts concerning Mr.\n Etter, Michael Lohr, and Heinrich Busching, and\n complaints re bills (1807)","request for medicine for a pastor's wife and a\n description of her symptoms","inability to sell books and his desire to\n return the 150 small books","reference to previous letters, collection of\n bills, and the Bank of Alexandria","report of his position as a teacher in\n Franconia Township near Philadelphia, request for\n twelve dozen ABC Books and a dozen other books\n (1811); and lack of a bill with the books received\n from the Henkels (1812)","the health of her son","request for tobacco seeds from Virginia with\n instructions for planting, in return for seeds of\n European plants recently bought abroad","request for German-English and English-German\n dictionaries (1816 Apr 2); thankfulness for the\n books and gratitude for Solomon Henkel's work in\n the Church (1816 Sep 30); receipt of box of books\n in Christiansburg (1818 Sep 17); return of two\n damaged books (1818 Sep 28); difficult time to\n sell books (1821 Apr 8)","reference to a delivery of a package with\n newspapers or pamphlets and the need for\n subscribers","re an order of books","the need for Song Books and a misunderstanding\n re Special Conference attendance","re his marriage to Susan Koiner (1832) and\n other family news","re renting a plantation managed by Henkel and\n owned by Casper Koiner","re his financial affairs, the settling of a\n debt in Virginia owed to James and Alexander Wray,\n the interest due on the bonds made out to Samuel\n Henkel, and settling a debt in Philadelphia","Book Society wants to sell Shakespeare's works\n (22 volumes) for $ 9.00, the Collected Works of\n the King of Prussia (15 volumes) for $ 6.00, and\n Stiller's Heimweh for $ 5.00 (180[7] Jul 20);\n complaints about lack of correspondence and\n uncertainty of whether Henkel received the money\n (1808 Oct 17); receipt of newspaper and desire to\n receive copies of new pamphlets and books printed\n in New Market (1809 Apr 2); misunderstanding re\n the political views expressed by the writer and\n made public by Henkel, Republicans and Federalists\n are friends and calls the Democrats and Torys\n enemies of freedom (1809 Apr 15); announcement of\n a possible move to York, plans to preach in\n Woodstock, Shenandoah County, the first of August\n (1809 Jun 9); excerpts of \"Protocols of the\n Lutheran Synod,\" Philadelphia, permission for Paul\n Henkel to do missionary work in Kentucky,\n Tennessee, Ohio, and Virginia, advice to Lutheran\n ministers to avoid camp meetings, and request for\n Paul Henkel's travel diary (1811 Jun 27); excerpts\n of Paul Henkel's missionary activities in South\n Carolina to be published by Mr. Helmuth in The\n Evangelical Magazine which needs 500 new\n subscribers to get started (1811 Aug 27); praises\n several Henkel publications (1812 Jan 11); remarks\n re The Evangelical Magazine and books ordered\n (1812 Apr 1); belief that the printing of the new\n Song Book should have been financially aided by\n the Synod (1812 Oct 17); business account and\n advice to David Henkel to enter the ministry (1812\n Dec 18); possibility that Pastor Carpenter may go\n to Kentucky, and worries over possible victory by\n Napoleon Bonaparte (1813 Dec 3); Synodical\n expenses for Paul Henkel (1814 Jun 15); The\n Evangelical Magazine will be published yearly, and\n rejoicing re Napoleon Bonaparte's downfall (1814\n Jul 23); accounts of [The Evangelical Magazine]\n taken care of by Pastor Muhlenberg in Reading\n (1817 Jun 11); asks if anyone in the area is a\n subscriber to the second part of Georg Schmucker's\n Prophetic History (1818 Dec 30); enclosure of a\n new children's book requested by Dr. Helmuth (1819\n Apr 27); and acknowledgement of a letter (1821 Aug\n 31)","rumors of a Henkel Press business to be\n established in Lincolntown, North Carolina, and\n non-receipt of Honig Tropfen","re the need for printer's ink","re the birth of a son, William Bentin, to [his\n wife ?] Jane, other family news, and the bonds of\n Jacob Savage","re his problems with his uncle over the use of\n a farm","re Jacob Savage's notes","re his duties as Postmaster at New Market","re collecting on his account","re the payment of some bonds and other business\n matters"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","James Madison University","Henkel Family Association","Land Office Treasury","University of Virginia","Henkel Memorial Association","Robert Hoe and Company","New Market Academy","Board of Trustees of the New Market\n Academy"],"famname_ssim":["Henkel family","Conrad family","Keyser family","Henkel Family"],"persname_ssim":["Mrs. John Godfrey Miller","H.E. Comstock","John G. Stewart","Solomon Henkel","Samuel G. Henkel","John Justus Henckel","Christina Hinkle","Isaac Harmon","J.W. Harmon","Jacob Henkel","Angeline