{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1881\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=3","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1881\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=2","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1881\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=4","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1881\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=193"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":3,"next_page":4,"prev_page":2,"total_pages":193,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":20,"total_count":1924,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_24_c01","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Account Books of 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Widener, Administrator, 1876/1882","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00015_c14#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00015_c14","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00015_c14"],"id":"viu_viu00015_c14","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00015","_root_":"viu_viu00015","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00015","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00015","parent_ssim":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00015"],"title_filing_ssi":"Account of Thomas Wright, James J. Widener,\n Administrator","title_ssm":["Account of Thomas Wright, James J. Widener, Administrator"],"title_tesim":["Account of Thomas Wright, James J. Widener, Administrator"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Account of Thomas Wright, James J. Widener, Administrator, 1876/1882"],"text":["Account of Thomas Wright, James J. Widener, Administrator, 1876/1882","Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive","Oversize Oversize box M-6"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1876/1882"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1876-1882"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":14,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"containers_ssim":["Oversize Oversize box M-6"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882],"_nest_path_":"/components#13","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00015","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00015","_root_":"viu_viu00015","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00015","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00015.xml","title_ssm":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"title_tesim":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"text":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive","Collection number\n 38-104","544 items","Collection is open to research.","These papers are arranged chronologically within each\n folder and the folders are arranged alphabetically by folder\n heading.","The papers of \n Leonidas Baugh, editor of the \n Abingdon Democrat,and a local\n businessman in \n Abingdon, Virginia, and of other \n Washington County families, consist of 544\n items (1 Hollinger box; .33 linear shelf feet), 1819-1930, and\n contain correspondence, financial and legal papers, ledgers,\n genealogical material concerning the \n Crawford family, unidentified photographs,\n political papers, printed material, and school records.","Leonidas Baugh served as editor of the \n Abingdon Democratfrom\n 1849-1853, although the paper continued to be published until\n 1861. \n Leonidas Baugh became postmaster at \n Abingdon in 1853, and also eventually\n became the Deputy Clerk of \n Washington County Court. Perhaps because\n of his work in the \n Washington County Court, \n Leonidas Baugh's papers contain many\n financial and legal papers not directly related to himself. \n Leonidas Baugh also entered a tanning and\n harness-making partnership in 1847 which lasted for seven\n years.","Topics of interest in the correspondence include the\n following: \n Isaac B. Dunn and the controversy over the\n type of internal improvement most beneficial to \n Southwest Virginia, the \n James River and \n Kanawha Canal Company, a new road or the \n Southwest Virginia Railroad (1849 December 30);\n a friend writing from the gold fields of \n Sacramento, California (1849 August 25); a\n description of Governor \n Joseph Johnson and criticism for the\n Whigs' resolution to receive \n Virginia's quota of the land money to be\n deposited with the literary fund for the benefit of indigent\n children of the Commonwealth proposed by \n [J.D.] Imboden (1851 February 2); a request\n that \n Leonidas Baugh print a reader's response\n to Holmes, the editor of the \n Southwestern Advocate, and his\n attack upon the \n Jeffersonville Historical Society (1851\n December 23); the difficulties of doing business during the Civil\n War (1862 May 16; and 1863 March 30); a description of a trip to\n Alaska and employment there in the \n Alaska Native School, \n Medical and Reindeer Service of the Bureau of\n Education, \n Department of the Interior (1925 February 6);\n and the purchase of iron (n.d.).","Beginning in 1878, much of \n Leonidas Baugh's correspondence was\n concerned with the politics of \n Virginia, \n Washington County, and \n Abingdon. These include: \n Leonidas Baugh's accusation that \n Isaac Chapman Fowler, editor of \n Bristol News, had a secret\n understanding with the Funders, and had consequently voted\n against Col. \n Abram Fulkerson (Readjuster) on the\n Bocock-Fowler Bill, an association which he denied by\n reputiating the Funder stance on free schools, asylum money,\n and the total payment of state debt (1878 September 30); \n Abram Fulkerson's discussion of the\n defeat of the Funders on the \n Virginia debt question, the wise course\n for bondholders to follow, the \n Virginia Legislature elections of 1880 and\n their significance, the \"turncoat\" \n Isaac Chapman Fowler of \n Bristol News, and the black\n vote, \"The abuse the \n [Richmond] Dispatchand other\n Funder papers are heaping on the Negro, will make the Negro\n members stick the closer to us. Our policy should be to deal\n with kindly and fairly\" (1879 November 11); the request of \n Fayette McMullin (who ran as a\n Conservative-Independent-Greenbacker and advocate of federal\n construction of the \n Cumberland Gap railroad) for \n Leonidas Baugh's help in beating General \n William Mahone in the election for \n United States Senator (1879 December 6); a\n discussion by \n A. Fulkerson of the future of the \n Readjuster Party of Virginia and the debt\n bill (the Riddleberger Act) which fixed the amount of \n Virginia state debt at about $21,000,000,\n for which new bonds were issued bearing three per cent\n interest (1880 February 12); and the reference of \n F[rank] Blair to the \n John E. Massy matter (1882 February 8).","Other political correspondence includes: the argument of \n Isaac Chapman Fowler that for the Funders\n to destroy the Readjuster Party they must attack \n William Mahone, the reference to \n John E. Massey as a traitor to the party\n who joined with the Funders to overthrow \n William Mahone and the \"Boss\" of the \"Big\n Four\" ( \n S.H. Newberry, \n Peyton G. Hale, \n B.F. Williams, and \n A.M. Lybrook ), and that the Readjusters\n would be \"nincompoops\" not to support the \n Chester A. Arthur Administration (1882 April\n 28); reports on \n John E. Massey's political chances in the\n Love Mill, Washington County area where he\n will attract only Funder votes, and a promise to take several\n good Readjusters to the \n Marion Convention (1882 August 7); reports\n from \n Scott County that no Readjuster will vote\n for \n John E. Massey in the elections (1882 August\n 11); the political news from \n Wise County and \n Scott County (1882 October 26); a disagreement\n with \n A. Fulkerson over his assessment of his\n chances to defeat \n Henry Bowen for election to Congress in \n Scott County (1882 November 3); the vote in \n Tazewell County and Scott County (1882 November 7); the vote in \n Buchanan County (1882 November 8) and the vote\n in \n Montgomery County (November 11); the office of\n postmaster in [ \n Abingdon ] and \n Isaac Chapman Fowler's obligation to\n support \n Rees B. Edmondson in return for a favor he\n did for him (1883 February 14); and details of local politics and\n the desire to beat the \n A. Fulkerson ring in the elections (1883\n May 7).","Some of the political correspondents include \n Abram Fulkerson (1834-1902) September 19,\n 1878, November 11, 1879, and February 12, 1880; \n Fayette McMullin (? -1881) December 6,\n 1879; \n Frank Blair, February 8, 1882; and \n Isaac Chapman Fowler (1831-?) September\n 30, 1878; April 28, 1882; February 14, 1883; and May 7\n 1883.","The financial and legal papers contain accounts, articles\n of agreement, papers concerning the settlement of various\n estates, promissory notes, bills, and bonds. Much of the early\n material pertains to \n James C. Simpson or his partnership with \n William Simpson. Individual topics\n include: salt production at \n Saltville (1824); nail and iron production\n (1837 November; 1839 April, April 13, May 17, June 12, 19, 20); a bank note from the \n Farmers Bank of Virginia (1841 September 5); the\n hiring out of blacks (1841 March 20); the co-partnership of \n Lewellin C. Newland and \n Leonidas Baugh for the purpose of carrying\n on the tanning and harness-making business in \n Abingdon for seven years (1847 June 19);\n the Printing Office account with \n Leonidas Baugh re the \n Abingdon Democrat[1861 ?]; a\n horsetrading partnership (1880 June); the value of real estate\n in the town of \n Abingdon (1880); a black property owner in\n Washington County (1883 April 28); and a\n copy of the U.S. military record of a black man, \n Henderson Wells, who enlisted at \n Cleveland, Ohio, on November 23, 1882 in \n Company I, Tenth Regiment of Cavalry and\n was discharged on disability (1883 June 18).","Miscellaneous papers contains a newspaper subscriber list,\n perhaps of the \n Abingdon Democrat(n.d.)","Printed political papers include a broadside re the\n campaign of \n Daniel Trigg (1877); a Readjuster\n broadside re the Funders and black voters (ca. 1879); and a\n Readjuster broadside re schools (ca. 1882). Speeches include\n those by the \n Republican Executive Committee to the\n Voters of the \n 9th Congressional District (1880), the\n plan of organization adopted by the \n State Executive Committee of the Democratic\n Party (n.d.), \n Auburn L. Pridemore (1879 February 16), \n Frank G. Ruffin (1883 September 19), and \n Justin S. Morrill (1884 April 16).","Political tickets include: the National Greenback ticket\n [188O], the Readjuster and Democratic tickets for \n Washington County (1883 May 24), and the\n Democratic ticket of \n John E. Massey and \n Abram Fulkerson (1882). Also present is a\n list of voters in \n Washington County with insolvent\n capitation and property taxes (1881).","The election returns among the political papers include:\n election returns for \n Washington County and \n Abingdon (1879-1883); election returns for\n the \n 9th District (1880-1882); election returns\n for the state of \n Virginia (1879-1881); and election returns\n for \n Caroline and \n Hanover Counties (1879).","Miscellaneous political papers contain a memorandum and\n various drafts of a petition to the \n General Assembly of Virginia from the\n citizens of \n Abingdon and \n Washington Counties concerning the\n controversy over the charter for the \n Russell Old Court House and \n Abingdon Turnpike Company for the\n construction of a graded road across \n Washington County from near \"Mocks Mill\"\n to the line of \n Russell County near \n Little Moccasin Gap (n.d.); a notice for \n Leonidas Baugh's paper of a Union meeting\n to be held by the students of \n Emory and Henry College in protest of\n action taken by \n University of Virginia students to promote\n a \"Disunion Feast\" (n.d.) and an editorial on whether \n William Mahone struck a deal with the\n Republican caucus to promote his own interests (n.d.).","Lists include: \"Colored Senators\" (n.d.); the number of\n registered voters in \n Washington County precincts (n.d.); the\n number of delinquents in White's Mill precinct (n.d.); voters\n registered at Bethel Precinct, white voters at Duff's\n Precinct, and Oak Hill Precinct (all undated).","Drafts of undated editorials include those concerning the\n \"Funder Ticket\", \"Funder Consistency\", \"Renegades\",\n \"Democracy\", \"Bourbon Funder Ticketing\", \"What Should the\n Readjusters Do This Year ?,\" and an editorial to the \n Abingdon Democratprotesting the\n editorials in \n The Abingdon Virginianwhich\n seem to pit the merchants of \n Abingdon against the mechanics of \n Abingdon.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"collection_ssim":["Leonidas Baugh Papers \n 1819-1930 Inclusive"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Collection number\n 38-104"],"unitid_tesim":["Collection number\n 38-104"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The papers of \n Leonidas Baugh were given to the\n Library by Miss \n Ethel Baugh of \n Abingdon, Virginia, in 1936."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["544 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThese papers are arranged chronologically within each\n folder and the folders are arranged alphabetically by folder\n heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["These papers are arranged chronologically within each\n folder and the folders are arranged alphabetically by folder\n heading."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eLeonidas Baugh\n Papers, Accession 38-104, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Leonidas Baugh\n Papers, Accession 38-104, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe papers of \n Leonidas Baugh, editor of the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAbingdon Democrat,\u003c/title\u003eand a local\n businessman in \n Abingdon, Virginia, and of other \n Washington County families, consist of 544\n items (1 Hollinger box; .33 linear shelf feet), 1819-1930, and\n contain correspondence, financial and legal papers, ledgers,\n genealogical material concerning the \n Crawford family, unidentified photographs,\n political papers, printed material, and school records.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e Leonidas Baugh served as editor of the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAbingdon Democrat\u003c/title\u003efrom\n 1849-1853, although the paper continued to be published until\n 1861. \n Leonidas Baugh became postmaster at \n Abingdon in 1853, and also eventually\n became the Deputy Clerk of \n Washington County Court. Perhaps because\n of his work in the \n Washington County Court, \n Leonidas Baugh's papers contain many\n financial and legal papers not directly related to himself. \n Leonidas Baugh also entered a tanning and\n harness-making partnership in 1847 which lasted for seven\n years.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eTopics of interest in the correspondence include the\n following: \n Isaac B. Dunn and the controversy over the\n type of internal improvement most beneficial to \n Southwest Virginia, the \n James River and \n Kanawha Canal Company, a new road or the \n Southwest Virginia Railroad (1849 December 30);\n a friend writing from the gold fields of \n Sacramento, California (1849 August 25); a\n description of Governor \n Joseph Johnson and criticism for the\n Whigs' resolution to receive \n Virginia's quota of the land money to be\n deposited with the literary fund for the benefit of indigent\n children of the Commonwealth proposed by \n [J.D.] Imboden (1851 February 2); a request\n that \n Leonidas Baugh print a reader's response\n to Holmes, the editor of the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eSouthwestern Advocate\u003c/title\u003e, and his\n attack upon the \n Jeffersonville Historical Society (1851\n December 23); the difficulties of doing business during the Civil\n War (1862 May 16; and 1863 March 30); a description of a trip to\n Alaska and employment there in the \n Alaska Native School, \n Medical and Reindeer Service of the Bureau of\n Education, \n Department of the Interior (1925 February 6);\n and the purchase of iron (n.d.).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBeginning in 1878, much of \n Leonidas Baugh's correspondence was\n concerned with the politics of \n Virginia, \n Washington County, and \n Abingdon. These include: \n Leonidas Baugh's accusation that \n Isaac Chapman Fowler, editor of \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBristol News\u003c/title\u003e, had a secret\n understanding with the Funders, and had consequently voted\n against Col. \n Abram Fulkerson (Readjuster) on the\n Bocock-Fowler Bill, an association which he denied by\n reputiating the Funder stance on free schools, asylum money,\n and the total payment of state debt (1878 September 30); \n Abram Fulkerson's discussion of the\n defeat of the Funders on the \n Virginia debt question, the wise course\n for bondholders to follow, the \n Virginia Legislature elections of 1880 and\n their significance, the \"turncoat\" \n Isaac Chapman Fowler of \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBristol News\u003c/title\u003e, and the black\n vote, \"The abuse the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003e[Richmond] Dispatch\u003c/title\u003eand other\n Funder papers are heaping on the Negro, will make the Negro\n members stick the closer to us. Our policy should be to deal\n with kindly and fairly\" (1879 November 11); the request of \n Fayette McMullin (who ran as a\n Conservative-Independent-Greenbacker and advocate of federal\n construction of the \n Cumberland Gap railroad) for \n Leonidas Baugh's help in beating General \n William Mahone in the election for \n United States Senator (1879 December 6); a\n discussion by \n A. Fulkerson of the future of the \n Readjuster Party of Virginia and the debt\n bill (the Riddleberger Act) which fixed the amount of \n Virginia state debt at about $21,000,000,\n for which new bonds were issued bearing three per cent\n interest (1880 February 12); and the reference of \n F[rank] Blair to the \n John E. Massy matter (1882 February 8).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOther political correspondence includes: the argument of \n Isaac Chapman Fowler that for the Funders\n to destroy the Readjuster Party they must attack \n William Mahone, the reference to \n John E. Massey as a traitor to the party\n who joined with the Funders to overthrow \n William Mahone and the \"Boss\" of the \"Big\n Four\" ( \n S.H. Newberry, \n Peyton G. Hale, \n B.F. Williams, and \n A.M. Lybrook ), and that the Readjusters\n would be \"nincompoops\" not to support the \n Chester A. Arthur Administration (1882 April\n 28); reports on \n John E. Massey's political chances in the\n Love Mill, Washington County area where he\n will attract only Funder votes, and a promise to take several\n good Readjusters to the \n Marion Convention (1882 August 7); reports\n from \n Scott County that no Readjuster will vote\n for \n John E. Massey in the elections (1882 August\n 11); the political news from \n Wise County and \n Scott County (1882 October 26); a disagreement\n with \n A. Fulkerson over his assessment of his\n chances to defeat \n Henry Bowen for election to Congress in \n Scott County (1882 November 3); the vote in \n Tazewell County and Scott County (1882 November 7); the vote in \n Buchanan County (1882 November 8) and the vote\n in \n Montgomery County (November 11); the office of\n postmaster in [ \n Abingdon ] and \n Isaac Chapman Fowler's obligation to\n support \n Rees B. Edmondson in return for a favor he\n did for him (1883 February 14); and details of local politics and\n the desire to beat the \n A. Fulkerson ring in the elections (1883\n May 7).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome of the political correspondents include \n Abram Fulkerson (1834-1902) September 19,\n 1878, November 11, 1879, and February 12, 1880; \n Fayette McMullin (? -1881) December 6,\n 1879; \n Frank Blair, February 8, 1882; and \n Isaac Chapman Fowler (1831-?) September\n 30, 1878; April 28, 1882; February 14, 1883; and May 7\n 1883.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe financial and legal papers contain accounts, articles\n of agreement, papers concerning the settlement of various\n estates, promissory notes, bills, and bonds. Much of the early\n material pertains to \n James C. Simpson or his partnership with \n William Simpson. Individual topics\n include: salt production at \n Saltville (1824); nail and iron production\n (1837 November; 1839 April, April 13, May 17, June 12, 19, 20); a bank note from the \n Farmers Bank of Virginia (1841 September 5); the\n hiring out of blacks (1841 March 20); the co-partnership of \n Lewellin C. Newland and \n Leonidas Baugh for the purpose of carrying\n on the tanning and harness-making business in \n Abingdon for seven years (1847 June 19);\n the Printing Office account with \n Leonidas Baugh re the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAbingdon Democrat\u003c/title\u003e[1861 ?]; a\n horsetrading partnership (1880 June); the value of real estate\n in the town of \n Abingdon (1880); a black property owner in\n Washington County (1883 April 28); and a\n copy of the U.S. military record of a black man, \n Henderson Wells, who enlisted at \n Cleveland, Ohio, on November 23, 1882 in \n Company I, Tenth Regiment of Cavalry and\n was discharged on disability (1883 June 18).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous papers contains a newspaper subscriber list,\n perhaps of the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAbingdon Democrat\u003c/title\u003e(n.d.)\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePrinted political papers include a broadside re the\n campaign of \n Daniel Trigg (1877); a Readjuster\n broadside re the Funders and black voters (ca. 1879); and a\n Readjuster broadside re schools (ca. 1882). Speeches include\n those by the \n Republican Executive Committee to the\n Voters of the \n 9th Congressional District (1880), the\n plan of organization adopted by the \n State Executive Committee of the Democratic\n Party (n.d.), \n Auburn L. Pridemore (1879 February 16), \n Frank G. Ruffin (1883 September 19), and \n Justin S. Morrill (1884 April 16).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePolitical tickets include: the National Greenback ticket\n [188O], the Readjuster and Democratic tickets for \n Washington County (1883 May 24), and the\n Democratic ticket of \n John E. Massey and \n Abram Fulkerson (1882). Also present is a\n list of voters in \n Washington County with insolvent\n capitation and property taxes (1881).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe election returns among the political papers include:\n election returns for \n Washington County and \n Abingdon (1879-1883); election returns for\n the \n 9th District (1880-1882); election returns\n for the state of \n Virginia (1879-1881); and election returns\n for \n Caroline and \n Hanover Counties (1879).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous political papers contain a memorandum and\n various drafts of a petition to the \n General Assembly of Virginia from the\n citizens of \n Abingdon and \n Washington Counties concerning the\n controversy over the charter for the \n Russell Old Court House and \n Abingdon Turnpike Company for the\n construction of a graded road across \n Washington County from near \"Mocks Mill\"\n to the line of \n Russell County near \n Little Moccasin Gap (n.d.); a notice for \n Leonidas Baugh's paper of a Union meeting\n to be held by the students of \n Emory and Henry College in protest of\n action taken by \n University of Virginia students to promote\n a \"Disunion Feast\" (n.d.) and an editorial on whether \n William Mahone struck a deal with the\n Republican caucus to promote his own interests (n.d.).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLists include: \"Colored Senators\" (n.d.); the number of\n registered voters in \n Washington County precincts (n.d.); the\n number of delinquents in White's Mill precinct (n.d.); voters\n registered at Bethel Precinct, white voters at Duff's\n Precinct, and Oak Hill Precinct (all undated).\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDrafts of undated editorials include those concerning the\n \"Funder Ticket\", \"Funder Consistency\", \"Renegades\",\n \"Democracy\", \"Bourbon Funder Ticketing\", \"What Should the\n Readjusters Do This Year ?,\" and an editorial to the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eAbingdon Democrat\u003c/title\u003eprotesting the\n editorials in \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Abingdon Virginian\u003c/title\u003ewhich\n seem to pit the merchants of \n Abingdon against the mechanics of \n Abingdon.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["SCOPE AND CONTENT"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The papers of \n Leonidas Baugh, editor of the \n Abingdon Democrat,and a local\n businessman in \n Abingdon, Virginia, and of other \n Washington County families, consist of 544\n items (1 Hollinger box; .33 linear shelf feet), 1819-1930, and\n contain correspondence, financial and legal papers, ledgers,\n genealogical material concerning the \n Crawford family, unidentified photographs,\n political papers, printed material, and school records.","Leonidas Baugh served as editor of the \n Abingdon Democratfrom\n 1849-1853, although the paper continued to be published until\n 1861. \n Leonidas Baugh became postmaster at \n Abingdon in 1853, and also eventually\n became the Deputy Clerk of \n Washington County Court. Perhaps because\n of his work in the \n Washington County Court, \n Leonidas Baugh's papers contain many\n financial and legal papers not directly related to himself. \n Leonidas Baugh also entered a tanning and\n harness-making partnership in 1847 which lasted for seven\n years.","Topics of interest in the correspondence include the\n following: \n Isaac B. Dunn and the controversy over the\n type of internal improvement most beneficial to \n Southwest Virginia, the \n James River and \n Kanawha Canal Company, a new road or the \n Southwest Virginia Railroad (1849 December 30);\n a friend writing from the gold fields of \n Sacramento, California (1849 August 25); a\n description of Governor \n Joseph Johnson and criticism for the\n Whigs' resolution to receive \n Virginia's quota of the land money to be\n deposited with the literary fund for the benefit of indigent\n children of the Commonwealth proposed by \n [J.D.] Imboden (1851 February 2); a request\n that \n Leonidas Baugh print a reader's response\n to Holmes, the editor of the \n Southwestern Advocate, and his\n attack upon the \n Jeffersonville Historical Society (1851\n December 23); the difficulties of doing business during the Civil\n War (1862 May 16; and 1863 March 30); a description of a trip to\n Alaska and employment there in the \n Alaska Native School, \n Medical and Reindeer Service of the Bureau of\n Education, \n Department of the Interior (1925 February 6);\n and the purchase of iron (n.d.).","Beginning in 1878, much of \n Leonidas Baugh's correspondence was\n concerned with the politics of \n Virginia, \n Washington County, and \n Abingdon. These include: \n Leonidas Baugh's accusation that \n Isaac Chapman Fowler, editor of \n Bristol News, had a secret\n understanding with the Funders, and had consequently voted\n against Col. \n Abram Fulkerson (Readjuster) on the\n Bocock-Fowler Bill, an association which he denied by\n reputiating the Funder stance on free schools, asylum money,\n and the total payment of state debt (1878 September 30); \n Abram Fulkerson's discussion of the\n defeat of the Funders on the \n Virginia debt question, the wise course\n for bondholders to follow, the \n Virginia Legislature elections of 1880 and\n their significance, the \"turncoat\" \n Isaac Chapman Fowler of \n Bristol News, and the black\n vote, \"The abuse the \n [Richmond] Dispatchand other\n Funder papers are heaping on the Negro, will make the Negro\n members stick the closer to us. Our policy should be to deal\n with kindly and fairly\" (1879 November 11); the request of \n Fayette McMullin (who ran as a\n Conservative-Independent-Greenbacker and advocate of federal\n construction of the \n Cumberland Gap railroad) for \n Leonidas Baugh's help in beating General \n William Mahone in the election for \n United States Senator (1879 December 6); a\n discussion by \n A. Fulkerson of the future of the \n Readjuster Party of Virginia and the debt\n bill (the Riddleberger Act) which fixed the amount of \n Virginia state debt at about $21,000,000,\n for which new bonds were issued bearing three per cent\n interest (1880 February 12); and the reference of \n F[rank] Blair to the \n John E. Massy matter (1882 February 8).","Other political correspondence includes: the argument of \n Isaac Chapman Fowler that for the Funders\n to destroy the Readjuster Party they must attack \n William Mahone, the reference to \n John E. Massey as a traitor to the party\n who joined with the Funders to overthrow \n William Mahone and the \"Boss\" of the \"Big\n Four\" ( \n S.H. Newberry, \n Peyton G. Hale, \n B.F. Williams, and \n A.M. Lybrook ), and that the Readjusters\n would be \"nincompoops\" not to support the \n Chester A. Arthur Administration (1882 April\n 28); reports on \n John E. Massey's political chances in the\n Love Mill, Washington County area where he\n will attract only Funder votes, and a promise to take several\n good Readjusters to the \n Marion Convention (1882 August 7); reports\n from \n Scott County that no Readjuster will vote\n for \n John E. Massey in the elections (1882 August\n 11); the political news from \n Wise County and \n Scott County (1882 October 26); a disagreement\n with \n A. Fulkerson over his assessment of his\n chances to defeat \n Henry Bowen for election to Congress in \n Scott County (1882 November 3); the vote in \n Tazewell County and Scott County (1882 November 7); the vote in \n Buchanan County (1882 November 8) and the vote\n in \n Montgomery County (November 11); the office of\n postmaster in [ \n Abingdon ] and \n Isaac Chapman Fowler's obligation to\n support \n Rees B. Edmondson in return for a favor he\n did for him (1883 February 14); and details of local politics and\n the desire to beat the \n A. Fulkerson ring in the elections (1883\n May 7).","Some of the political correspondents include \n Abram Fulkerson (1834-1902) September 19,\n 1878, November 11, 1879, and February 12, 1880; \n Fayette McMullin (? -1881) December 6,\n 1879; \n Frank Blair, February 8, 1882; and \n Isaac Chapman Fowler (1831-?) September\n 30, 1878; April 28, 1882; February 14, 1883; and May 7\n 1883.","The financial and legal papers contain accounts, articles\n of agreement, papers concerning the settlement of various\n estates, promissory notes, bills, and bonds. Much of the early\n material pertains to \n James C. Simpson or his partnership with \n William Simpson. Individual topics\n include: salt production at \n Saltville (1824); nail and iron production\n (1837 November; 1839 April, April 13, May 17, June 12, 19, 20); a bank note from the \n Farmers Bank of Virginia (1841 September 5); the\n hiring out of blacks (1841 March 20); the co-partnership of \n Lewellin C. Newland and \n Leonidas Baugh for the purpose of carrying\n on the tanning and harness-making business in \n Abingdon for seven years (1847 June 19);\n the Printing Office account with \n Leonidas Baugh re the \n Abingdon Democrat[1861 ?]; a\n horsetrading partnership (1880 June); the value of real estate\n in the town of \n Abingdon (1880); a black property owner in\n Washington County (1883 April 28); and a\n copy of the U.S. military record of a black man, \n Henderson Wells, who enlisted at \n Cleveland, Ohio, on November 23, 1882 in \n Company I, Tenth Regiment of Cavalry and\n was discharged on disability (1883 June 18).","Miscellaneous papers contains a newspaper subscriber list,\n perhaps of the \n Abingdon Democrat(n.d.)","Printed political papers include a broadside re the\n campaign of \n Daniel Trigg (1877); a Readjuster\n broadside re the Funders and black voters (ca. 1879); and a\n Readjuster broadside re schools (ca. 1882). Speeches include\n those by the \n Republican Executive Committee to the\n Voters of the \n 9th Congressional District (1880), the\n plan of organization adopted by the \n State Executive Committee of the Democratic\n Party (n.d.), \n Auburn L. Pridemore (1879 February 16), \n Frank G. Ruffin (1883 September 19), and \n Justin S. Morrill (1884 April 16).","Political tickets include: the National Greenback ticket\n [188O], the Readjuster and Democratic tickets for \n Washington County (1883 May 24), and the\n Democratic ticket of \n John E. Massey and \n Abram Fulkerson (1882). Also present is a\n list of voters in \n Washington County with insolvent\n capitation and property taxes (1881).","The election returns among the political papers include:\n election returns for \n Washington County and \n Abingdon (1879-1883); election returns for\n the \n 9th District (1880-1882); election returns\n for the state of \n Virginia (1879-1881); and election returns\n for \n Caroline and \n Hanover Counties (1879).","Miscellaneous political papers contain a memorandum and\n various drafts of a petition to the \n General Assembly of Virginia from the\n citizens of \n Abingdon and \n Washington Counties concerning the\n controversy over the charter for the \n Russell Old Court House and \n Abingdon Turnpike Company for the\n construction of a graded road across \n Washington County from near \"Mocks Mill\"\n to the line of \n Russell County near \n Little Moccasin Gap (n.d.); a notice for \n Leonidas Baugh's paper of a Union meeting\n to be held by the students of \n Emory and Henry College in protest of\n action taken by \n University of Virginia students to promote\n a \"Disunion Feast\" (n.d.) and an editorial on whether \n William Mahone struck a deal with the\n Republican caucus to promote his own interests (n.d.).","Lists include: \"Colored Senators\" (n.d.); the number of\n registered voters in \n Washington County precincts (n.d.); the\n number of delinquents in White's Mill precinct (n.d.); voters\n registered at Bethel Precinct, white voters at Duff's\n Precinct, and Oak Hill Precinct (all undated).","Drafts of undated editorials include those concerning the\n \"Funder Ticket\", \"Funder Consistency\", \"Renegades\",\n \"Democracy\", \"Bourbon Funder Ticketing\", \"What Should the\n Readjusters Do This Year ?,\" and an editorial to the \n Abingdon Democratprotesting the\n editorials in \n The Abingdon Virginianwhich\n seem to pit the merchants of \n Abingdon against the mechanics of \n Abingdon."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":29,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00015_c14"}},{"id":"viu_viu00017_c02_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Accounts., 1751/1899","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00017_c02_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00017_c02_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00017_c02_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00017_c02_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00017","_root_":"viu_viu00017","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00017_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00017_c02","parent_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00017","viu_viu00017_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Accounts.","title_ssm":["Accounts."],"title_tesim":["Accounts."],"normalized_title_ssm":["Accounts., 1751/1899"],"text":["Accounts., 1751/1899","Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers","Box Box 2"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1751/1899"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1751-1899, n.d."],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":15,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"extent_ssm":["(4 folders)."],"extent_tesim":["(4 folders)."],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 2"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00017","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00017","_root_":"viu_viu00017","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00017","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00017.xml","title_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"title_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"text":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Collection number 116","2100 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and \n Watts Family. Large portions of the\n correspondence belong to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders. Included with the\n correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n Frank Prufer. The business papers include\n accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n chiefly pertaining to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders, but also various\n members of these families. The legal papers include court\n dockets and memoranda of \n William Watts, documents, and wills.\n There are various legal papers of \n William Wattspertaining to \n Virginiacounties including \n Amelia County, \n Amherst County, \n Buckingham County, \n Campbell County, \n Cumberland County, \n Prince Edward County. The miscellaneous\n material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n inside arranged chronologically.","Correspondence","From the correspondence of the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and related families,\n 1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n 30, 1800, from \n Louisa County, which advises the\n recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n the \n Kingdom of God. A letter dated April 2,\n 1812 from \n James Raylandto his sister mentions that\n his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n Mount Pleasant, indicates that \"Mary\n thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n Pleasant Milkhillneeds brandy, and asks\n that it be sent with \n David(probably a slave) for there is none\n at \n Bethel. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n at \n Bleak Hillsmakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n [Roanoke County, or \n John Randolph's estate \"Roanoke\"?].","From their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n letter to \n Sam Tyree, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n student: \n [Sam L. Preston?]complaining that he can\n not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n Trinity and Ivy Chapelin \n Boonsboro, Bedford Countyto a Mr.\n Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n to see.\"","Among the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n dated November 17 to \n \"Carter\" [Saunders?], by a female who\n mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n a \n Sam K. Jenny, probably a doctor of\n medicine, which mentions that \n William Greenattended a man named\n Barnhart to \n Bedfordso Jenny could prescribe to his\n case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"","From the correspondence of \n Eva (Smith) Saunders, dated 1868-1894,\n there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n The Grovewhich mentions that while Eva\n passed her exams--her brother \n Fleming Saunders IIIdid not. A letter,\n August 2, 1892, to \n Eva Saundersfrom \n M. Natalie Manson, at \n Wintore, speaks of school and Latin.\n There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n Florence, Italyto Eva, mentioning that\n there is no silver in \n Italyfor the English and French are\n buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n carry,\" seeing the works of \n Donatoand \n Brunelleschiand the \n Medici Chapel, and the \n \"Brothers of Pity\"who wear black robes\n and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n book to \n May Begg, \"a literary courtship under the\n auspices of \n Pike's Peak. \" \n Fleming Saunders IIIat \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordwrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n doing better.","Among the \n Eva Saundersundated correspondence, there\n is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n and concerns her ordered blouses.","From the correspondence of \n Fleming Saundersand \n Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders, 1858-1879, a\n letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n Peter Saunders, Jr., \n Bleak Hill, says that his tobacco crop\n has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n Jeanie Edmond, \n Hudson Lodge, makes a reference to the \n Jubilee Singerstraveling to raise money\n for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n acquaintances visiting \n England, mentioning a \"public worship\n bill\" in \n Parliament, and one acquaintance having\n an appointment with the Bishop of \n Melbourne; and to visiting \n Australia. In a postcard dated August 21,\n 1879, \n W. A. Alrichasks \n Fleming Saunders' opinion as to the next\n \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n that Mrs. \n C[harles] Dabneyhas a fine little\n daughter.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n give the same salary as before. \n Peter Saunderswrites from \n Bleak Hillon January 19, 1881 saying that\n he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n Virgina Midland [Rail] Road, and does not\n think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n director on the \n Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n W. A. Alrichwrites from \n Emanuel Rectory, \n Chatham, Virginia, on February 16, 1882,\n saying he is glad that the \n Saunders' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n Ellen Boulder, a school teacher, writes\n to \n Mary Saundersfrom \n Drake's Branchon March 18, 1889,\n mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n [Peter Saunders], \n Bleak Hill, writes \n Fleming Saunders, on October 26, 1891\n mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n alliance such as the \n Grange?].","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n Fleming Saunders IIIwrites to his parents\n from \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n girls than studying. \n James F. Plummerwrites to Captain\n Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n tested. \n Peter Saunderswrites to Fleming from \n Bleak Hill, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n in the \n Democratic Party, and discussing briefly\n possible effects on the present financial situation.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n Edward Watts Saunders, while serving in\n the \n Virginia House of Delegates. \n William W. Oldwrites to Fleming on\n February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n method of finalizing the transaction. \n E. W. Saunderswrites to Fleming on\n January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n Alice [Saunders]at \n Hollins, Virginia, to her aunt Saunders\n refers to the Roman poet \n Virgil. She writes to her mother on March\n 12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n Caesarand that he had been in the second\n book of \n Virgil.","In the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n D. Saunderswrites to his mother from \n Randolph-Macon Academyon February 10,\n saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n previously boxing.","In the correspondence of \n William Watts, 1754-1784, there is a\n letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n General Assemblyin \n Williamsburg. \n Samuel Dilworthwrites on June 2, 1783\n from \n Blanfordmentioning the problem of\n collecting debts owed to the British. \n Thomas Baldwin, Jr.writes on December 22,\n 1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n $18.","In the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n 16, 1785, from \n William Roachinforms Watts that while \n Peter Kernis employing Watts in a matter\n between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n Arthur Campbell, a candidate for the\n senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n asking for Watts' support. \n Edward Grahamof \n Bedford, writes on December 20, 1792,\n mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n Horaceand sending the boy a copy of \n Cicerowhich would supply \"the means of\n raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n soon be studying science.","In the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n Duncan Rosewrites from \n Petersburg, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n Buchanan's Hartie and Companyhas been\n doing business in \n Great Britainand is waiting for a\n successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n Franceand \n Britainat this time: \n George Hancockwrites to Watts in 1794\n mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n U.S., and referring to Mr. \n [James] Madison's arguments whereas he\n conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n Creed Taylorwrites on May 11, 1795,\n concerning some bonds. \n William Vannersonwrites, on October 30,\n 1795, from \n Petersburgmentioning a British war sloop\n in \n Norfolk, Virginiaand the order for\n carrying American bottoms bound for \n Franceinto British ports with invoice\n being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n $27 per barrel.","In Watts' correspondence with \n Edward Randolph, 1796-1797, Randolph\n writes from \n Richmondon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n with \n Thomas F. Scott, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n British debts. In the correspondence of \n William Wattswith \n John Watts, 1784-1800, John writes to\n William in April 1784 from \n Lincoln County, Virginia(now \n Kentucky), concerning apprehension about\n a possible Indian war in the \n Northwest Territories. John says that\n while the lands in \n Kentuckyare good, the inconveniences are\n many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.","Business Papers","There are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n beginning November 16, 1762, with \n George Kippen \u0026 Co.at their store in \n Goochland, Virginia, lists \n John Gilliamas having ordered a dozen\n flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n A. Watts, on which is listed a\n £0.2.0 debt to \n Mary Petillo, the only woman on the list,\n and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n William Skipwith. The account of \n Thomas Eastwith \n Archelaus Austinfrom November 15, 1771,\n consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n Vaughn with \n Edward Wattslists various quantities of\n rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n 1779-1794, of the estate of \n Nathaniel Davis, including an entry for\n 1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n 1784 for half of hire of \n Jacob. There is a section, \"Accts\n Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n and half share for \n Jacob, and another for dinner at the\n courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n James Daviswith \n Daniel Warwick, dating 1799-1803, with\n references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n Elizabeth Davis' account beginning May\n 31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Rowland P. Bankslists \"163 days tuition\n at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n 1826, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Thomas Pleasants, has lists orders for\n cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n Judge Saunders, of \n Lynchburg, Virginia, orders castor oil,\n ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n James Daviswhich contains an entry for\n imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n from Mrs. Eubank.","The accounts of \n Williams Wattsspan 1752-1797. There is\n also a hotel account with \n Charles Williamsonwith entries dating\n 1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n Betty Tuckerand \n Betty Kirkland, both beginning September\n 10, 1767, and Capt. \n Joseph Tucker, 1767-1769. Watts has\n accounts, 1768, with \n John Brittanfor a waistcoat, shoes,\n stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n 20, 1771, with \n Miller Woodsonwith an entry of May 16,\n 1772 listing a \n Patrick Henry. There is a document which\n contains information on the estate of \n William Randolph. There is another\n lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n Watts with \n Charles Williams. There is an account\n beginning March 9, 1778, with \n William Kirklandwhich includes listings\n for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n with \n Frederick Nancementions a violin and a\n set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n 1787, with \n Robert Wilsonordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n Edward McDonaldwith \n William Watts, there is the note of the\n hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n Charles Smith, there is a note for the\n finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n There are two medical bills, one with \n George Martin, beginning January 14,\n 1794, and one with Doctor \n Graham, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n October 1797, Watts had an account with \n George Quillefor the hire of a Negro.\n There is an undated account of \n W. Walter Spencewith Watts for the hire\n of a Negro for eight months.","Promissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n There are several items concerned with the estate of \n John Flemingand include an entry for\n February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n George Martinand Watts there is an\n agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n James Davishas a note dated 1803 with the\n Sheriff of \n Amherst Countyfor tax on four Negroes,\n four horses, and five tithes. \n Elizabeth Davishas a note dated 1816 for\n tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n Negro man by \n James Davisfrom \n J. Wrightfor \n Lavinia Wright. There is a 1840 note from\n Charles Davisto the Sheriff of \n Amherstfor tax on six Negroes and six\n horses.","Legal Papers","There are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n kept by \n William Wattsin his capacity as a lawyer.\n In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n Buckingham Countycourt, there is an entry\n for detinue for Negro woman named \n Agge. From the memo for the April 1772\n court at \n Lunenburg County, \n Thomas Taylorand his wife have a suit\n against a Hurt for a Negro in \n Amelia. There is also a list of debts\n owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n there are court dockets from \n Amelia Countyand \n Lunenburg Countyfrom 1771-1782. A number\n of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n book with the signatures of William and \n Edward Watts, which includes a record of \n William Watts' court expenses. There are\n also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n Buckingham County, \n Amelia, \n Cumberland County, and \n Prince Edward Countyas well as for \n Williamsburg, Virginia. There is another\n 1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n Amelia County, \n Cumberland County, and \n Buckingham County.","The indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n there is an agreement between \n Benjamin Tambroand \n Ayres Hodnettof \n Buckinghamin regard to the former's son, \n John Tambro, to be apprentice to the\n latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n indenture between Watts and \n William Ford. From September 17, 1768,\n there is an agreement between \n Abraham Westand \n John Blankenshipof \n Prince Edward. On November 17, 1772,\n there is an agreement between \n John Lewallenof \n Amelia Countyand \n James and Robert Donalds and Company,\n Merchants of \n Glasgow. On September 15, 1778, there is\n an agreement between \n David Wrightof \n Botetourtand \n Alexander Paineof the same concerning a\n land dispute in the area where the \n Roanoke Riverand \n Tinker Creek.","The will, December 25, 1745, of \n Thomas Pattersonof \n Albemarle County, names his slaves and\n divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n his land in \n Goochland Countybe known as \n \"Locust Thicket.