Miller","Adam Sheets","Jacob Hinkle","George Rudolphus Hinkle","John Coiner","Godfred Hinkle","C.C. Henkel","D.M. Henkel","Gideon Koiner","Rebecca M. Henkel","J.W. Mallet","Peter Smith","Casper Henkel","Barbara Teter Henkel","H.M. Muhlenberg","Anthony Jacob Henkel","Justus Henckel","Abraham Henckel","John Justus Henckel, Sr.","Paul Henkel","Elizabeth Nagley Henkel"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","James Madison University","Henkel Family Association","Land Office Treasury","University of Virginia","Henkel Memorial Association","Robert Hoe and Company","New Market Academy","Board of Trustees of the New Market\n Academy","Henkel family","Conrad family","Keyser family","Henkel Family","Mrs. John Godfrey Miller","H.E. Comstock","John G. Stewart","Solomon Henkel","Samuel G. Henkel","John Justus Henckel","Christina Hinkle","Isaac Harmon","J.W. Harmon","Jacob Henkel","Angeline Miller","Adam Sheets","Jacob Hinkle","George Rudolphus Hinkle","John Coiner","Godfred Hinkle","C.C. Henkel","D.M. Henkel","Gideon Koiner","Rebecca M. Henkel","J.W. Mallet","Peter Smith","Casper Henkel","Barbara Teter Henkel","H.M. Muhlenberg","Anthony Jacob Henkel","Justus Henckel","Abraham Henckel","John Justus Henckel, Sr.","Paul Henkel","Elizabeth Nagley Henkel"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":114,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:31:56.027Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00089_c02_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03_c20","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Account books and notebooks, 1830/1910","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03_c20#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eCharlotte Goss and Lee Goss account books and notebooks\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03_c20#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03_c20","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03_c20"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03_c20","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03","parent_ssim":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930","Business correspondence and ledgers, 1811/1929"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_815","viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03"],"title_filing_ssi":"Account books and notebooks","title_ssm":["Account books and notebooks"],"title_tesim":["Account books and notebooks"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Account books and notebooks, 1830/1910"],"text":["Account books and notebooks, 1830/1910","Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930","Business correspondence and ledgers, 1811/1929","box 7 [X030899330]","folder 2","English","Charlotte Goss and Lee Goss account books and notebooks"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930","Business correspondence and ledgers, 1811/1929"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930","Business correspondence and ledgers, 1811/1929"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1830/1910"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1830-1910"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":65,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930"],"containers_ssim":["box 7 [X030899330]","folder 2"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCharlotte Goss and Lee Goss account books and notebooks\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Charlotte Goss and Lee Goss account books and notebooks"],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#19","timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:38.998Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_815","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_815.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/723","title_filing_ssi":"Goss family papers","title_ssm":["Goss family papers"],"title_tesim":["Goss family papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1820-2014","1820-1930"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1820-2014"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1820-1930"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930"],"text":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930","MSS 16398","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/815","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Correspondence","letters (correspondence)","Business records","The collection is open for research use.","The collection has been arranged into Six series.","Ebenezer Walker Goss of Somerset Virginia (1820-1885), son of the Reverend John W. Goss (1775-1838), married Ann Carter Nalle (1824-1907) and they had five children, Ann \"Nannie\" C. Goss Walker (1848-1928)who married Robert Walker, Jane Goss Claiborne (1853-1922)who married Robert Claiborne, Rosa Goss Turner (1857-1923) who married Mortimer A. Turner (school teacher at Woodberry Forest), Mary Botts Goss (1858-1881),Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1861-1914), and Ebenezer Lee Goss (1863-1934).","Most of the letters in the collection are to Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss who took care of her mother in Somerset, Virginia. Lottie suffered from serious bouts of asthma and was engaged to J. Frank Lobingier who lived in Pomona, California. Mr. Lobingier was also devoted to caring for his mother. Lottie's health and the couple's devotion to their family is mentioned frequently in his letters from 1880 to 1909 as a delay in their becoming married. Instead of marriage, \"Lottie\" visited friends and helped her brother Lee take care of their farm.","The Goss family papers (1820-2014; 4 cubic feet) contain Civil War letters and documents including a pardon for Ebenezer Walker Goss from President Andrew Johnson in 1865, manuscript receipts of goods sold to the Confederate Army, enslaved person receipts, and papers (mostly correspondence) related to their 19th and early 20th century family in Somerset, Virginia. Business records reflect their apple orchard, farming, and dairy business which was maintained by Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1861-1914), and her brother Ebenezer \"Lee\" Goss,(1863-1934). The family papers also contain correspondence with William and Marion du Pont about horses and dogs. There are also letters from suitors, particularly J. Frank Lobingier, pursuing Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1880-1909), from around the country. Miss Goss lived for a while in Pomona California, and Saltito, Mexico. The family papers also contain photographs and genealogy describing their family history in Virginia.","Letters from Leigh Page and J. L. Kemper,1864, requesting Ebenezer Goss be transferred from infantry to cavalry,as he is too old (45) to be in the infantry but is an excellent horseman; Certificate for Goss' substitute for service in the C.S.A; Parole certificate dated May 16, 1865; William Seward acknowledgement of President Andrew Johnson's pardon of Goss, November 8, 1865; and receipts of goods sold to the Confederate government on Sept.25, 1863.","There is also an enslavement receipt and a letter from James W. Walker to his daughter Fanny dated Madison, October 28, 1862 in which he complains of the Yankees and the fact that they took 9 of his \"Negro\" men.","Letters from Leigh Page and J. L. Kemper,1864, requesting Ebenezer Goss be transferred from infantry to cavalry,as he is too old (45) to be in the infantry but is an excellent horseman; Certificate for Goss' substitute for service in the C.S.A; Parole certificate dated May 16, 1865; William Seward acknowledgement of President Andrew Johnson's pardon of Goss, November 8, 1865; and receipts of goods sold to the Confederate government on Sept.25, 1863.","There is an enslavement receipt and a letter from James W. Walker to his daughter Fanny dated Madison, October 28, 1862 in which he complains of the Yankees and the fact that they took 9 of his \"Negro\" men.","Family correspondence (1868-1925) relates to the health, activities, and financial situations of family members and includes John W. Goss to his son Ebenezer Goss; Lee Goss with his sister Ann \"Nannie\" Goss Walker; Ann Carter Nalle Goss to her daughter Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss; letters from Rosa Goss Turner; Mortimer A. Turner to Charlotte Goss, and letters from R. Mason Nalle and Joseph G. Walker. Personal correspondence includes letters from J. Frank Lobingier who seriously courted Charlotte Goss from 1880 to 1909. There are also letters from other boyfriends charging her with unrequited love for them.","Includes letters from \"H\" and one letter from Nisbut Reid to Charlotte Goss.","Included is a letter from Governor of Virginia Westmoreland Davis","Business correspondence relating to debts, stocks, and provisions for their farm and including legal deeds for Somerset.","Includes letter from Lee Goss to Robinson Riley about the coffee industry in Venezuela (1896 April 1st); letter from Lee Goss requesting a man to run his farm business; letters from State Veterinarian J. G. Ferneyhough.","Includes receipt for stud services","Includes samples of checks written by Goss family","Charlotte Goss and Lee Goss account books and notebooks","Includes typed manuscript, \"Life of John Goss\". There is also genealogy of the Nalle family.","Photographs of Somerset home, Charlotte Goss, Rosa Goss Turner, Ebenezer Lee Goss, Ann Carter Nalle Goss, James Goss, J. Frank Lobingier, and Horace Stringfellow","Photographs of Somerset Farm and some family members","Photographs of Somerset home, Charlotte Goss, Rosa Goss Turner, Ebenezer Lee Goss, Ann Carter