\"Margery Hinshawcontested the will of \n Samuel Hinshawdated March 1758 with \n [Cedw] Gibsonon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n daughter \n Elizabeth Hinshaw, and the latter's\n children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n will of \n Thomas Bottomof \n Ameliadated May 10, 1760 divides his\n slaves which are named between his three daughters.","A folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n John Eubankmentions prices for his\n Negroes: £300 for a man named \n Jacob, £200 for a man named \n Joe, £10 for a woman named \n Hannah, £20 for a girl named \n Lolly, and £0 for a girl named\n Caroline. There is also a list of tickets\n of ommission paid by \n William Watts, attorney. Among the legal\n papers of \n Amelia County, 1768 through 1789\n including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n states that \n Sarah Tinkeron December 6, 1781 gave her\n son-in-law \n John Tuckeran ailing Negro named \n Neduntil the latter gets well whereas he\n will be returned to \n Sarah Tucker. In an undated document, \n George Vaughnyields up title/right of two\n Negroes--named \n Frankand \n Phoebe--to son-in-law \n John Norris--formerly given to grandson \n John Norrisby a deed dated October 2,\n 1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n Campbell Countypapers, Justice \n Adam Clementsays that \n Charles Gilbertof \n Campbellon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n Negro slave \n Jack--property of Watts of \n Prince Edward County--ran away and was\n found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n Prince Edward, \n Edward Wattssold to \n William Wattseight Negro slaves: \n True, \n James, \n Winnie, \n Peter, \n Sarah, \n Betty, \n Rachel, and \n Docon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n account of Dr. \n M. John Kingwith the sheriff of \n Lunenburgwhich has an entry dating 1769:\n the former is in account with \n [John] Eppsfor four lbs. of tobacco at\n £0.5.1.","Miscellaneous","Among the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n September 20, 1871 from the \n Omaha, Nebraska Lotteryfor the building\n of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n Cox and Sons Church Furnitureshows a\n garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n James Garfield. There is an undated\n letter to Mrs. \n Fleming Saundersasking for a subscription\n to the \n Graphic,a ladies society\n magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n George Munro, Publishers. There is also a\n broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n English poetry pertaining to \n Christ's birth dating from the medieval\n period.","The church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n from \n Virginia Polytechnic Instituteto the \n Saundersasking for aid for the building of\n an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n faith.","Civil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n there are a number of furloughs issued to \n Confederateenlisted men in \n Virginia, each with a physical\n description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n a company of the \n 13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers.\n There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n Fleming Saunders, assistant\n quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.","The educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n \"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\",\n September 6, 1877, by \n John Randolph Tuckerof \n Virginia. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n for the \n Edgeworth School, a church-related\n boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n 1895 grade report from \n Virginia Polytechnic Institute(formerly \n Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College) for \n Fleming Saunders, III. There is a fall\n term 1902 grade report from \n Hollins Collegefor \n Elsie Saunders. There is another VPI\n grade report, from February 1903, for \n Carter Temple Saunders. There is a report\n from \n St. Timothy's Schoolof \n Catonsville, Maryland. Another undated\n piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n algebra.","There are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n 1794 from \n Edward Watts; another lecture on motive\n dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n 1843.","Miscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n marriage of Capt. \n Fleming Saundersto \n Mary Gwathmeyon July 30.","The obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n Fleming Saunders, Sr, a reprint of the\n 1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n Alice Fleming--and the 1904 obituary of \n Peter Saunders. The obituaries of\n Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n transcribed by \n John Blair Dabney.","The photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n young member of the \n Saunders familyand undated photo cards of\n liturgical furniture.","Bound Volumes","The Day Books include a day book from \n Maple Creek Millsdating from 1842. There\n is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n Richmond, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n 18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n Lee Monumental Association. Also present\n is a $1 donation from \n Alex Berkeleyof \n Yellow Branch, Virginia. There are also\n farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.","A card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n which is based on the kings of \n Englandwho reigned down to its date, is\n also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n nature.","The Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n Fleming Saunders, includes employees,\n supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n data.","The \n Otter River TownshipRecord Book dates\n from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n materials bought. One entry notes that \n B. H. Anthony, overseer of the poor,\n sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n and 1875 meetings, \n Fleming Saundersis mentioned as road\n overseer in certain districts.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family","William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"collection_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Collection number 116"],"unitid_tesim":["Collection number 116"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Collector: \n William H. Irvine"],"creator_ssim":["Collector: \n William H. Irvine"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"creators_ssim":["William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection (# \n 116) was loaned to the Library\n by \n William H. Irvineof \n Evington, Virginiaon September 15,\n 1938."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["2100 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIrvine-Saunders Family\n Papers, Accession 116, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family\n Papers, Accession 116, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n \u003cfamname\u003eDavis Family\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders Family\u003c/famname\u003e, and \n \u003cfamname\u003eWatts Family\u003c/famname\u003e. Large portions of the\n correspondence belong to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. Included with the\n correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrank Prufer\u003c/persname\u003e. The business papers include\n accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n chiefly pertaining to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, but also various\n members of these families. The legal papers include court\n dockets and memoranda of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, documents, and wills.\n There are various legal papers of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003epertaining to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003ecounties including \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003e. The miscellaneous\n material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n inside arranged chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCorrespondence\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eDavis Family\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders Family\u003c/famname\u003e, and related families,\n 1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n 30, 1800, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLouisa County\u003c/geogname\u003e, which advises the\n recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eKingdom of God\u003c/corpname\u003e. A letter dated April 2,\n 1812 from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Rayland\u003c/persname\u003eto his sister mentions that\n his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMount Pleasant\u003c/geogname\u003e, indicates that \"Mary\n thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePleasant Milkhill\u003c/corpname\u003eneeds brandy, and asks\n that it be sent with \n \u003cpersname\u003eDavid\u003c/persname\u003e(probably a slave) for there is none\n at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBethel\u003c/corpname\u003e. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hills\u003c/corpname\u003emakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n [Roanoke County, or \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e's estate \"Roanoke\"?].\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n letter to \n \u003cpersname\u003eSam Tyree\u003c/persname\u003e, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n student: \n \u003cpersname\u003e[Sam L. Preston?]\u003c/persname\u003ecomplaining that he can\n not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eTrinity and Ivy Chapel\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBoonsboro, Bedford County\u003c/geogname\u003eto a Mr.\n Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n to see.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n dated November 17 to \n \u003cpersname\u003e\"Carter\" [Saunders?]\u003c/persname\u003e, by a female who\n mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n a \n \u003cpersname\u003eSam K. Jenny\u003c/persname\u003e, probably a doctor of\n medicine, which mentions that \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Green\u003c/persname\u003eattended a man named\n Barnhart to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003eso Jenny could prescribe to his\n case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eEva (Smith) Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, dated 1868-1894,\n there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eThe Grove\u003c/corpname\u003ewhich mentions that while Eva\n passed her exams--her brother \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003edid not. A letter,\n August 2, 1892, to \n \u003cpersname\u003eEva Saunders\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eM. Natalie Manson\u003c/persname\u003e, at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWintore\u003c/corpname\u003e, speaks of school and Latin.\n There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFlorence, Italy\u003c/geogname\u003eto Eva, mentioning that\n there is no silver in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eItaly\u003c/geogname\u003efor the English and French are\n buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n carry,\" seeing the works of \n \u003cpersname\u003eDonato\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eBrunelleschi\u003c/persname\u003eand the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eMedici Chapel\u003c/corpname\u003e, and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003e\"Brothers of Pity\"\u003c/corpname\u003ewho wear black robes\n and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n book to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMay Begg\u003c/persname\u003e, \"a literary courtship under the\n auspices of \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePike's Peak\u003c/geogname\u003e. \" \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003eat \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003ewrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n doing better.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the \n \u003cpersname\u003eEva Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eundated correspondence, there\n is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n and concerns her ordered blouses.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary (Gwathmey) Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, 1858-1879, a\n letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, says that his tobacco crop\n has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJeanie Edmond\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHudson Lodge\u003c/corpname\u003e, makes a reference to the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJubilee Singers\u003c/corpname\u003etraveling to raise money\n for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n acquaintances visiting \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e, mentioning a \"public worship\n bill\" in \n \u003ccorpname\u003eParliament\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one acquaintance having\n an appointment with the Bishop of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMelbourne\u003c/geogname\u003e; and to visiting \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. In a postcard dated August 21,\n 1879, \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. A. Alrich\u003c/persname\u003easks \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e' opinion as to the next\n \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n that Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eC[harles] Dabney\u003c/persname\u003ehas a fine little\n daughter.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n give the same salary as before. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003eon January 19, 1881 saying that\n he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirgina Midland [Rail] Road\u003c/corpname\u003e, and does not\n think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n director on the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eFranklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n \u003cpersname\u003eW. A. Alrich\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eEmanuel Rectory\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eChatham, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on February 16, 1882,\n saying he is glad that the \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders\u003c/famname\u003e' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n \u003cpersname\u003eEllen Boulder\u003c/persname\u003e, a school teacher, writes\n to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary Saunders\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDrake's Branch\u003c/geogname\u003eon March 18, 1889,\n mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n \u003cpersname\u003e[Peter Saunders]\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, writes \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, on October 26, 1891\n mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n alliance such as the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGrange\u003c/corpname\u003e?].\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to his parents\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003eon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n girls than studying. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames F. Plummer\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Captain\n Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n tested. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n in the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eDemocratic Party\u003c/corpname\u003e, and discussing briefly\n possible effects on the present financial situation.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, while serving in\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia House of Delegates\u003c/corpname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam W. Old\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming on\n February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n method of finalizing the transaction. \n \u003cpersname\u003eE. W. Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming on\n January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlice [Saunders]\u003c/persname\u003eat \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHollins, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, to her aunt Saunders\n refers to the Roman poet \n \u003cpersname\u003eVirgil\u003c/persname\u003e. She writes to her mother on March\n 12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n \u003cpersname\u003eCaesar\u003c/persname\u003eand that he had been in the second\n book of \n \u003cpersname\u003eVirgil\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n \u003cpersname\u003eD. Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to his mother from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003eon February 10,\n saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n previously boxing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, 1754-1784, there is a\n letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGeneral Assembly\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWilliamsburg\u003c/geogname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Dilworth\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on June 2, 1783\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBlanford\u003c/corpname\u003ementioning the problem of\n collecting debts owed to the British. \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Baldwin, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on December 22,\n 1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n $18.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n 16, 1785, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Roach\u003c/persname\u003einforms Watts that while \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Kern\u003c/persname\u003eis employing Watts in a matter\n between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n \u003cpersname\u003eArthur Campbell\u003c/persname\u003e, a candidate for the\n senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n asking for Watts' support. \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Graham\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003e, writes on December 20, 1792,\n mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n \u003cpersname\u003eHorace\u003c/persname\u003eand sending the boy a copy of \n \u003cpersname\u003eCicero\u003c/persname\u003ewhich would supply \"the means of\n raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n soon be studying science.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n \u003cpersname\u003eDuncan Rose\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePetersburg\u003c/geogname\u003e, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n \u003ccorpname\u003eBuchanan's Hartie and Company\u003c/corpname\u003ehas been\n doing business in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGreat Britain\u003c/geogname\u003eand is waiting for a\n successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBritain\u003c/geogname\u003eat this time: \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Hancock\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Watts in 1794\n mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n U.S., and referring to Mr. \n \u003cpersname\u003e[James] Madison\u003c/persname\u003e's arguments whereas he\n conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n \u003cpersname\u003eCreed Taylor\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on May 11, 1795,\n concerning some bonds. \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Vannerson\u003c/persname\u003ewrites, on October 30,\n 1795, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePetersburg\u003c/geogname\u003ementioning a British war sloop\n in \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNorfolk, Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003eand the order for\n carrying American bottoms bound for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003einto British ports with invoice\n being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n $27 per barrel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn Watts' correspondence with \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e, 1796-1797, Randolph\n writes from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRichmond\u003c/geogname\u003eon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n with \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas F. Scott\u003c/persname\u003e, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n British debts. In the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, 1784-1800, John writes to\n William in April 1784 from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLincoln County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e(now \n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003e), concerning apprehension about\n a possible Indian war in the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNorthwest Territories\u003c/corpname\u003e. John says that\n while the lands in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003eare good, the inconveniences are\n many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Papers\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThere are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n beginning November 16, 1762, with \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGeorge Kippen \u0026amp; Co.\u003c/corpname\u003eat their store in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGoochland, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, lists \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Gilliam\u003c/persname\u003eas having ordered a dozen\n flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eA. Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, on which is listed a\n £0.2.0 debt to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary Petillo\u003c/persname\u003e, the only woman on the list,\n and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Skipwith\u003c/persname\u003e. The account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas East\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eArchelaus Austin\u003c/persname\u003efrom November 15, 1771,\n consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n Vaughn with \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003elists various quantities of\n rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n 1779-1794, of the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eNathaniel Davis\u003c/persname\u003e, including an entry for\n 1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n 1784 for half of hire of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a section, \"Accts\n Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n and half share for \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e, and another for dinner at the\n courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eDaniel Warwick\u003c/persname\u003e, dating 1799-1803, with\n references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Davis\u003c/persname\u003e' account beginning May\n 31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eRowland P. Banks\u003c/persname\u003elists \"163 days tuition\n at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n 1826, of Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Pleasants\u003c/persname\u003e, has lists orders for\n cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n Judge Saunders, of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLynchburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, orders castor oil,\n ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewhich contains an entry for\n imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n from Mrs. Eubank.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe accounts of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliams Watts\u003c/persname\u003espan 1752-1797. There is\n also a hotel account with \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Williamson\u003c/persname\u003ewith entries dating\n 1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eBetty Tucker\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eBetty Kirkland\u003c/persname\u003e, both beginning September\n 10, 1767, and Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJoseph Tucker\u003c/persname\u003e, 1767-1769. Watts has\n accounts, 1768, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Brittan\u003c/persname\u003efor a waistcoat, shoes,\n stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n 20, 1771, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eMiller Woodson\u003c/persname\u003ewith an entry of May 16,\n 1772 listing a \n \u003cpersname\u003ePatrick Henry\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a document which\n contains information on the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e. There is another\n lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n Watts with \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Williams\u003c/persname\u003e. There is an account\n beginning March 9, 1778, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Kirkland\u003c/persname\u003ewhich includes listings\n for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n with \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrederick Nance\u003c/persname\u003ementions a violin and a\n set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n 1787, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eRobert Wilson\u003c/persname\u003eordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward McDonald\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, there is the note of the\n hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Smith\u003c/persname\u003e, there is a note for the\n finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n There are two medical bills, one with \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Martin\u003c/persname\u003e, beginning January 14,\n 1794, and one with Doctor \n \u003cpersname\u003eGraham\u003c/persname\u003e, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n October 1797, Watts had an account with \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Quille\u003c/persname\u003efor the hire of a Negro.\n There is an undated account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. Walter Spence\u003c/persname\u003ewith Watts for the hire\n of a Negro for eight months.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePromissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n There are several items concerned with the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Fleming\u003c/persname\u003eand include an entry for\n February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Martin\u003c/persname\u003eand Watts there is an\n agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ehas a note dated 1803 with the\n Sheriff of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst County\u003c/geogname\u003efor tax on four Negroes,\n four horses, and five tithes. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Davis\u003c/persname\u003ehas a note dated 1816 for\n tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n Negro man by \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ. Wright\u003c/persname\u003efor \n \u003cpersname\u003eLavinia Wright\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a 1840 note from\n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Davis\u003c/persname\u003eto the Sheriff of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst\u003c/geogname\u003efor tax on six Negroes and six\n horses.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLegal Papers\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThere are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n kept by \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003ein his capacity as a lawyer.\n In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003ecourt, there is an entry\n for detinue for Negro woman named \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgge\u003c/persname\u003e. From the memo for the April 1772\n court at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Taylor\u003c/persname\u003eand his wife have a suit\n against a Hurt for a Negro in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is also a list of debts\n owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n there are court dockets from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg County\u003c/geogname\u003efrom 1771-1782. A number\n of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n book with the signatures of William and \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, which includes a record of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e' court expenses. There are\n also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWilliamsburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is another\n 1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n there is an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eBenjamin Tambro\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eAyres Hodnett\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham\u003c/geogname\u003ein regard to the former's son, \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Tambro\u003c/persname\u003e, to be apprentice to the\n latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n indenture between Watts and \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Ford\u003c/persname\u003e. From September 17, 1768,\n there is an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eAbraham West\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Blankenship\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward\u003c/geogname\u003e. On November 17, 1772,\n there is an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Lewallen\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJames and Robert Donalds and Company\u003c/corpname\u003e,\n Merchants of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGlasgow\u003c/geogname\u003e. On September 15, 1778, there is\n an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eDavid Wright\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBotetourt\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Paine\u003c/persname\u003eof the same concerning a\n land dispute in the area where the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRoanoke River\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eTinker Creek\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe will, December 25, 1745, of \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Patterson\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAlbemarle County\u003c/geogname\u003e, names his slaves and\n divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n his land in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGoochland County\u003c/geogname\u003ebe known as \n \u003ccorpname\u003e\"Locust Thicket.\"\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eMargery Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003econtested the will of \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003edated March 1758 with \n \u003cpersname\u003e[Cedw] Gibson\u003c/persname\u003eon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n daughter \n \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003e, and the latter's\n children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n will of \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Bottom\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003edated May 10, 1760 divides his\n slaves which are named between his three daughters.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Eubank\u003c/persname\u003ementions prices for his\n Negroes: £300 for a man named \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e, £200 for a man named \n \u003cpersname\u003eJoe\u003c/persname\u003e, £10 for a woman named \n \u003cpersname\u003eHannah\u003c/persname\u003e, £20 for a girl named \n \u003cpersname\u003eLolly\u003c/persname\u003e, and £0 for a girl named\n \u003cpersname\u003eCaroline\u003c/persname\u003e. There is also a list of tickets\n of ommission paid by \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, attorney. Among the legal\n papers of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, 1768 through 1789\n including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n states that \n \u003cpersname\u003eSarah Tinker\u003c/persname\u003eon December 6, 1781 gave her\n son-in-law \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Tucker\u003c/persname\u003ean ailing Negro named \n \u003cpersname\u003eNed\u003c/persname\u003euntil the latter gets well whereas he\n will be returned to \n \u003cpersname\u003eSarah Tucker\u003c/persname\u003e. In an undated document, \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Vaughn\u003c/persname\u003eyields up title/right of two\n Negroes--named \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrank\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003ePhoebe\u003c/persname\u003e--to son-in-law \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Norris\u003c/persname\u003e--formerly given to grandson \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Norris\u003c/persname\u003eby a deed dated October 2,\n 1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell County\u003c/geogname\u003epapers, Justice \n \u003cpersname\u003eAdam Clement\u003c/persname\u003esays that \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Gilbert\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell\u003c/geogname\u003eon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n Negro slave \n \u003cpersname\u003eJack\u003c/persname\u003e--property of Watts of \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003e--ran away and was\n found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003esold to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eeight Negro slaves: \n \u003cpersname\u003eTrue\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eWinnie\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eSarah\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eBetty\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eRachel\u003c/persname\u003e, and \n \u003cpersname\u003eDoc\u003c/persname\u003eon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n account of Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eM. John King\u003c/persname\u003ewith the sheriff of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg\u003c/geogname\u003ewhich has an entry dating 1769:\n the former is in account with \n \u003cpersname\u003e[John] Epps\u003c/persname\u003efor four lbs. of tobacco at\n £0.5.1.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n September 20, 1871 from the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eOmaha, Nebraska Lottery\u003c/corpname\u003efor the building\n of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eCox and Sons Church Furniture\u003c/corpname\u003eshows a\n garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Garfield\u003c/persname\u003e. There is an undated\n letter to Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003easking for a subscription\n to the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eGraphic,\u003c/title\u003ea ladies society\n magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGeorge Munro, Publishers\u003c/corpname\u003e. There is also a\n broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n English poetry pertaining to \n \u003cpersname\u003eChrist\u003c/persname\u003e's birth dating from the medieval\n period.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/corpname\u003eto the \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders\u003c/famname\u003easking for aid for the building of\n an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n faith.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCivil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n there are a number of furloughs issued to \n \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003eenlisted men in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, each with a physical\n description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n a company of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003e13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers\u003c/corpname\u003e.\n There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, assistant\n quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\"\u003c/title\u003e,\n September 6, 1877, by \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Randolph Tucker\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n for the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eEdgeworth School\u003c/corpname\u003e, a church-related\n boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n 1895 grade report from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/corpname\u003e(formerly \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College\u003c/corpname\u003e) for \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders, III\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a fall\n term 1902 grade report from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003efor \n \u003cpersname\u003eElsie Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. There is another VPI\n grade report, from February 1903, for \n \u003cpersname\u003eCarter Temple Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a report\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eSt. Timothy's School\u003c/corpname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCatonsville, Maryland\u003c/geogname\u003e. Another undated\n piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n algebra.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThere are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n 1794 from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003e; another lecture on motive\n dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n 1843.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n marriage of Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary Gwathmey\u003c/persname\u003eon July 30.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders, Sr\u003c/persname\u003e, a reprint of the\n 1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlice Fleming\u003c/persname\u003e--and the 1904 obituary of \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. The obituaries of\n Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n transcribed by \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Blair Dabney\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n young member of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders family\u003c/famname\u003eand undated photo cards of\n liturgical furniture.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBound Volumes\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Day Books include a day book from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eMaple Creek Mills\u003c/corpname\u003edating from 1842. There\n is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRichmond\u003c/geogname\u003e, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n 18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eLee Monumental Association\u003c/corpname\u003e. Also present\n is a $1 donation from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlex Berkeley\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eYellow Branch, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There are also\n farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n which is based on the kings of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003ewho reigned down to its date, is\n also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n nature.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, includes employees,\n supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n data.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe \n \u003ccorpname\u003eOtter River Township\u003c/corpname\u003eRecord Book dates\n from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n materials bought. One entry notes that \n \u003cpersname\u003eB. H. Anthony\u003c/persname\u003e, overseer of the poor,\n sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n and 1875 meetings, \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eis mentioned as road\n overseer in certain districts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and \n Watts Family. Large portions of the\n correspondence belong to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders. Included with the\n correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n Frank Prufer. The business papers include\n accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n chiefly pertaining to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders, but also various\n members of these families. The legal papers include court\n dockets and memoranda of \n William Watts, documents, and wills.\n There are various legal papers of \n William Wattspertaining to \n Virginiacounties including \n Amelia County, \n Amherst County, \n Buckingham County, \n Campbell County, \n Cumberland County, \n Prince Edward County. The miscellaneous\n material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n inside arranged chronologically.","Correspondence","From the correspondence of the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and related families,\n 1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n 30, 1800, from \n Louisa County, which advises the\n recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n the \n Kingdom of God. A letter dated April 2,\n 1812 from \n James Raylandto his sister mentions that\n his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n Mount Pleasant, indicates that \"Mary\n thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n Pleasant Milkhillneeds brandy, and asks\n that it be sent with \n David(probably a slave) for there is none\n at \n Bethel. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n at \n Bleak Hillsmakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n [Roanoke County, or \n John Randolph's estate \"Roanoke\"?].","From their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n letter to \n Sam Tyree, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n student: \n [Sam L. Preston?]complaining that he can\n not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n Trinity and Ivy Chapelin \n Boonsboro, Bedford Countyto a Mr.\n Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n to see.\"","Among the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n dated November 17 to \n \"Carter\" [Saunders?], by a female who\n mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n a \n Sam K. Jenny, probably a doctor of\n medicine, which mentions that \n William Greenattended a man named\n Barnhart to \n Bedfordso Jenny could prescribe to his\n case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"","From the correspondence of \n Eva (Smith) Saunders, dated 1868-1894,\n there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n The Grovewhich mentions that while Eva\n passed her exams--her brother \n Fleming Saunders IIIdid not. A letter,\n August 2, 1892, to \n Eva Saundersfrom \n M. Natalie Manson, at \n Wintore, speaks of school and Latin.\n There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n Florence, Italyto Eva, mentioning that\n there is no silver in \n Italyfor the English and French are\n buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n carry,\" seeing the works of \n Donatoand \n Brunelleschiand the \n Medici Chapel, and the \n \"Brothers of Pity\"who wear black robes\n and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n book to \n May Begg, \"a literary courtship under the\n auspices of \n Pike's Peak. \" \n Fleming Saunders IIIat \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordwrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n doing better.","Among the \n Eva Saundersundated correspondence, there\n is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n and concerns her ordered blouses.","From the correspondence of \n Fleming Saundersand \n Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders, 1858-1879, a\n letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n Peter Saunders, Jr., \n Bleak Hill, says that his tobacco crop\n has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n Jeanie Edmond, \n Hudson Lodge, makes a reference to the \n Jubilee Singerstraveling to raise money\n for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n acquaintances visiting \n England, mentioning a \"public worship\n bill\" in \n Parliament, and one acquaintance having\n an appointment with the Bishop of \n Melbourne; and to visiting \n Australia. In a postcard dated August 21,\n 1879, \n W. A. Alrichasks \n Fleming Saunders' opinion as to the next\n \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n that Mrs. \n C[harles] Dabneyhas a fine little\n daughter.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n give the same salary as before. \n Peter Saunderswrites from \n Bleak Hillon January 19, 1881 saying that\n he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n Virgina Midland [Rail] Road, and does not\n think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n director on the \n Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n W. A. Alrichwrites from \n Emanuel Rectory, \n Chatham, Virginia, on February 16, 1882,\n saying he is glad that the \n Saunders' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n Ellen Boulder, a school teacher, writes\n to \n Mary Saundersfrom \n Drake's Branchon March 18, 1889,\n mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n [Peter Saunders], \n Bleak Hill, writes \n Fleming Saunders, on October 26, 1891\n mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n alliance such as the \n Grange?].","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n Fleming Saunders IIIwrites to his parents\n from \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n girls than studying. \n James F. Plummerwrites to Captain\n Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n tested. \n Peter Saunderswrites to Fleming from \n Bleak Hill, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n in the \n Democratic Party, and discussing briefly\n possible effects on the present financial situation.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n Edward Watts Saunders, while serving in\n the \n Virginia House of Delegates. \n William W. Oldwrites to Fleming on\n February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n method of finalizing the transaction. \n E. W. Saunderswrites to Fleming on\n January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n Alice [Saunders]at \n Hollins, Virginia, to her aunt Saunders\n refers to the Roman poet \n Virgil. She writes to her mother on March\n 12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n Caesarand that he had been in the second\n book of \n Virgil.","In the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n D. Saunderswrites to his mother from \n Randolph-Macon Academyon February 10,\n saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n previously boxing.","In the correspondence of \n William Watts, 1754-1784, there is a\n letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n General Assemblyin \n Williamsburg. \n Samuel Dilworthwrites on June 2, 1783\n from \n Blanfordmentioning the problem of\n collecting debts owed to the British. \n Thomas Baldwin, Jr.writes on December 22,\n 1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n $18.","In the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n 16, 1785, from \n William Roachinforms Watts that while \n Peter Kernis employing Watts in a matter\n between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n Arthur Campbell, a candidate for the\n senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n asking for Watts' support. \n Edward Grahamof \n Bedford, writes on December 20, 1792,\n mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n Horaceand sending the boy a copy of \n Cicerowhich would supply \"the means of\n raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n soon be studying science.","In the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n Duncan Rosewrites from \n Petersburg, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n Buchanan's Hartie and Companyhas been\n doing business in \n Great Britainand is waiting for a\n successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n Franceand \n Britainat this time: \n George Hancockwrites to Watts in 1794\n mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n U.S., and referring to Mr. \n [James] Madison's arguments whereas he\n conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n Creed Taylorwrites on May 11, 1795,\n concerning some bonds. \n William Vannersonwrites, on October 30,\n 1795, from \n Petersburgmentioning a British war sloop\n in \n Norfolk, Virginiaand the order for\n carrying American bottoms bound for \n Franceinto British ports with invoice\n being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n $27 per barrel.","In Watts' correspondence with \n Edward Randolph, 1796-1797, Randolph\n writes from \n Richmondon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n with \n Thomas F. Scott, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n British debts. In the correspondence of \n William Wattswith \n John Watts, 1784-1800, John writes to\n William in April 1784 from \n Lincoln County, Virginia(now \n Kentucky), concerning apprehension about\n a possible Indian war in the \n Northwest Territories. John says that\n while the lands in \n Kentuckyare good, the inconveniences are\n many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.","Business Papers","There are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n beginning November 16, 1762, with \n George Kippen \u0026 Co.at their store in \n Goochland, Virginia, lists \n John Gilliamas having ordered a dozen\n flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n A. Watts, on which is listed a\n £0.2.0 debt to \n Mary Petillo, the only woman on the list,\n and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n William Skipwith. The account of \n Thomas Eastwith \n Archelaus Austinfrom November 15, 1771,\n consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n Vaughn with \n Edward Wattslists various quantities of\n rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n 1779-1794, of the estate of \n Nathaniel Davis, including an entry for\n 1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n 1784 for half of hire of \n Jacob. There is a section, \"Accts\n Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n and half share for \n Jacob, and another for dinner at the\n courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n James Daviswith \n Daniel Warwick, dating 1799-1803, with\n references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n Elizabeth Davis' account beginning May\n 31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Rowland P. Bankslists \"163 days tuition\n at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n 1826, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Thomas Pleasants, has lists orders for\n cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n Judge Saunders, of \n Lynchburg, Virginia, orders castor oil,\n ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n James Daviswhich contains an entry for\n imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n from Mrs. Eubank.","The accounts of \n Williams Wattsspan 1752-1797. There is\n also a hotel account with \n Charles Williamsonwith entries dating\n 1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n Betty Tuckerand \n Betty Kirkland, both beginning September\n 10, 1767, and Capt. \n Joseph Tucker, 1767-1769. Watts has\n accounts, 1768, with \n John Brittanfor a waistcoat, shoes,\n stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n 20, 1771, with \n Miller Woodsonwith an entry of May 16,\n 1772 listing a \n Patrick Henry. There is a document which\n contains information on the estate of \n William Randolph. There is another\n lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n Watts with \n Charles Williams. There is an account\n beginning March 9, 1778, with \n William Kirklandwhich includes listings\n for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n with \n Frederick Nancementions a violin and a\n set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n 1787, with \n Robert Wilsonordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n Edward McDonaldwith \n William Watts, there is the note of the\n hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n Charles Smith, there is a note for the\n finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n There are two medical bills, one with \n George Martin, beginning January 14,\n 1794, and one with Doctor \n Graham, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n October 1797, Watts had an account with \n George Quillefor the hire of a Negro.