Nalle Goss, James Goss, J. Frank Lobingier, and Horace Stringfellow","Index rerum (1839) by the Reverend John Todd belonging to Ebenezer Goss, newspaper clippings, artwork, and programs including an invitation to President William McKinley's inaugural ball (1897)","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930"],"collection_ssim":["Goss family papers, 1820/2014, bulk 1820/1930"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["File","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16398","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/815"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16398","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/815"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Correspondence"],"geogname_ssim":["United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Correspondence"],"places_ssim":["United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Correspondence"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["Accession 2017-0193 Purchased, 30 October 2017; Elizabeth Cocke Coles Fund, 2017/2018. Accession 2018-0033 Donated by Atwell W. Somerville, Jr., 30 October 2017."],"access_subjects_ssim":["letters (correspondence)","Business records"],"access_subjects_ssm":["letters (correspondence)","Business records"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["4 Cubic Feet 7 document boxes, 2 oversize folders"],"extent_tesim":["4 Cubic Feet 7 document boxes, 2 oversize folders"],"genreform_ssim":["letters (correspondence)","Business records"],"date_range_isim":[1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998,1999,2000,2001,2002,2003,2004,2005,2006,2007,2008,2009,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection has been arranged into Six series.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection has been arranged into Six series."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eEbenezer Walker Goss of Somerset Virginia (1820-1885), son of the Reverend John W. Goss (1775-1838), married Ann Carter Nalle (1824-1907) and they had five children, Ann \"Nannie\" C. Goss Walker (1848-1928)who married Robert Walker, Jane Goss Claiborne (1853-1922)who married Robert Claiborne, Rosa Goss Turner (1857-1923) who married Mortimer A. Turner (school teacher at Woodberry Forest), Mary Botts Goss (1858-1881),Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1861-1914), and Ebenezer Lee Goss (1863-1934).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMost of the letters in the collection are to Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss who took care of her mother in Somerset, Virginia. Lottie suffered from serious bouts of asthma and was engaged to J. Frank Lobingier who lived in Pomona, California. Mr. Lobingier was also devoted to caring for his mother. Lottie's health and the couple's devotion to their family is mentioned frequently in his letters from 1880 to 1909 as a delay in their becoming married. Instead of marriage, \"Lottie\" visited friends and helped her brother Lee take care of their farm.\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["Ebenezer Walker Goss of Somerset Virginia (1820-1885), son of the Reverend John W. Goss (1775-1838), married Ann Carter Nalle (1824-1907) and they had five children, Ann \"Nannie\" C. Goss Walker (1848-1928)who married Robert Walker, Jane Goss Claiborne (1853-1922)who married Robert Claiborne, Rosa Goss Turner (1857-1923) who married Mortimer A. Turner (school teacher at Woodberry Forest), Mary Botts Goss (1858-1881),Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1861-1914), and Ebenezer Lee Goss (1863-1934).","Most of the letters in the collection are to Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss who took care of her mother in Somerset, Virginia. Lottie suffered from serious bouts of asthma and was engaged to J. Frank Lobingier who lived in Pomona, California. Mr. Lobingier was also devoted to caring for his mother. Lottie's health and the couple's devotion to their family is mentioned frequently in his letters from 1880 to 1909 as a delay in their becoming married. Instead of marriage, \"Lottie\" visited friends and helped her brother Lee take care of their farm."