\n There is an undated account of \n W. Walter Spencewith Watts for the hire\n of a Negro for eight months.","Promissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n There are several items concerned with the estate of \n John Flemingand include an entry for\n February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n George Martinand Watts there is an\n agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n James Davishas a note dated 1803 with the\n Sheriff of \n Amherst Countyfor tax on four Negroes,\n four horses, and five tithes. \n Elizabeth Davishas a note dated 1816 for\n tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n Negro man by \n James Davisfrom \n J. Wrightfor \n Lavinia Wright. There is a 1840 note from\n Charles Davisto the Sheriff of \n Amherstfor tax on six Negroes and six\n horses.","Legal Papers","There are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n kept by \n William Wattsin his capacity as a lawyer.\n In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n Buckingham Countycourt, there is an entry\n for detinue for Negro woman named \n Agge. From the memo for the April 1772\n court at \n Lunenburg County, \n Thomas Taylorand his wife have a suit\n against a Hurt for a Negro in \n Amelia. There is also a list of debts\n owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n there are court dockets from \n Amelia Countyand \n Lunenburg Countyfrom 1771-1782. A number\n of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n book with the signatures of William and \n Edward Watts, which includes a record of \n William Watts' court expenses. There are\n also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n Buckingham County, \n Amelia, \n Cumberland County, and \n Prince Edward Countyas well as for \n Williamsburg, Virginia. There is another\n 1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n Amelia County, \n Cumberland County, and \n Buckingham County.","The indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n there is an agreement between \n Benjamin Tambroand \n Ayres Hodnettof \n Buckinghamin regard to the former's son, \n John Tambro, to be apprentice to the\n latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n indenture between Watts and \n William Ford. From September 17, 1768,\n there is an agreement between \n Abraham Westand \n John Blankenshipof \n Prince Edward. On November 17, 1772,\n there is an agreement between \n John Lewallenof \n Amelia Countyand \n James and Robert Donalds and Company,\n Merchants of \n Glasgow. On September 15, 1778, there is\n an agreement between \n David Wrightof \n Botetourtand \n Alexander Paineof the same concerning a\n land dispute in the area where the \n Roanoke Riverand \n Tinker Creek.","The will, December 25, 1745, of \n Thomas Pattersonof \n Albemarle County, names his slaves and\n divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n his land in \n Goochland Countybe known as \n \"Locust Thicket.\"Margery Hinshawcontested the will of \n Samuel Hinshawdated March 1758 with \n [Cedw] Gibsonon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n daughter \n Elizabeth Hinshaw, and the latter's\n children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n will of \n Thomas Bottomof \n Ameliadated May 10, 1760 divides his\n slaves which are named between his three daughters.","A folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n John Eubankmentions prices for his\n Negroes: £300 for a man named \n Jacob, £200 for a man named \n Joe, £10 for a woman named \n Hannah, £20 for a girl named \n Lolly, and £0 for a girl named\n Caroline. There is also a list of tickets\n of ommission paid by \n William Watts, attorney. Among the legal\n papers of \n Amelia County, 1768 through 1789\n including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n states that \n Sarah Tinkeron December 6, 1781 gave her\n son-in-law \n John Tuckeran ailing Negro named \n Neduntil the latter gets well whereas he\n will be returned to \n Sarah Tucker. In an undated document, \n George Vaughnyields up title/right of two\n Negroes--named \n Frankand \n Phoebe--to son-in-law \n John Norris--formerly given to grandson \n John Norrisby a deed dated October 2,\n 1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n Campbell Countypapers, Justice \n Adam Clementsays that \n Charles Gilbertof \n Campbellon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n Negro slave \n Jack--property of Watts of \n Prince Edward County--ran away and was\n found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n Prince Edward, \n Edward Wattssold to \n William Wattseight Negro slaves: \n True, \n James, \n Winnie, \n Peter, \n Sarah, \n Betty, \n Rachel, and \n Docon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n account of Dr. \n M. John Kingwith the sheriff of \n Lunenburgwhich has an entry dating 1769:\n the former is in account with \n [John] Eppsfor four lbs. of tobacco at\n £0.5.1.","Miscellaneous","Among the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n September 20, 1871 from the \n Omaha, Nebraska Lotteryfor the building\n of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n Cox and Sons Church Furnitureshows a\n garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n James Garfield. There is an undated\n letter to Mrs. \n Fleming Saundersasking for a subscription\n to the \n Graphic,a ladies society\n magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n George Munro, Publishers. There is also a\n broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n English poetry pertaining to \n Christ's birth dating from the medieval\n period.","The church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n from \n Virginia Polytechnic Instituteto the \n Saundersasking for aid for the building of\n an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n faith.","Civil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n there are a number of furloughs issued to \n Confederateenlisted men in \n Virginia, each with a physical\n description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n a company of the \n 13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers.\n There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n Fleming Saunders, assistant\n quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.","The educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n \"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\",\n September 6, 1877, by \n John Randolph Tuckerof \n Virginia. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n for the \n Edgeworth School, a church-related\n boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n 1895 grade report from \n Virginia Polytechnic Institute(formerly \n Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College) for \n Fleming Saunders, III. There is a fall\n term 1902 grade report from \n Hollins Collegefor \n Elsie Saunders. There is another VPI\n grade report, from February 1903, for \n Carter Temple Saunders. There is a report\n from \n St. Timothy's Schoolof \n Catonsville, Maryland. Another undated\n piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n algebra.","There are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n 1794 from \n Edward Watts; another lecture on motive\n dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n 1843.","Miscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n marriage of Capt. \n Fleming Saundersto \n Mary Gwathmeyon July 30.","The obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n Fleming Saunders, Sr, a reprint of the\n 1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n Alice Fleming--and the 1904 obituary of \n Peter Saunders. The obituaries of\n Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n transcribed by \n John Blair Dabney.","The photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n young member of the \n Saunders familyand undated photo cards of\n liturgical furniture.","Bound Volumes","The Day Books include a day book from \n Maple Creek Millsdating from 1842. There\n is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n Richmond, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n 18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n Lee Monumental Association. Also present\n is a $1 donation from \n Alex Berkeleyof \n Yellow Branch, Virginia. There are also\n farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.","A card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n which is based on the kings of \n Englandwho reigned down to its date, is\n also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n nature.","The Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n Fleming Saunders, includes employees,\n supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n data.","The \n Otter River TownshipRecord Book dates\n from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n materials bought. One entry notes that \n B. H. Anthony, overseer of the poor,\n sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n and 1875 meetings, \n Fleming Saundersis mentioned as road\n overseer in certain districts."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers"],"famname_ssim":["Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"persname_ssim":["William H. 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Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family","William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":66,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00017_c02_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01_c04","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Accounts and Itemized Receipts, 1860/1894","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01_c04","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01_c04"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01_c04","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01","parent_ssim":["Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951","Series 2. Financial and Legal Papers","SubSeries B. Financial and Legal Papers: Financial Papers","Accounts and Itemized Receipts"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_1581","viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02","viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02","viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01"],"title_filing_ssi":"Accounts and Itemized Receipts","title_ssm":["Accounts and Itemized Receipts"],"title_tesim":["Accounts and Itemized Receipts"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Accounts and Itemized Receipts, 1860/1894"],"text":["Accounts and Itemized Receipts, 1860/1894","Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951","Series 2. Financial and Legal Papers","SubSeries B. Financial and Legal Papers: Financial Papers","Accounts and Itemized Receipts","box 21","folder 1-6"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951","Series 2. Financial and Legal Papers","SubSeries B. 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Financial and Legal Papers: Financial Papers","Accounts and Itemized Receipts"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1860/1894"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1860-1894, undated"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[4],"sort_isi":146,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951"],"containers_ssim":["box 21","folder 1-6"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research use."],"date_range_isim":[1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#1/components#0/components#3","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:38.700Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1581","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1581.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/191816","title_filing_ssi":"Morton-Halsey family papers","title_ssm":["Morton-Halsey family papers"],"title_tesim":["Morton-Halsey family papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["ca. 1833-1951"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["ca. 1833-1951"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1833/1951"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951"],"text":["Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951","MSS 3995","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1581","The collection is open for research use.","Joseph Jackson Halsey (1820-1907) was born in New York to Samuel Beach Halsey (1796-1871) and Sarah Dubois Jackson (1803-1859) -no relation to Stonewall Jackson found- and raised in Morristown, New Jersey. He was educated at the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University)and accepted a teaching position in Fredericksburg, Virginia at the Classical and Scientific Athenaeum in 1842. While there he met and married Mildred \"Milly\"Morton (1825-1906?) in 1846, daughter of Jeremiah Morton (1799-1872) and Mary Eleanor \"Jane\" Smith Morton (1801-1876) from Morton Hall (\"The Hall\" near \"Lessland\") an estate in Racoon Ford, Orange County, Virginia. He was admitted into the bar in 1847 and moved to the Morton plantation to farm and practice law in Culpeper County, Virginia.","He became an increasingly close friend and business associate of his father-in-law Jeremiah Morton. Halsey served as a captain in the 6th Virginia Calvalry Regiment during the Civil War. In 1863, in response to a charge that he had been away without leave, Halsey wrote an account of his wartime activities until that time: a cycle of activity, failing health, leave, recovery, and return. After the war, Halsey was a shareholder of the Orange, Alexandria and Manassas Railroad, owned a saw mill operation and mining operations, and was an Emigrant Aid and Homestead Company agent for the sale of large tracts of Virginia land.","A large landowner and important political figure in the region, Jeremiah Morton lived at his nearby plantation \"The Hall\" (locally known as Morton Hall). . . According to family tradition, Morton christened the 441-acre tract Lessland because it contained 'less land' than his other properties Moreland and Stillmore.\"Lessland\" was damaged by fire in 1870 and was rebuilt in 1871 by J. J. Halsey who had purchased the land from his father-in-law in 1854. Halsey died at \"Lessland\" in 1907.","J. J. Halsey and Jeremiah Morton were strong supporters of the South and its institution of Enslavery. Halsey's correspondence with his brother Edmund Halsey and Samuel Halsey showed their different views of the North and South on subjects such as slavery, abolitionism, secession, the elections of Presidents Buchanan and Lincoln, the Missouri Compromise, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, reconstruction, and the impeachment of Andrew Johnson.","The Morton-Halsey family had many enslaved persons who are mentioned by first names, Douglass, Edmonia \"Monie,\" Jerdome, Lucas, Melinda, Judy, Linda, and George to name a few. There is an account in the correspondence that Joseph Morton \"Mort\" Halsey had an encounter with \"Lummie\" (Columbia Conway who was employed by the family) and she became pregnant with his child and took him to court. J. J. Halsey often writes negative accounts of African Americans.","Jeremiah Morton was born in Fredericksburg, Spotsylvania County, Virginia, on September 3, 1799. He was the son of Jeremiah Morton and Mildred Garnett Jackson. He was left without parents at a very young age. It is likely he was raised by his paternal grandmother, Jane Morton. He attended a private school and Washington College (now Washington and Lee University), in Lexington, Virginia from 1814 thru 1815. He graduated from the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia in 1819, studied law, and was admitted to the bar. He practiced at Raccoon Ford, Virginia until sickness (probably from his earlier engagement in the war) ended his legal career. He then engaged in agricultural and political pursuits.","He was elected as a Whig to the Thirty-first Congress and served from March 4, 1849 until March 3, 1851. He was unsuccessful for reelection to the Thirty-second Congress and resumed agricultural pursuits. He was a member of the State secession convention in 1861 and was appointed as a colonel in the cavalry by Virginia Governor John Letcher. He attempted to amass food during the shortages of 1864. He was appointed trustee of the Theological Seminary of Virginia at Alexandria. He died at Lessland in Orange County, Virginia on November 28, 1878 and was buried in a private cemetery at his old home Morton Hall. He may have suffered later in life from failed ventures including the purchase of Sulpur White Springs. Several family members throughout his line struggled with mental illness and the ailment alcoholism.Family and business fortunes plummeted following the Confederate defeat. He wrote about it to his brother, Senator Jackson Morton of Milton, Florida; and Jackson's son, W. Chase Morton; and with Henry Ahrens, a Florida businessman.","J. J. Halsey and Milly Halsey were the parents of Fannie Morton Halsey Dickenson (1848-1936) who married James Cooper Dickenson, Annie (Nannie) Augusta Halsey Alexander (1850-1917) who married James Porter Alexander, Jeremiah Morton \"Mort\" Halsey (1852-1921) who married Irena Louisa Stearns (1854-1886), Robert Ogden Halsey (1854-1939) who married Ella Halsey, and Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey (1862-1918 born Thomas Jackson Halsey) who married Delia Halsey.","Irena \"Rena\"Louisa Stearns died after childbirth in 1886. Mort Halsey suffered from severe alcoholism and was often absent as a single parent, while he was either uanble to stop drinking or at a hospital for treatment. He and Rena had three children, Caroline \"Virginia\" Halsey [Wilkinson] b. 1878 who was committed to Western State in Staunton, Virginia in 1900, Irena Louisa \"Lou\" Halsey b.1880 who attended Virginia Female Institute and seemed central in keeping her family together even though they were often sent in different directions, as they were raised by their grandparents, guardians and nurses, and Franklin Stearns \"Buddie\" Halsey b. 1881 who was very close with his sister Lou and married his first cousin Fannie Dickenson. Lou Halsey married Charles Palmer Stearns, (her first cousin).","Fannie Morton Halsey Dickenson and James Cooper Dickenson were the parents of Fannie Dickenson (b. 1884) married Franklin Stearns \"Buddie\" Halsey, James \"Short\" Halsey b. 1889, and step-children Hattie, Willie, and Anne \"Mate.\" \"Buddie\" struggled with alcohol, and Fannie Dickenson Halsey divorced him. (mention of domestic abuse also).","Annie Alexander and James Porter Alexander were the parents of Jamie Alexander who was engaged to [Georgie], Celia Alexander b. 1886, and Mildred Alexander (1877-1890).","Robert Ogden Halsey and his wife Ella were the parents of eight children including Nellie, Joe, Susan, Edmund, Morton, and Janie.","Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey (1862-1918) and his wife Delia were the parents of Helen Halsey and they lived in Prescott, Arizona. Dr. Halsey may have struggled with alcoholism later in life.","Also mentioned are the siblings of J. J. Halsey, his brother Abraham Halsey (1831-1900) who made his fortune in California, Ann Eliza Halsey (1827-1868), Susan Electa Halsey (1829-1899), Stephen Halsey, Samuel S. Halsey (1835-1889), Cornelia Van Wyck Halsey (1838-1915), and Edmund Drake Halsey (1840-1896)","Content Note: The correspondence particularly from J. J. Halsey contain references or imagery involving racism. In addition to the numerous enslaved persons in this family, J. J. Halsey and other family members often slur African Americans in correspondence throughout the collection.The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.","The Morton and Halsey family papers and addition (MSS 3995) contain family letters and some business letters, financial and legal papers, diaries, ledgers, printed items, and photographs belonging to the family of Jeremiah Morton (1899-1878), his wife Jane Smith Morton, and his son-in-law Joseph Jackson \"J. J.\" Halsey (1820-1907) Halseys' wife, Mildred Halsey and their children and grandchildren with the family papers spanning from 1838 to 1951 in Culpeper, and Orange County, Virginia as well as the Halsey branch of the family from New Jersey, and Abraham Halsey (J.J.'s brother) in California.","The collection contains documents, ledgers, and correspondence that Jeremiah Morton and J. J. Halsey owned and sold enslaved persons. Jeremiah Morton was involved in the internal slave trade between Virginia and Mobile, Alabama (ca. 1847-1863) with accounts, descriptions, and values placed upon enslaved persons including itemized tax receipts This book doubles as a notebook of legal questions with page references and sections headed \"The Rights of Things,\" \"Toller's Law of Executors,\" and \"Reeves Domestic Relations.\"","Content Note: The correspondence particularly from J. J. Halsey contain references or imagery involving racism. In addition to the numerous enslaved persons in this family, J. J. Halsey and other family members often slur African Americans in correspondence throughout the collection.The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.","There is also an 1855 registration form for Andrew Johnson, \"a person of colour,\" indicating his status as \"born free in the County of Orange, Virginia,\" and identifying him by his color, stature and marks or scars upon his face, head or hands.","Topics include the Civil War with J. J. Halsey fighting for the Confederacy and his brother Edmund fighting for the Union Army, reconstruction, African Americans holding office and politics, alcohol addiction, mental illness, agriculture, economy, coal, mining, White Sulphur Springs, and the Southern Pacific Railroad. Brief mention of the Spanish American War, moonshine, domestic abuse, divorce, education, Virginia Female Institute, Virginia Military Institute, Princeton University, University of Virginia, and Charlottesville, Virginia.","There are Civil War accounts including the Stonewall Jackson Valley Campaign and the mention of many Generals such as Robert E. Lee, [Richard Stoddart] Ewell, William Tecumseh Sherman, and battles in Elk Run, Harrisonburg, New Market, Richmond, Mount Jackson and the surrender at Appomattox at Wilmer McLean's house. There are also two pages from the notebook of Mildred Halsey, which offer a day-by-day account of life while her husband is at war and Union forces occupy nearby areas. J. J. Halsey wrote that their house was between the \"cannon of both armies.\"","Most of the letters include typed transcriptions which explain relationships of the family members which start with Jeremiah Morton through to his great-grandchildren, Louisa \"Lou\" Halsey b.1880, Caroline Virginia Halsey Stearns b.1878, and Frank \"Buddie\" Halsey b. 1881, Fannie Dickenson (b. 1884), James \"Short\" Halsey b. 1889, and step-children Hattie, Willie, and Anne \"Mate,\" Helen Halsey, Jamie Alexander (engaged to \"Georgie\",) Celia Alexander b. 1886, and Mildred Alexander 1877-1890, and step-children and eight children of Robert Ogden Halsey and Ella Halsey.","There is a lengthy autobiographical account of the career of William \"Extra Billy\" Smith, written in 1873 when Smith was running for U. S. Senate. The account includes his election to public office as Virginia state senator (1836), governor (1845), and U. S. congressman (1853-1859), and describes some of his Civil War experiences.","The correspondence of J. J. Halsey also includes letters and maps concerning the Knights of the Golden Horseshoe, and correspondence and papers related to Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey's case with the newly formed state board of medical examiners, contesting their right to license physicians.","Related materials include essays and verse by J. J. Halsey, materials relating to the rebuilding of \"Lessland,\" Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey's examinations at Williston Seminary, Virginia, and papers concerning tuition for Irena Louisa Halsey at Piedmont Female Institute.","Series 4: The ledger series of the collection consists of eighteen volumes from 1812-1882 including Jeremiah Morton's account book regarding the sales of enslaved persons, Dr. R. Brigs ledgers dated 1812-1819, contain medical procedures like pulling a tooth. Other ledgers are from residents of Madison, Orange, and Culpeper counties. Some are in the hand of J. J. Halsey, while other volumes bear the names of Charles B. Porter, John A. Porter, B. W. Brown, and Nalle, Fishback and Company.","Selected list of correspondents: Jeremiah Morton: John B. Barbour, Jr., Robert Bolling, W. B. Caldwell, Allen T. Caperton, Reverend John Cole, R. H. Dulany, Frederick Gamble, Jedediah Hotchkiss, G. W. Leyburn, R. H. Maury, William Maury, A. M. Phillips, Riggs and Company, B. T. Sage, Slaughter, Franklin and Company, Alexander H. Stephens, George Terrill and B. R. Wellford. Joseph J. Halsey: John H. Antrim, J. L. Archer, Robert Bolling, W. C. Conrad, Peter V. Daniel, James Gaven Field, Dr. Jeptha Fowlker, A. J. Gordon, Colonel W. W. Gordon, Andrew Grinnan, Cornelia Grinnan, Ella Grinnan, M. G. Harman, General Eppa Hunton, General John D. Imboden, H. C. Marchant, Norton Marye, R. H. Maury, William Maury, B. T. Nalle, Phillip Nalle, Samuel H. Newbury, R.V. Richardson, William C. Rives, John Robertson, Taylor Scott, Francis H. Smith, John K. Taliaferro, Jacquelin P. Taylor, Tazewell Taylor, George Terrill, John Timberlake, C. S. Todd, Charles Wagner, Thomas P. Wallace, George Wederburn, and John Woolfolk.","There are also Morton's or Halsey's personal records, including their accounts with area merchants and residents of Madison, Culpeper or Orange counties, Virginia, whose affairs were handled by J. J. Halsey. as a lawyer. Individuals and firms listed are: William C. Austin, Beechwood and Mallory, John Blackwell and Hannah Blackwell, Charles G. Britt and James Beckham, Bushrod Brown, Thomas Brown, Thomas, Frances Bunley and Susie Bunley, M. A. Carter, John Clark, James Clark and Reuben Clark, William D. Clark, Timothy Costello, J. W. Crittenden, Sarah A. Daniel, William P. Eliason, Adam Everheart, John Gaurd, John Glaspell and Mary Glaspell, Gray Family, Thomas I. Green, R. W. Hall, James Hansbrough, Jane Hansbrough and Peter Hansbrough, Eppa Hunton, Parchal Hutchenson, Philip Johnson, James Jones, Thomas A. Keith, George Morton, Thomas Morton, Martin Nalle and Philip Nalle, Lewis Nelson, George Pannill, Charles B. Payne, W. S. Peyton, Colonel John A. Porter, John C. Rayland, William Rixey, Reverend W. F. Robins, J. W. Shadrack and John H. Somerville, Samuel Shadrack, George A. Sleet, Daniel W. Smith, James Somerville, E. W. Stearns, Steeles Tavern, Augusta County, Virginia, James L. Stringfellow, John Terrill, C. R. Van Wyck and L. D. Winston, John Vaughan, C. S. Waugh and N. B. Waugh, [John] Thomas Morton Wharton, Wharton and Nalle, William Wharton, Colonel Bruce Williams, Walter C. Winston, Winston family, and Isaac Willis.","The collection also contains a land grant from Patrick Henry, as Governor of Virginia, to Uriel Mallory as assignee of William Morton, 1782 November 8 (in the existing collection)","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951"],"collection_ssim":["Morton-Halsey family papers, 1833/1951"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 3995","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1581"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 3995","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1581"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a gift from Mildred E. Towe Tyner to the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia Library on 24 June 2021."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["22.4 Cubic Feet Two cubic boxes and one letter size document box added to 39 document boxes."],"extent_tesim":["22.4 Cubic Feet Two cubic boxes and one letter size document box added to 39 document boxes."],"date_range_isim":[1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nJoseph Jackson Halsey (1820-1907) was born in New York to Samuel Beach Halsey (1796-1871) and Sarah Dubois Jackson (1803-1859) -no relation to Stonewall Jackson found- and raised in Morristown, New Jersey. He was educated at the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University)and accepted a teaching position in Fredericksburg, Virginia at the Classical and Scientific Athenaeum in 1842. While there he met and married Mildred \"Milly\"Morton (1825-1906?) in 1846, daughter of Jeremiah Morton (1799-1872) and Mary Eleanor \"Jane\" Smith Morton (1801-1876) from Morton Hall (\"The Hall\" near \"Lessland\") an estate in Racoon Ford, Orange County, Virginia. He was admitted into the bar in 1847 and moved to the Morton plantation to farm and practice law in Culpeper County, Virginia. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe became an increasingly close friend and business associate of his father-in-law Jeremiah Morton. Halsey served as a captain in the 6th Virginia Calvalry Regiment during the Civil War. In 1863, in response to a charge that he had been away without leave, Halsey wrote an account of his wartime activities until that time: a cycle of activity, failing health, leave, recovery, and return. After the war, Halsey was a shareholder of the Orange, Alexandria and Manassas Railroad, owned a saw mill operation and mining operations, and was an Emigrant Aid and Homestead Company agent for the sale of large tracts of Virginia land. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA large landowner and important political figure in the region, Jeremiah Morton lived at his nearby plantation \"The Hall\" (locally known as Morton Hall). . . According to family tradition, Morton christened the 441-acre tract Lessland because it contained 'less land' than his other properties Moreland and Stillmore.\"Lessland\" was damaged by fire in 1870 and was rebuilt in 1871 by J. J. Halsey who had purchased the land from his father-in-law in 1854. Halsey died at \"Lessland\" in 1907.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJ. J. Halsey and Jeremiah Morton were strong supporters of the South and its institution of Enslavery. Halsey's correspondence with his brother Edmund Halsey and Samuel Halsey showed their different views of the North and South on subjects such as slavery, abolitionism, secession, the elections of Presidents Buchanan and Lincoln, the Missouri Compromise, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, reconstruction, and the impeachment of Andrew Johnson.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Morton-Halsey family had many enslaved persons who are mentioned by first names, Douglass, Edmonia \"Monie,\" Jerdome, Lucas, Melinda, Judy, Linda, and George to name a few. There is an account in the correspondence that Joseph Morton \"Mort\" Halsey had an encounter with \"Lummie\" (Columbia Conway who was employed by the family) and she became pregnant with his child and took him to court. J. J. Halsey often writes negative accounts of African Americans.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJeremiah Morton was born in Fredericksburg, Spotsylvania County, Virginia, on September 3, 1799. He was the son of Jeremiah Morton and Mildred Garnett Jackson. He was left without parents at a very young age. It is likely he was raised by his paternal grandmother, Jane Morton. He attended a private school and Washington College (now Washington and Lee University), in Lexington, Virginia from 1814 thru 1815. He graduated from the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia in 1819, studied law, and was admitted to the bar. He practiced at Raccoon Ford, Virginia until sickness (probably from his earlier engagement in the war) ended his legal career. He then engaged in agricultural and political pursuits.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHe was elected as a Whig to the Thirty-first Congress and served from March 4, 1849 until March 3, 1851. He was unsuccessful for reelection to the Thirty-second Congress and resumed agricultural pursuits. He was a member of the State secession convention in 1861 and was appointed as a colonel in the cavalry by Virginia Governor John Letcher. He attempted to amass food during the shortages of 1864. He was appointed trustee of the Theological Seminary of Virginia at Alexandria. He died at Lessland in Orange County, Virginia on November 28, 1878 and was buried in a private cemetery at his old home Morton Hall. He may have suffered later in life from failed ventures including the purchase of Sulpur White Springs. Several family members throughout his line struggled with mental illness and the ailment alcoholism.Family and business fortunes plummeted following the Confederate defeat. He wrote about it to his brother, Senator Jackson Morton of Milton, Florida; and Jackson's son, W. Chase Morton; and with Henry Ahrens, a Florida businessman.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJ. J. Halsey and Milly Halsey were the parents of Fannie Morton Halsey Dickenson (1848-1936) who married James Cooper Dickenson, Annie (Nannie) Augusta Halsey Alexander (1850-1917) who married James Porter Alexander, Jeremiah Morton \"Mort\" Halsey (1852-1921) who married Irena Louisa Stearns (1854-1886), Robert Ogden Halsey (1854-1939) who married Ella Halsey, and Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey (1862-1918 born Thomas Jackson Halsey) who married Delia Halsey. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIrena \"Rena\"Louisa Stearns died after childbirth in 1886. Mort Halsey suffered from severe alcoholism and was often absent as a single parent, while he was either uanble to stop drinking or at a hospital for treatment. He and Rena had three children, Caroline \"Virginia\" Halsey [Wilkinson] b. 1878 who was committed to Western State in Staunton, Virginia in 1900, Irena Louisa \"Lou\" Halsey b.1880 who attended Virginia Female Institute and seemed central in keeping her family together even though they were often sent in different directions, as they were raised by their grandparents, guardians and nurses, and Franklin Stearns \"Buddie\" Halsey b. 1881 who was very close with his sister Lou and married his first cousin Fannie Dickenson. Lou Halsey married Charles Palmer Stearns, (her first cousin).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFannie Morton Halsey Dickenson and James Cooper Dickenson were the parents of Fannie Dickenson (b. 1884) married Franklin Stearns \"Buddie\" Halsey, James \"Short\" Halsey b. 1889, and step-children Hattie, Willie, and Anne \"Mate.\" \"Buddie\" struggled with alcohol, and Fannie Dickenson Halsey divorced him. (mention of domestic abuse also).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAnnie Alexander and James Porter Alexander were the parents of Jamie Alexander who was engaged to [Georgie], Celia Alexander b. 1886, and Mildred Alexander (1877-1890).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eRobert Ogden Halsey and his wife Ella were the parents of eight children including Nellie, Joe, Susan, Edmund, Morton, and Janie.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDr. Bee Bartow Halsey (1862-1918) and his wife Delia were the parents of Helen Halsey and they lived in Prescott, Arizona. Dr. Halsey may have struggled with alcoholism later in life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAlso mentioned are the siblings of J. J. Halsey, his brother Abraham Halsey (1831-1900) who made his fortune in California, Ann Eliza Halsey (1827-1868), Susan Electa Halsey (1829-1899), Stephen Halsey, Samuel S. Halsey (1835-1889), Cornelia Van Wyck Halsey (1838-1915), and Edmund Drake Halsey (1840-1896)\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Joseph Jackson Halsey (1820-1907) was born in New York to Samuel Beach Halsey (1796-1871) and Sarah Dubois Jackson (1803-1859) -no relation to Stonewall Jackson found- and raised in Morristown, New Jersey. He was educated at the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University)and accepted a teaching position in Fredericksburg, Virginia at the Classical and Scientific Athenaeum in 1842. While there he met and married Mildred \"Milly\"Morton (1825-1906?) in 1846, daughter of Jeremiah Morton (1799-1872) and Mary Eleanor \"Jane\" Smith Morton (1801-1876) from Morton Hall (\"The Hall\" near \"Lessland\") an estate in Racoon Ford, Orange County, Virginia. He was admitted into the bar in 1847 and moved to the Morton plantation to farm and practice law in Culpeper County, Virginia.","He became an increasingly close friend and business associate of his father-in-law Jeremiah Morton. Halsey served as a captain in the 6th Virginia Calvalry Regiment during the Civil War. In 1863, in response to a charge that he had been away without leave, Halsey wrote an account of his wartime activities until that time: a cycle of activity, failing health, leave, recovery, and return. After the war, Halsey was a shareholder of the Orange, Alexandria and Manassas Railroad, owned a saw mill operation and mining operations, and was an Emigrant Aid and Homestead Company agent for the sale of large tracts of Virginia land.","A large landowner and important political figure in the region, Jeremiah Morton lived at his nearby plantation \"The Hall\" (locally known as Morton Hall). . . According to family tradition, Morton christened the 441-acre tract Lessland because it contained 'less land' than his other properties Moreland and Stillmore.\"Lessland\" was damaged by fire in 1870 and was rebuilt in 1871 by J. J. Halsey who had purchased the land from his father-in-law in 1854. Halsey died at \"Lessland\" in 1907.","J. J. Halsey and Jeremiah Morton were strong supporters of the South and its institution of Enslavery. Halsey's correspondence with his brother Edmund Halsey and Samuel Halsey showed their different views of the North and South on subjects such as slavery, abolitionism, secession, the elections of Presidents Buchanan and Lincoln, the Missouri Compromise, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, reconstruction, and the impeachment of Andrew Johnson.","The Morton-Halsey family had many enslaved persons who are mentioned by first names, Douglass, Edmonia \"Monie,\" Jerdome, Lucas, Melinda, Judy, Linda, and George to name a few. There is an account in the correspondence that Joseph Morton \"Mort\" Halsey had an encounter with \"Lummie\" (Columbia Conway who was employed by the family) and she became pregnant with his child and took him to court. J. J. Halsey often writes negative accounts of African Americans.","Jeremiah Morton was born in Fredericksburg, Spotsylvania County, Virginia, on September 3, 1799. He was the son of Jeremiah Morton and Mildred Garnett Jackson. He was left without parents at a very young age. It is likely he was raised by his paternal grandmother, Jane Morton. He attended a private school and Washington College (now Washington and Lee University), in Lexington, Virginia from 1814 thru 1815. He graduated from the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia in 1819, studied law, and was admitted to the bar. He practiced at Raccoon Ford, Virginia until sickness (probably from his earlier engagement in the war) ended his legal career. He then engaged in agricultural and political pursuits.","He was elected as a Whig to the Thirty-first Congress and served from March 4, 1849 until March 3, 1851. He was unsuccessful for reelection to the Thirty-second Congress and resumed agricultural pursuits. He was a member of the State secession convention in 1861 and was appointed as a colonel in the cavalry by Virginia Governor John Letcher. He attempted to amass food during the shortages of 1864. He was appointed trustee of the Theological Seminary of Virginia at Alexandria. He died at Lessland in Orange County, Virginia on November 28, 1878 and was buried in a private cemetery at his old home Morton Hall. He may have suffered later in life from failed ventures including the purchase of Sulpur White Springs. Several family members throughout his line struggled with mental illness and the ailment alcoholism.Family and business fortunes plummeted following the Confederate defeat. He wrote about it to his brother, Senator Jackson Morton of Milton, Florida; and Jackson's son, W. Chase Morton; and with Henry Ahrens, a Florida businessman.","J. J. Halsey and Milly Halsey were the parents of Fannie Morton Halsey Dickenson (1848-1936) who married James Cooper Dickenson, Annie (Nannie) Augusta Halsey Alexander (1850-1917) who married James Porter Alexander, Jeremiah Morton \"Mort\" Halsey (1852-1921) who married Irena Louisa Stearns (1854-1886), Robert Ogden Halsey (1854-1939) who married Ella Halsey, and Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey (1862-1918 born Thomas Jackson Halsey) who married Delia Halsey.","Irena \"Rena\"Louisa Stearns died after childbirth in 1886. Mort Halsey suffered from severe alcoholism and was often absent as a single parent, while he was either uanble to stop drinking or at a hospital for treatment. He and Rena had three children, Caroline \"Virginia\" Halsey [Wilkinson] b. 1878 who was committed to Western State in Staunton, Virginia in 1900, Irena Louisa \"Lou\" Halsey b.1880 who attended Virginia Female Institute and seemed central in keeping her family together even though they were often sent in different directions, as they were raised by their grandparents, guardians and nurses, and Franklin Stearns \"Buddie\" Halsey b. 1881 who was very close with his sister Lou and married his first cousin Fannie Dickenson. Lou Halsey married Charles Palmer Stearns, (her first cousin).","Fannie Morton Halsey Dickenson and James Cooper Dickenson were the parents of Fannie Dickenson (b. 1884) married Franklin Stearns \"Buddie\" Halsey, James \"Short\" Halsey b. 1889, and step-children Hattie, Willie, and Anne \"Mate.\" \"Buddie\" struggled with alcohol, and Fannie Dickenson Halsey divorced him. (mention of domestic abuse also).","Annie Alexander and James Porter Alexander were the parents of Jamie Alexander who was engaged to [Georgie], Celia Alexander b. 1886, and Mildred Alexander (1877-1890).","Robert Ogden Halsey and his wife Ella were the parents of eight children including Nellie, Joe, Susan, Edmund, Morton, and Janie.","Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey (1862-1918) and his wife Delia were the parents of Helen Halsey and they lived in Prescott, Arizona. Dr. Halsey may have struggled with alcoholism later in life.","Also mentioned are the siblings of J. J. Halsey, his brother Abraham Halsey (1831-1900) who made his fortune in California, Ann Eliza Halsey (1827-1868), Susan Electa Halsey (1829-1899), Stephen Halsey, Samuel S. Halsey (1835-1889), Cornelia Van Wyck Halsey (1838-1915), and Edmund Drake Halsey (1840-1896)"],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eContent Note: The correspondence particularly from J. J. Halsey contain references or imagery involving racism. In addition to the numerous enslaved persons in this family, J. J. Halsey and other family members often slur African Americans in correspondence throughout the collection.The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.\u003c/p\u003e "],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Content Note: The correspondence particularly from J. J. Halsey contain references or imagery involving racism. In addition to the numerous enslaved persons in this family, J. J. Halsey and other family members often slur African Americans in correspondence throughout the collection.The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 3995, Morton/Halsey family papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 3995, Morton/Halsey family papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Morton and Halsey family papers and addition (MSS 3995) contain family letters and some business letters, financial and legal papers, diaries, ledgers, printed items, and photographs belonging to the family of Jeremiah Morton (1899-1878), his wife Jane Smith Morton, and his son-in-law Joseph Jackson \"J. J.\" Halsey (1820-1907) Halseys' wife, Mildred Halsey and their children and grandchildren with the family papers spanning from 1838 to 1951 in Culpeper, and Orange County, Virginia as well as the Halsey branch of the family from New Jersey, and Abraham Halsey (J.J.'s brother) in California. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nThe collection contains documents, ledgers, and correspondence that Jeremiah Morton and J. J. Halsey owned and sold enslaved persons. Jeremiah Morton was involved in the internal slave trade between Virginia and Mobile, Alabama (ca. 1847-1863) with accounts, descriptions, and values placed upon enslaved persons including itemized tax receipts This book doubles as a notebook of legal questions with page references and sections headed \"The Rights of Things,\" \"Toller's Law of Executors,\" and \"Reeves Domestic Relations.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nContent Note: The correspondence particularly from J. J. Halsey contain references or imagery involving racism. In addition to the numerous enslaved persons in this family, J. J. Halsey and other family members often slur African Americans in correspondence throughout the collection.The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nThere is also an 1855 registration form for Andrew Johnson, \"a person of colour,\" indicating his status as \"born free in the County of Orange, Virginia,\" and identifying him by his color, stature and marks or scars upon his face, head or hands. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nTopics include the Civil War with J. J. Halsey fighting for the Confederacy and his brother Edmund fighting for the Union Army, reconstruction, African Americans holding office and politics, alcohol addiction, mental illness, agriculture, economy, coal, mining, White Sulphur Springs, and the Southern Pacific Railroad. Brief mention of the Spanish American War, moonshine, domestic abuse, divorce, education, Virginia Female Institute, Virginia Military Institute, Princeton University, University of Virginia, and Charlottesville, Virginia. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThere are Civil War accounts including the Stonewall Jackson Valley Campaign and the mention of many Generals such as Robert E. Lee, [Richard Stoddart] Ewell, William Tecumseh Sherman, and battles in Elk Run, Harrisonburg, New Market, Richmond, Mount Jackson and the surrender at Appomattox at Wilmer McLean's house. There are also two pages from the notebook of Mildred Halsey, which offer a day-by-day account of life while her husband is at war and Union forces occupy nearby areas. J. J. Halsey wrote that their house was between the \"cannon of both armies.\" \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nMost of the letters include typed transcriptions which explain relationships of the family members which start with Jeremiah Morton through to his great-grandchildren, Louisa \"Lou\" Halsey b.1880, Caroline Virginia Halsey Stearns b.1878, and Frank \"Buddie\" Halsey b. 1881, Fannie Dickenson (b. 1884), James \"Short\" Halsey b. 1889, and step-children Hattie, Willie, and Anne \"Mate,\" Helen Halsey, Jamie Alexander (engaged to \"Georgie\",) Celia Alexander b. 1886, and Mildred Alexander 1877-1890, and step-children and eight children of Robert Ogden Halsey and Ella Halsey.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nThere is a lengthy autobiographical account of the career of William \"Extra Billy\" Smith, written in 1873 when Smith was running for U. S. Senate. The account includes his election to public office as Virginia state senator (1836), governor (1845), and U. S. congressman (1853-1859), and describes some of his Civil War experiences. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence of J. J. Halsey also includes letters and maps concerning the Knights of the Golden Horseshoe, and correspondence and papers related to Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey's case with the newly formed state board of medical examiners, contesting their right to license physicians. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nRelated materials include essays and verse by J. J. Halsey, materials relating to the rebuilding of \"Lessland,\" Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey's examinations at Williston Seminary, Virginia, and papers concerning tuition for Irena Louisa Halsey at Piedmont Female Institute. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nSeries 4: The ledger series of the collection consists of eighteen volumes from 1812-1882 including Jeremiah Morton's account book regarding the sales of enslaved persons, Dr. R. Brigs ledgers dated 1812-1819, contain medical procedures like pulling a tooth. Other ledgers are from residents of Madison, Orange, and Culpeper counties. Some are in the hand of J. J. Halsey, while other volumes bear the names of Charles B. Porter, John A. Porter, B. W. Brown, and Nalle, Fishback and Company. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nSelected list of correspondents: Jeremiah Morton: John B. Barbour, Jr., Robert Bolling, W. B. Caldwell, Allen T. Caperton, Reverend John Cole, R. H. Dulany, Frederick Gamble, Jedediah Hotchkiss, G. W. Leyburn, R. H. Maury, William Maury, A. M. Phillips, Riggs and Company, B. T. Sage, Slaughter, Franklin and Company, Alexander H. Stephens, George Terrill and B. R. Wellford. Joseph J. Halsey: John H. Antrim, J. L. Archer, Robert Bolling, W. C. Conrad, Peter V. Daniel, James Gaven Field, Dr. Jeptha Fowlker, A. J. Gordon, Colonel W. W. Gordon, Andrew Grinnan, Cornelia Grinnan, Ella Grinnan, M. G. Harman, General Eppa Hunton, General John D. Imboden, H. C. Marchant, Norton Marye, R. H. Maury, William Maury, B. T. Nalle, Phillip Nalle, Samuel H. Newbury, R.V. Richardson, William C. Rives, John Robertson, Taylor Scott, Francis H. Smith, John K. Taliaferro, Jacquelin P. Taylor, Tazewell Taylor, George Terrill, John Timberlake, C. S. Todd, Charles Wagner, Thomas P. Wallace, George Wederburn, and John Woolfolk.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nThere are also Morton's or Halsey's personal records, including their accounts with area merchants and residents of Madison, Culpeper or Orange counties, Virginia, whose affairs were handled by J. J. Halsey. as a lawyer. Individuals and firms listed are: William C. Austin, Beechwood and Mallory, John Blackwell and Hannah Blackwell, Charles G. Britt and James Beckham, Bushrod Brown, Thomas Brown, Thomas, Frances Bunley and Susie Bunley, M. A. Carter, John Clark, James Clark and Reuben Clark, William D. Clark, Timothy Costello, J. W. Crittenden, Sarah A. Daniel, William P. Eliason, Adam Everheart, John Gaurd, John Glaspell and Mary Glaspell, Gray Family, Thomas I. Green, R. W. Hall, James Hansbrough, Jane Hansbrough and Peter Hansbrough, Eppa Hunton, Parchal Hutchenson, Philip Johnson, James Jones, Thomas A. Keith, George Morton, Thomas Morton, Martin Nalle and Philip Nalle, Lewis Nelson, George Pannill, Charles B. Payne, W. S. Peyton, Colonel John A. Porter, John C. Rayland, William Rixey, Reverend W. F. Robins, J. W. Shadrack and John H. Somerville, Samuel Shadrack, George A. Sleet, Daniel W. Smith, James Somerville, E. W. Stearns, Steeles Tavern, Augusta County, Virginia, James L. Stringfellow, John Terrill, C. R. Van Wyck and L. D. Winston, John Vaughan, C. S. Waugh and N. B. Waugh, [John] Thomas Morton Wharton, Wharton and Nalle, William Wharton, Colonel Bruce Williams, Walter C. Winston, Winston family, and Isaac Willis.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also contains a land grant from Patrick Henry, as Governor of Virginia, to Uriel Mallory as assignee of William Morton, 1782 November 8 (in the existing collection)\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Morton and Halsey family papers and addition (MSS 3995) contain family letters and some business letters, financial and legal papers, diaries, ledgers, printed items, and photographs belonging to the family of Jeremiah Morton (1899-1878), his wife Jane Smith Morton, and his son-in-law Joseph Jackson \"J. J.\" Halsey (1820-1907) Halseys' wife, Mildred Halsey and their children and grandchildren with the family papers spanning from 1838 to 1951 in Culpeper, and Orange County, Virginia as well as the Halsey branch of the family from New Jersey, and Abraham Halsey (J.J.'s brother) in California.","The collection contains documents, ledgers, and correspondence that Jeremiah Morton and J. J. Halsey owned and sold enslaved persons. Jeremiah Morton was involved in the internal slave trade between Virginia and Mobile, Alabama (ca. 1847-1863) with accounts, descriptions, and values placed upon enslaved persons including itemized tax receipts This book doubles as a notebook of legal questions with page references and sections headed \"The Rights of Things,\" \"Toller's Law of Executors,\" and \"Reeves Domestic Relations.