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16389, Goss family papers, Albret and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16389, Goss family papers, Albret and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Goss family papers (1820-2014; 4 cubic feet) contain Civil War letters and documents including a pardon for Ebenezer Walker Goss from President Andrew Johnson in 1865, manuscript receipts of goods sold to the Confederate Army, enslaved person receipts, and papers (mostly correspondence) related to their 19th and early 20th century family in Somerset, Virginia. Business records reflect their apple orchard, farming, and dairy business which was maintained by Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1861-1914), and her brother Ebenezer \"Lee\" Goss,(1863-1934). The family papers also contain correspondence with William and Marion du Pont about horses and dogs. There are also letters from suitors, particularly J. Frank Lobingier, pursuing Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1880-1909), from around the country. Miss Goss lived for a while in Pomona California, and Saltito, Mexico. The family papers also contain photographs and genealogy describing their family history in Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e ","\u003cp\u003eLetters from Leigh Page and J. L. Kemper,1864, requesting Ebenezer Goss be transferred from infantry to cavalry,as he is too old (45) to be in the infantry but is an excellent horseman; Certificate for Goss' substitute for service in the C.S.A; Parole certificate dated May 16, 1865; William Seward acknowledgement of President Andrew Johnson's pardon of Goss, November 8, 1865; and receipts of goods sold to the Confederate government on Sept.25, 1863.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere is also an enslavement receipt and a letter from James W. Walker to his daughter Fanny dated Madison, October 28, 1862 in which he complains of the Yankees and the fact that they took 9 of his \"Negro\" men.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLetters from Leigh Page and J. L. Kemper,1864, requesting Ebenezer Goss be transferred from infantry to cavalry,as he is too old (45) to be in the infantry but is an excellent horseman; Certificate for Goss' substitute for service in the C.S.A; Parole certificate dated May 16, 1865; William Seward acknowledgement of President Andrew Johnson's pardon of Goss, November 8, 1865; and receipts of goods sold to the Confederate government on Sept.25, 1863.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere is an enslavement receipt and a letter from James W. Walker to his daughter Fanny dated Madison, October 28, 1862 in which he complains of the Yankees and the fact that they took 9 of his \"Negro\" men.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFamily correspondence (1868-1925) relates to the health, activities, and financial situations of family members and includes John W. Goss to his son Ebenezer Goss; Lee Goss with his sister Ann \"Nannie\" Goss Walker; Ann Carter Nalle Goss to her daughter Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss; letters from Rosa Goss Turner; Mortimer A. Turner to Charlotte Goss, and letters from R. Mason Nalle and Joseph G. Walker. Personal correspondence includes letters from J. Frank Lobingier who seriously courted Charlotte Goss from 1880 to 1909. There are also letters from other boyfriends charging her with unrequited love for them.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes letters from \"H\" and one letter from Nisbut Reid to Charlotte Goss.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncluded is a letter from Governor of Virginia Westmoreland Davis\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBusiness correspondence relating to debts, stocks, and provisions for their farm and including legal deeds for Somerset.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes letter from Lee Goss to Robinson Riley about the coffee industry in Venezuela (1896 April 1st); letter from Lee Goss requesting a man to run his farm business; letters from State Veterinarian J. G. Ferneyhough.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes receipt for stud services\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes samples of checks written by Goss family\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCharlotte Goss and Lee Goss account books and notebooks\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIncludes typed manuscript, \"Life of John Goss\". There is also genealogy of the Nalle family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs of Somerset home, Charlotte Goss, Rosa Goss Turner, Ebenezer Lee Goss, Ann Carter Nalle Goss, James Goss, J. Frank Lobingier, and Horace Stringfellow\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs of Somerset Farm and some family members\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhotographs of Somerset home, Charlotte Goss, Rosa Goss Turner, Ebenezer Lee Goss, Ann Carter Nalle Goss, James Goss, J. Frank Lobingier, and Horace Stringfellow\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIndex rerum (1839) by the Reverend John Todd belonging to Ebenezer Goss, newspaper clippings, artwork, and programs including an invitation to President William McKinley's inaugural ball (1897)\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents Note","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents","Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Goss family papers (1820-2014; 4 cubic feet) contain Civil War letters and documents including a pardon for Ebenezer Walker Goss from President Andrew Johnson in 1865, manuscript receipts of goods sold to the Confederate Army, enslaved person receipts, and papers (mostly correspondence) related to their 19th and early 20th century family in Somerset, Virginia. Business records reflect their apple orchard, farming, and dairy business which was maintained by Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1861-1914), and her brother Ebenezer \"Lee\" Goss,(1863-1934). The family papers also contain correspondence with William and Marion du Pont about horses and dogs. There are also letters from suitors, particularly J. Frank Lobingier, pursuing Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss (1880-1909), from around the country. Miss Goss lived for a while in Pomona California, and Saltito, Mexico. The family papers also contain photographs and genealogy describing their family history in Virginia.","Letters from Leigh Page and J. L. Kemper,1864, requesting Ebenezer Goss be transferred from infantry to cavalry,as he is too old (45) to be in the infantry but is an excellent horseman; Certificate for Goss' substitute for service in the C.S.A; Parole certificate dated May 16, 1865; William Seward acknowledgement of President Andrew Johnson's pardon of Goss, November 8, 1865; and receipts of goods sold to the Confederate government on Sept.25, 1863.","There is also an enslavement receipt and a letter from James W. Walker to his daughter Fanny dated Madison, October 28, 1862 in which he complains of the Yankees and the fact that they took 9 of his \"Negro\" men.","Letters from Leigh Page and J. L. Kemper,1864, requesting Ebenezer Goss be transferred from infantry to cavalry,as he is too old (45) to be in the infantry but is an excellent horseman; Certificate for Goss' substitute for service in the C.S.A; Parole certificate dated May 16, 1865; William Seward acknowledgement of President Andrew Johnson's pardon of Goss, November 8, 1865; and receipts of goods sold to the Confederate government on Sept.25, 1863.","There is an enslavement receipt and a letter from James W. Walker to his daughter Fanny dated Madison, October 28, 1862 in which he complains of the Yankees and the fact that they took 9 of his \"Negro\" men.","Family correspondence (1868-1925) relates to the health, activities, and financial situations of family members and includes John W. Goss to his son Ebenezer Goss; Lee Goss with his sister Ann \"Nannie\" Goss Walker; Ann Carter Nalle Goss to her daughter Charlotte \"Lottie\" Goss; letters from Rosa Goss Turner; Mortimer A. Turner to Charlotte Goss, and letters from R. Mason Nalle and Joseph G. Walker. Personal correspondence includes letters from J. Frank Lobingier who seriously courted Charlotte Goss from 1880 to 1909. There are also letters from other boyfriends charging her with unrequited love for them.","Includes letters from \"H\" and one letter from Nisbut Reid to Charlotte Goss.","Included is a letter from Governor of Virginia Westmoreland Davis","Business correspondence relating to debts, stocks, and provisions for their farm and including legal deeds for Somerset.","Includes letter from Lee Goss to Robinson Riley about the coffee industry in Venezuela (1896 April 1st); letter from Lee Goss requesting a man to run his farm business; letters from State Veterinarian J. G. Ferneyhough.","Includes receipt for stud services","Includes samples of checks written by Goss family","Charlotte Goss and Lee Goss account books and notebooks","Includes typed manuscript, \"Life of John Goss\". There is also genealogy of the Nalle family.","Photographs of Somerset home, Charlotte Goss, Rosa Goss Turner, Ebenezer Lee Goss, Ann Carter Nalle Goss, James Goss, J. Frank Lobingier, and Horace Stringfellow","Photographs of Somerset Farm and some family members","Photographs of Somerset home, Charlotte Goss, Rosa Goss Turner, Ebenezer Lee Goss, Ann Carter Nalle Goss, James Goss, J. Frank Lobingier, and Horace Stringfellow","Index rerum (1839) by the Reverend John Todd belonging to Ebenezer Goss, newspaper clippings, artwork, and programs including an invitation to President William McKinley's inaugural ball (1897)"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":74,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-06-23T07:29:38.998Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_815_c03_c20"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","hits":1987},"links":{"remove":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1885\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1885\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"A. 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