\"","Content Note: The correspondence particularly from J. J. Halsey contain references or imagery involving racism. In addition to the numerous enslaved persons in this family, J. J. Halsey and other family members often slur African Americans in correspondence throughout the collection.The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.","There is also an 1855 registration form for Andrew Johnson, \"a person of colour,\" indicating his status as \"born free in the County of Orange, Virginia,\" and identifying him by his color, stature and marks or scars upon his face, head or hands.","Topics include the Civil War with J. J. Halsey fighting for the Confederacy and his brother Edmund fighting for the Union Army, reconstruction, African Americans holding office and politics, alcohol addiction, mental illness, agriculture, economy, coal, mining, White Sulphur Springs, and the Southern Pacific Railroad. Brief mention of the Spanish American War, moonshine, domestic abuse, divorce, education, Virginia Female Institute, Virginia Military Institute, Princeton University, University of Virginia, and Charlottesville, Virginia.","There are Civil War accounts including the Stonewall Jackson Valley Campaign and the mention of many Generals such as Robert E. Lee, [Richard Stoddart] Ewell, William Tecumseh Sherman, and battles in Elk Run, Harrisonburg, New Market, Richmond, Mount Jackson and the surrender at Appomattox at Wilmer McLean's house. There are also two pages from the notebook of Mildred Halsey, which offer a day-by-day account of life while her husband is at war and Union forces occupy nearby areas. J. J. Halsey wrote that their house was between the \"cannon of both armies.\"","Most of the letters include typed transcriptions which explain relationships of the family members which start with Jeremiah Morton through to his great-grandchildren, Louisa \"Lou\" Halsey b.1880, Caroline Virginia Halsey Stearns b.1878, and Frank \"Buddie\" Halsey b. 1881, Fannie Dickenson (b. 1884), James \"Short\" Halsey b. 1889, and step-children Hattie, Willie, and Anne \"Mate,\" Helen Halsey, Jamie Alexander (engaged to \"Georgie\",) Celia Alexander b. 1886, and Mildred Alexander 1877-1890, and step-children and eight children of Robert Ogden Halsey and Ella Halsey.","There is a lengthy autobiographical account of the career of William \"Extra Billy\" Smith, written in 1873 when Smith was running for U. S. Senate. The account includes his election to public office as Virginia state senator (1836), governor (1845), and U. S. congressman (1853-1859), and describes some of his Civil War experiences.","The correspondence of J. J. Halsey also includes letters and maps concerning the Knights of the Golden Horseshoe, and correspondence and papers related to Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey's case with the newly formed state board of medical examiners, contesting their right to license physicians.","Related materials include essays and verse by J. J. Halsey, materials relating to the rebuilding of \"Lessland,\" Dr. Bee Bartow Halsey's examinations at Williston Seminary, Virginia, and papers concerning tuition for Irena Louisa Halsey at Piedmont Female Institute.","Series 4: The ledger series of the collection consists of eighteen volumes from 1812-1882 including Jeremiah Morton's account book regarding the sales of enslaved persons, Dr. R. Brigs ledgers dated 1812-1819, contain medical procedures like pulling a tooth. Other ledgers are from residents of Madison, Orange, and Culpeper counties. Some are in the hand of J. J. Halsey, while other volumes bear the names of Charles B. Porter, John A. Porter, B. W. Brown, and Nalle, Fishback and Company.","Selected list of correspondents: Jeremiah Morton: John B. Barbour, Jr., Robert Bolling, W. B. Caldwell, Allen T. Caperton, Reverend John Cole, R. H. Dulany, Frederick Gamble, Jedediah Hotchkiss, G. W. Leyburn, R. H. Maury, William Maury, A. M. Phillips, Riggs and Company, B. T. Sage, Slaughter, Franklin and Company, Alexander H. Stephens, George Terrill and B. R. Wellford. Joseph J. Halsey: John H. Antrim, J. L. Archer, Robert Bolling, W. C. Conrad, Peter V. Daniel, James Gaven Field, Dr. Jeptha Fowlker, A. J. Gordon, Colonel W. W. Gordon, Andrew Grinnan, Cornelia Grinnan, Ella Grinnan, M. G. Harman, General Eppa Hunton, General John D. Imboden, H. C. Marchant, Norton Marye, R. H. Maury, William Maury, B. T. Nalle, Phillip Nalle, Samuel H. Newbury, R.V. Richardson, William C. Rives, John Robertson, Taylor Scott, Francis H. Smith, John K. Taliaferro, Jacquelin P. Taylor, Tazewell Taylor, George Terrill, John Timberlake, C. S. Todd, Charles Wagner, Thomas P. Wallace, George Wederburn, and John Woolfolk.","There are also Morton's or Halsey's personal records, including their accounts with area merchants and residents of Madison, Culpeper or Orange counties, Virginia, whose affairs were handled by J. J. Halsey. as a lawyer. Individuals and firms listed are: William C. Austin, Beechwood and Mallory, John Blackwell and Hannah Blackwell, Charles G. Britt and James Beckham, Bushrod Brown, Thomas Brown, Thomas, Frances Bunley and Susie Bunley, M. A. Carter, John Clark, James Clark and Reuben Clark, William D. Clark, Timothy Costello, J. W. Crittenden, Sarah A. Daniel, William P. Eliason, Adam Everheart, John Gaurd, John Glaspell and Mary Glaspell, Gray Family, Thomas I. Green, R. W. Hall, James Hansbrough, Jane Hansbrough and Peter Hansbrough, Eppa Hunton, Parchal Hutchenson, Philip Johnson, James Jones, Thomas A. Keith, George Morton, Thomas Morton, Martin Nalle and Philip Nalle, Lewis Nelson, George Pannill, Charles B. Payne, W. S. Peyton, Colonel John A. Porter, John C. Rayland, William Rixey, Reverend W. F. Robins, J. W. Shadrack and John H. Somerville, Samuel Shadrack, George A. Sleet, Daniel W. Smith, James Somerville, E. W. Stearns, Steeles Tavern, Augusta County, Virginia, James L. Stringfellow, John Terrill, C. R. Van Wyck and L. D. Winston, John Vaughan, C. S. Waugh and N. B. Waugh, [John] Thomas Morton Wharton, Wharton and Nalle, William Wharton, Colonel Bruce Williams, Walter C. Winston, Winston family, and Isaac Willis.","The collection also contains a land grant from Patrick Henry, as Governor of Virginia, to Uriel Mallory as assignee of William Morton, 1782 November 8 (in the existing collection)"],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":239,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:38.700Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1581_c02_c02_c01_c04"}},{"id":"viu_viu00017_c02_c02","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Accounts of \n Fleming Saunders., 1862/1904","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00017_c02_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00017_c02_c02","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00017_c02_c02"],"id":"viu_viu00017_c02_c02","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00017","_root_":"viu_viu00017","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00017_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00017_c02","parent_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00017","viu_viu00017_c02"],"title_filing_ssi":"Accounts of \n Fleming Saunders.","title_ssm":["Accounts of \n Fleming Saunders."],"title_tesim":["Accounts of \n Fleming Saunders."],"normalized_title_ssm":["Accounts of \n Fleming Saunders., 1862/1904"],"text":["Accounts of \n Fleming Saunders., 1862/1904","Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers","Box Box 3","Fleming Saunders"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Business Papers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1862/1904"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1862-1904"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":16,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"extent_ssm":["(2 folders)."],"extent_tesim":["(2 folders)."],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 3"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"persname_ssim":["Fleming Saunders"],"names_ssim":["Fleming Saunders"],"date_range_isim":[1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#1","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00017","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00017","_root_":"viu_viu00017","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00017","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00017.xml","title_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"title_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"text":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Collection number 116","2100 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities","This collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and \n Watts Family. Large portions of the\n correspondence belong to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders. Included with the\n correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n Frank Prufer. The business papers include\n accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n chiefly pertaining to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders, but also various\n members of these families. The legal papers include court\n dockets and memoranda of \n William Watts, documents, and wills.\n There are various legal papers of \n William Wattspertaining to \n Virginiacounties including \n Amelia County, \n Amherst County, \n Buckingham County, \n Campbell County, \n Cumberland County, \n Prince Edward County. The miscellaneous\n material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n inside arranged chronologically.","Correspondence","From the correspondence of the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and related families,\n 1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n 30, 1800, from \n Louisa County, which advises the\n recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n the \n Kingdom of God. A letter dated April 2,\n 1812 from \n James Raylandto his sister mentions that\n his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n Mount Pleasant, indicates that \"Mary\n thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n Pleasant Milkhillneeds brandy, and asks\n that it be sent with \n David(probably a slave) for there is none\n at \n Bethel. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n at \n Bleak Hillsmakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n [Roanoke County, or \n John Randolph's estate \"Roanoke\"?].","From their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n letter to \n Sam Tyree, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n student: \n [Sam L. Preston?]complaining that he can\n not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n Trinity and Ivy Chapelin \n Boonsboro, Bedford Countyto a Mr.\n Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n to see.\"","Among the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n dated November 17 to \n \"Carter\" [Saunders?], by a female who\n mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n a \n Sam K. Jenny, probably a doctor of\n medicine, which mentions that \n William Greenattended a man named\n Barnhart to \n Bedfordso Jenny could prescribe to his\n case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"","From the correspondence of \n Eva (Smith) Saunders, dated 1868-1894,\n there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n The Grovewhich mentions that while Eva\n passed her exams--her brother \n Fleming Saunders IIIdid not. A letter,\n August 2, 1892, to \n Eva Saundersfrom \n M. Natalie Manson, at \n Wintore, speaks of school and Latin.\n There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n Florence, Italyto Eva, mentioning that\n there is no silver in \n Italyfor the English and French are\n buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n carry,\" seeing the works of \n Donatoand \n Brunelleschiand the \n Medici Chapel, and the \n \"Brothers of Pity\"who wear black robes\n and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n book to \n May Begg, \"a literary courtship under the\n auspices of \n Pike's Peak. \" \n Fleming Saunders IIIat \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordwrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n doing better.","Among the \n Eva Saundersundated correspondence, there\n is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n and concerns her ordered blouses.","From the correspondence of \n Fleming Saundersand \n Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders, 1858-1879, a\n letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n Peter Saunders, Jr., \n Bleak Hill, says that his tobacco crop\n has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n Jeanie Edmond, \n Hudson Lodge, makes a reference to the \n Jubilee Singerstraveling to raise money\n for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n acquaintances visiting \n England, mentioning a \"public worship\n bill\" in \n Parliament, and one acquaintance having\n an appointment with the Bishop of \n Melbourne; and to visiting \n Australia. In a postcard dated August 21,\n 1879, \n W. A. Alrichasks \n Fleming Saunders' opinion as to the next\n \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n that Mrs. \n C[harles] Dabneyhas a fine little\n daughter.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n give the same salary as before. \n Peter Saunderswrites from \n Bleak Hillon January 19, 1881 saying that\n he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n Virgina Midland [Rail] Road, and does not\n think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n director on the \n Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n W. A. Alrichwrites from \n Emanuel Rectory, \n Chatham, Virginia, on February 16, 1882,\n saying he is glad that the \n Saunders' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n Ellen Boulder, a school teacher, writes\n to \n Mary Saundersfrom \n Drake's Branchon March 18, 1889,\n mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n [Peter Saunders], \n Bleak Hill, writes \n Fleming Saunders, on October 26, 1891\n mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n alliance such as the \n Grange?].","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n Fleming Saunders IIIwrites to his parents\n from \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n girls than studying. \n James F. Plummerwrites to Captain\n Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n tested. \n Peter Saunderswrites to Fleming from \n Bleak Hill, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n in the \n Democratic Party, and discussing briefly\n possible effects on the present financial situation.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n Edward Watts Saunders, while serving in\n the \n Virginia House of Delegates. \n William W. Oldwrites to Fleming on\n February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n method of finalizing the transaction. \n E. W. Saunderswrites to Fleming on\n January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n Alice [Saunders]at \n Hollins, Virginia, to her aunt Saunders\n refers to the Roman poet \n Virgil. She writes to her mother on March\n 12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n Caesarand that he had been in the second\n book of \n Virgil.","In the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n D. Saunderswrites to his mother from \n Randolph-Macon Academyon February 10,\n saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n previously boxing.","In the correspondence of \n William Watts, 1754-1784, there is a\n letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n General Assemblyin \n Williamsburg. \n Samuel Dilworthwrites on June 2, 1783\n from \n Blanfordmentioning the problem of\n collecting debts owed to the British. \n Thomas Baldwin, Jr.writes on December 22,\n 1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n $18.","In the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n 16, 1785, from \n William Roachinforms Watts that while \n Peter Kernis employing Watts in a matter\n between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n Arthur Campbell, a candidate for the\n senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n asking for Watts' support. \n Edward Grahamof \n Bedford, writes on December 20, 1792,\n mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n Horaceand sending the boy a copy of \n Cicerowhich would supply \"the means of\n raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n soon be studying science.","In the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n Duncan Rosewrites from \n Petersburg, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n Buchanan's Hartie and Companyhas been\n doing business in \n Great Britainand is waiting for a\n successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n Franceand \n Britainat this time: \n George Hancockwrites to Watts in 1794\n mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n U.S., and referring to Mr. \n [James] Madison's arguments whereas he\n conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n Creed Taylorwrites on May 11, 1795,\n concerning some bonds. \n William Vannersonwrites, on October 30,\n 1795, from \n Petersburgmentioning a British war sloop\n in \n Norfolk, Virginiaand the order for\n carrying American bottoms bound for \n Franceinto British ports with invoice\n being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n $27 per barrel.","In Watts' correspondence with \n Edward Randolph, 1796-1797, Randolph\n writes from \n Richmondon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n with \n Thomas F. Scott, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n British debts. In the correspondence of \n William Wattswith \n John Watts, 1784-1800, John writes to\n William in April 1784 from \n Lincoln County, Virginia(now \n Kentucky), concerning apprehension about\n a possible Indian war in the \n Northwest Territories. John says that\n while the lands in \n Kentuckyare good, the inconveniences are\n many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.","Business Papers","There are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n beginning November 16, 1762, with \n George Kippen \u0026 Co.at their store in \n Goochland, Virginia, lists \n John Gilliamas having ordered a dozen\n flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n A. Watts, on which is listed a\n £0.2.0 debt to \n Mary Petillo, the only woman on the list,\n and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n William Skipwith. The account of \n Thomas Eastwith \n Archelaus Austinfrom November 15, 1771,\n consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n Vaughn with \n Edward Wattslists various quantities of\n rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n 1779-1794, of the estate of \n Nathaniel Davis, including an entry for\n 1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n 1784 for half of hire of \n Jacob. There is a section, \"Accts\n Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n and half share for \n Jacob, and another for dinner at the\n courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n James Daviswith \n Daniel Warwick, dating 1799-1803, with\n references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n Elizabeth Davis' account beginning May\n 31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Rowland P. Bankslists \"163 days tuition\n at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n 1826, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Thomas Pleasants, has lists orders for\n cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n Judge Saunders, of \n Lynchburg, Virginia, orders castor oil,\n ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n James Daviswhich contains an entry for\n imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n from Mrs. Eubank.","The accounts of \n Williams Wattsspan 1752-1797. There is\n also a hotel account with \n Charles Williamsonwith entries dating\n 1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n Betty Tuckerand \n Betty Kirkland, both beginning September\n 10, 1767, and Capt. \n Joseph Tucker, 1767-1769. Watts has\n accounts, 1768, with \n John Brittanfor a waistcoat, shoes,\n stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n 20, 1771, with \n Miller Woodsonwith an entry of May 16,\n 1772 listing a \n Patrick Henry. There is a document which\n contains information on the estate of \n William Randolph. There is another\n lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n Watts with \n Charles Williams. There is an account\n beginning March 9, 1778, with \n William Kirklandwhich includes listings\n for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n with \n Frederick Nancementions a violin and a\n set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n 1787, with \n Robert Wilsonordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n Edward McDonaldwith \n William Watts, there is the note of the\n hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n Charles Smith, there is a note for the\n finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n There are two medical bills, one with \n George Martin, beginning January 14,\n 1794, and one with Doctor \n Graham, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n October 1797, Watts had an account with \n George Quillefor the hire of a Negro.\n There is an undated account of \n W. Walter Spencewith Watts for the hire\n of a Negro for eight months.","Promissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n There are several items concerned with the estate of \n John Flemingand include an entry for\n February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n George Martinand Watts there is an\n agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n James Davishas a note dated 1803 with the\n Sheriff of \n Amherst Countyfor tax on four Negroes,\n four horses, and five tithes. \n Elizabeth Davishas a note dated 1816 for\n tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n Negro man by \n James Davisfrom \n J. Wrightfor \n Lavinia Wright. There is a 1840 note from\n Charles Davisto the Sheriff of \n Amherstfor tax on six Negroes and six\n horses.","Legal Papers","There are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n kept by \n William Wattsin his capacity as a lawyer.\n In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n Buckingham Countycourt, there is an entry\n for detinue for Negro woman named \n Agge. From the memo for the April 1772\n court at \n Lunenburg County, \n Thomas Taylorand his wife have a suit\n against a Hurt for a Negro in \n Amelia. There is also a list of debts\n owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n there are court dockets from \n Amelia Countyand \n Lunenburg Countyfrom 1771-1782. A number\n of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n book with the signatures of William and \n Edward Watts, which includes a record of \n William Watts' court expenses. There are\n also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n Buckingham County, \n Amelia, \n Cumberland County, and \n Prince Edward Countyas well as for \n Williamsburg, Virginia. There is another\n 1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n Amelia County, \n Cumberland County, and \n Buckingham County.","The indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n there is an agreement between \n Benjamin Tambroand \n Ayres Hodnettof \n Buckinghamin regard to the former's son, \n John Tambro, to be apprentice to the\n latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n indenture between Watts and \n William Ford. From September 17, 1768,\n there is an agreement between \n Abraham Westand \n John Blankenshipof \n Prince Edward. On November 17, 1772,\n there is an agreement between \n John Lewallenof \n Amelia Countyand \n James and Robert Donalds and Company,\n Merchants of \n Glasgow. On September 15, 1778, there is\n an agreement between \n David Wrightof \n Botetourtand \n Alexander Paineof the same concerning a\n land dispute in the area where the \n Roanoke Riverand \n Tinker Creek.","The will, December 25, 1745, of \n Thomas Pattersonof \n Albemarle County, names his slaves and\n divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n his land in \n Goochland Countybe known as \n \"Locust Thicket.\"Margery Hinshawcontested the will of \n Samuel Hinshawdated March 1758 with \n [Cedw] Gibsonon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n daughter \n Elizabeth Hinshaw, and the latter's\n children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n will of \n Thomas Bottomof \n Ameliadated May 10, 1760 divides his\n slaves which are named between his three daughters.","A folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n John Eubankmentions prices for his\n Negroes: £300 for a man named \n Jacob, £200 for a man named \n Joe, £10 for a woman named \n Hannah, £20 for a girl named \n Lolly, and £0 for a girl named\n Caroline. There is also a list of tickets\n of ommission paid by \n William Watts, attorney. Among the legal\n papers of \n Amelia County, 1768 through 1789\n including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n states that \n Sarah Tinkeron December 6, 1781 gave her\n son-in-law \n John Tuckeran ailing Negro named \n Neduntil the latter gets well whereas he\n will be returned to \n Sarah Tucker. In an undated document, \n George Vaughnyields up title/right of two\n Negroes--named \n Frankand \n Phoebe--to son-in-law \n John Norris--formerly given to grandson \n John Norrisby a deed dated October 2,\n 1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n Campbell Countypapers, Justice \n Adam Clementsays that \n Charles Gilbertof \n Campbellon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n Negro slave \n Jack--property of Watts of \n Prince Edward County--ran away and was\n found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n Prince Edward, \n Edward Wattssold to \n William Wattseight Negro slaves: \n True, \n James, \n Winnie, \n Peter, \n Sarah, \n Betty, \n Rachel, and \n Docon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n account of Dr. \n M. John Kingwith the sheriff of \n Lunenburgwhich has an entry dating 1769:\n the former is in account with \n [John] Eppsfor four lbs. of tobacco at\n £0.5.1.","Miscellaneous","Among the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n September 20, 1871 from the \n Omaha, Nebraska Lotteryfor the building\n of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n Cox and Sons Church Furnitureshows a\n garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n James Garfield. There is an undated\n letter to Mrs. \n Fleming Saundersasking for a subscription\n to the \n Graphic,a ladies society\n magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n George Munro, Publishers. There is also a\n broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n English poetry pertaining to \n Christ's birth dating from the medieval\n period.","The church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n from \n Virginia Polytechnic Instituteto the \n Saundersasking for aid for the building of\n an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n faith.","Civil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n there are a number of furloughs issued to \n Confederateenlisted men in \n Virginia, each with a physical\n description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n a company of the \n 13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers.\n There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n Fleming Saunders, assistant\n quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.","The educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n \"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\",\n September 6, 1877, by \n John Randolph Tuckerof \n Virginia. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n for the \n Edgeworth School, a church-related\n boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n 1895 grade report from \n Virginia Polytechnic Institute(formerly \n Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College) for \n Fleming Saunders, III. There is a fall\n term 1902 grade report from \n Hollins Collegefor \n Elsie Saunders. There is another VPI\n grade report, from February 1903, for \n Carter Temple Saunders. There is a report\n from \n St. Timothy's Schoolof \n Catonsville, Maryland. Another undated\n piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n algebra.","There are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n 1794 from \n Edward Watts; another lecture on motive\n dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n 1843.","Miscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n marriage of Capt. \n Fleming Saundersto \n Mary Gwathmeyon July 30.","The obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n Fleming Saunders, Sr, a reprint of the\n 1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n Alice Fleming--and the 1904 obituary of \n Peter Saunders. The obituaries of\n Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n transcribed by \n John Blair Dabney.","The photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n young member of the \n Saunders familyand undated photo cards of\n liturgical furniture.","Bound Volumes","The Day Books include a day book from \n Maple Creek Millsdating from 1842. There\n is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n Richmond, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n 18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n Lee Monumental Association. Also present\n is a $1 donation from \n Alex Berkeleyof \n Yellow Branch, Virginia. There are also\n farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.","A card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n which is based on the kings of \n Englandwho reigned down to its date, is\n also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n nature.","The Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n Fleming Saunders, includes employees,\n supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n data.","The \n Otter River TownshipRecord Book dates\n from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n materials bought. One entry notes that \n B. H. Anthony, overseer of the poor,\n sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n and 1875 meetings, \n Fleming Saundersis mentioned as road\n overseer in certain districts.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family","William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"collection_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Collection number 116"],"unitid_tesim":["Collection number 116"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Collector: \n William H. Irvine"],"creator_ssim":["Collector: \n William H. Irvine"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"creators_ssim":["William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n Service","New York Public\n Library","University of Virginia\n Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection (# \n 116) was loaned to the Library\n by \n William H. Irvineof \n Evington, Virginiaon September 15,\n 1938."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["2100 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIrvine-Saunders Family\n Papers, Accession 116, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family\n Papers, Accession 116, Special Collections Department, University of\n Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n \u003cfamname\u003eDavis Family\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders Family\u003c/famname\u003e, and \n \u003cfamname\u003eWatts Family\u003c/famname\u003e. Large portions of the\n correspondence belong to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. Included with the\n correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrank Prufer\u003c/persname\u003e. The business papers include\n accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n chiefly pertaining to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, but also various\n members of these families. The legal papers include court\n dockets and memoranda of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, documents, and wills.\n There are various legal papers of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003epertaining to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003ecounties including \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003e. The miscellaneous\n material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n inside arranged chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCorrespondence\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eDavis Family\u003c/famname\u003e, \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders Family\u003c/famname\u003e, and related families,\n 1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n 30, 1800, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLouisa County\u003c/geogname\u003e, which advises the\n recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eKingdom of God\u003c/corpname\u003e. A letter dated April 2,\n 1812 from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Rayland\u003c/persname\u003eto his sister mentions that\n his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMount Pleasant\u003c/geogname\u003e, indicates that \"Mary\n thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n \u003ccorpname\u003ePleasant Milkhill\u003c/corpname\u003eneeds brandy, and asks\n that it be sent with \n \u003cpersname\u003eDavid\u003c/persname\u003e(probably a slave) for there is none\n at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBethel\u003c/corpname\u003e. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hills\u003c/corpname\u003emakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n [Roanoke County, or \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e's estate \"Roanoke\"?].\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n letter to \n \u003cpersname\u003eSam Tyree\u003c/persname\u003e, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n student: \n \u003cpersname\u003e[Sam L. Preston?]\u003c/persname\u003ecomplaining that he can\n not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eTrinity and Ivy Chapel\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBoonsboro, Bedford County\u003c/geogname\u003eto a Mr.\n Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n to see.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n dated November 17 to \n \u003cpersname\u003e\"Carter\" [Saunders?]\u003c/persname\u003e, by a female who\n mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n a \n \u003cpersname\u003eSam K. Jenny\u003c/persname\u003e, probably a doctor of\n medicine, which mentions that \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Green\u003c/persname\u003eattended a man named\n Barnhart to \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003eso Jenny could prescribe to his\n case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eEva (Smith) Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, dated 1868-1894,\n there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eThe Grove\u003c/corpname\u003ewhich mentions that while Eva\n passed her exams--her brother \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003edid not. A letter,\n August 2, 1892, to \n \u003cpersname\u003eEva Saunders\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eM. Natalie Manson\u003c/persname\u003e, at \n \u003ccorpname\u003eWintore\u003c/corpname\u003e, speaks of school and Latin.\n There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFlorence, Italy\u003c/geogname\u003eto Eva, mentioning that\n there is no silver in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eItaly\u003c/geogname\u003efor the English and French are\n buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n carry,\" seeing the works of \n \u003cpersname\u003eDonato\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eBrunelleschi\u003c/persname\u003eand the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eMedici Chapel\u003c/corpname\u003e, and the \n \u003ccorpname\u003e\"Brothers of Pity\"\u003c/corpname\u003ewho wear black robes\n and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n book to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMay Begg\u003c/persname\u003e, \"a literary courtship under the\n auspices of \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePike's Peak\u003c/geogname\u003e. \" \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003eat \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003ewrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n doing better.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the \n \u003cpersname\u003eEva Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eundated correspondence, there\n is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n and concerns her ordered blouses.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary (Gwathmey) Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, 1858-1879, a\n letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, says that his tobacco crop\n has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eJeanie Edmond\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHudson Lodge\u003c/corpname\u003e, makes a reference to the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJubilee Singers\u003c/corpname\u003etraveling to raise money\n for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n acquaintances visiting \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e, mentioning a \"public worship\n bill\" in \n \u003ccorpname\u003eParliament\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one acquaintance having\n an appointment with the Bishop of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eMelbourne\u003c/geogname\u003e; and to visiting \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. In a postcard dated August 21,\n 1879, \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. A. Alrich\u003c/persname\u003easks \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e' opinion as to the next\n \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n that Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eC[harles] Dabney\u003c/persname\u003ehas a fine little\n daughter.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n give the same salary as before. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003eon January 19, 1881 saying that\n he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirgina Midland [Rail] Road\u003c/corpname\u003e, and does not\n think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n director on the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eFranklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n \u003cpersname\u003eW. A. Alrich\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eEmanuel Rectory\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eChatham, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on February 16, 1882,\n saying he is glad that the \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders\u003c/famname\u003e' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n \u003cpersname\u003eEllen Boulder\u003c/persname\u003e, a school teacher, writes\n to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary Saunders\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cgeogname\u003eDrake's Branch\u003c/geogname\u003eon March 18, 1889,\n mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n \u003cpersname\u003e[Peter Saunders]\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, writes \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, on October 26, 1891\n mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n alliance such as the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGrange\u003c/corpname\u003e?].\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to his parents\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003eon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n girls than studying. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames F. Plummer\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Captain\n Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n tested. \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n in the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eDemocratic Party\u003c/corpname\u003e, and discussing briefly\n possible effects on the present financial situation.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, while serving in\n the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia House of Delegates\u003c/corpname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam W. Old\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming on\n February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n method of finalizing the transaction. \n \u003cpersname\u003eE. W. Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming on\n January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlice [Saunders]\u003c/persname\u003eat \n \u003cgeogname\u003eHollins, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, to her aunt Saunders\n refers to the Roman poet \n \u003cpersname\u003eVirgil\u003c/persname\u003e. She writes to her mother on March\n 12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n \u003cpersname\u003eCaesar\u003c/persname\u003eand that he had been in the second\n book of \n \u003cpersname\u003eVirgil\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n \u003cpersname\u003eD. Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to his mother from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003eon February 10,\n saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n previously boxing.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, 1754-1784, there is a\n letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGeneral Assembly\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWilliamsburg\u003c/geogname\u003e. \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Dilworth\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on June 2, 1783\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eBlanford\u003c/corpname\u003ementioning the problem of\n collecting debts owed to the British. \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Baldwin, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on December 22,\n 1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n $18.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n 16, 1785, from \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Roach\u003c/persname\u003einforms Watts that while \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Kern\u003c/persname\u003eis employing Watts in a matter\n between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n \u003cpersname\u003eArthur Campbell\u003c/persname\u003e, a candidate for the\n senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n asking for Watts' support. \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Graham\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003e, writes on December 20, 1792,\n mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n \u003cpersname\u003eHorace\u003c/persname\u003eand sending the boy a copy of \n \u003cpersname\u003eCicero\u003c/persname\u003ewhich would supply \"the means of\n raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n soon be studying science.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n \u003cpersname\u003eDuncan Rose\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePetersburg\u003c/geogname\u003e, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n \u003ccorpname\u003eBuchanan's Hartie and Company\u003c/corpname\u003ehas been\n doing business in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGreat Britain\u003c/geogname\u003eand is waiting for a\n successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBritain\u003c/geogname\u003eat this time: \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Hancock\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Watts in 1794\n mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n U.S., and referring to Mr. \n \u003cpersname\u003e[James] Madison\u003c/persname\u003e's arguments whereas he\n conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n \u003cpersname\u003eCreed Taylor\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on May 11, 1795,\n concerning some bonds. \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Vannerson\u003c/persname\u003ewrites, on October 30,\n 1795, from \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePetersburg\u003c/geogname\u003ementioning a British war sloop\n in \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNorfolk, Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003eand the order for\n carrying American bottoms bound for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003einto British ports with invoice\n being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n $27 per barrel.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn Watts' correspondence with \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e, 1796-1797, Randolph\n writes from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRichmond\u003c/geogname\u003eon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n with \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas F. Scott\u003c/persname\u003e, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n British debts. In the correspondence of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, 1784-1800, John writes to\n William in April 1784 from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLincoln County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e(now \n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003e), concerning apprehension about\n a possible Indian war in the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eNorthwest Territories\u003c/corpname\u003e. John says that\n while the lands in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003eare good, the inconveniences are\n many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Papers\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThere are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n beginning November 16, 1762, with \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGeorge Kippen \u0026amp; Co.\u003c/corpname\u003eat their store in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGoochland, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, lists \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Gilliam\u003c/persname\u003eas having ordered a dozen\n flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eA. Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, on which is listed a\n £0.2.0 debt to \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary Petillo\u003c/persname\u003e, the only woman on the list,\n and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Skipwith\u003c/persname\u003e. The account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas East\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eArchelaus Austin\u003c/persname\u003efrom November 15, 1771,\n consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n Vaughn with \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003elists various quantities of\n rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n 1779-1794, of the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eNathaniel Davis\u003c/persname\u003e, including an entry for\n 1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n 1784 for half of hire of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a section, \"Accts\n Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n and half share for \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e, and another for dinner at the\n courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eDaniel Warwick\u003c/persname\u003e, dating 1799-1803, with\n references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Davis\u003c/persname\u003e' account beginning May\n 31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eRowland P. Banks\u003c/persname\u003elists \"163 days tuition\n at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n 1826, of Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Pleasants\u003c/persname\u003e, has lists orders for\n cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n Judge Saunders, of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLynchburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, orders castor oil,\n ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewhich contains an entry for\n imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n from Mrs. Eubank.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe accounts of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliams Watts\u003c/persname\u003espan 1752-1797. There is\n also a hotel account with \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Williamson\u003c/persname\u003ewith entries dating\n 1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eBetty Tucker\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eBetty Kirkland\u003c/persname\u003e, both beginning September\n 10, 1767, and Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJoseph Tucker\u003c/persname\u003e, 1767-1769. Watts has\n accounts, 1768, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Brittan\u003c/persname\u003efor a waistcoat, shoes,\n stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n 20, 1771, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eMiller Woodson\u003c/persname\u003ewith an entry of May 16,\n 1772 listing a \n \u003cpersname\u003ePatrick Henry\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a document which\n contains information on the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e. There is another\n lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n Watts with \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Williams\u003c/persname\u003e. There is an account\n beginning March 9, 1778, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Kirkland\u003c/persname\u003ewhich includes listings\n for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n with \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrederick Nance\u003c/persname\u003ementions a violin and a\n set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n 1787, with \n \u003cpersname\u003eRobert Wilson\u003c/persname\u003eordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward McDonald\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, there is the note of the\n hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Smith\u003c/persname\u003e, there is a note for the\n finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n There are two medical bills, one with \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Martin\u003c/persname\u003e, beginning January 14,\n 1794, and one with Doctor \n \u003cpersname\u003eGraham\u003c/persname\u003e, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n October 1797, Watts had an account with \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Quille\u003c/persname\u003efor the hire of a Negro.\n There is an undated account of \n \u003cpersname\u003eW. Walter Spence\u003c/persname\u003ewith Watts for the hire\n of a Negro for eight months.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePromissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n There are several items concerned with the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Fleming\u003c/persname\u003eand include an entry for\n February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Martin\u003c/persname\u003eand Watts there is an\n agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ehas a note dated 1803 with the\n Sheriff of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst County\u003c/geogname\u003efor tax on four Negroes,\n four horses, and five tithes. \n \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Davis\u003c/persname\u003ehas a note dated 1816 for\n tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n Negro man by \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n \u003cpersname\u003eJ. Wright\u003c/persname\u003efor \n \u003cpersname\u003eLavinia Wright\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a 1840 note from\n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Davis\u003c/persname\u003eto the Sheriff of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst\u003c/geogname\u003efor tax on six Negroes and six\n horses.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLegal Papers\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThere are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n kept by \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003ein his capacity as a lawyer.\n In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003ecourt, there is an entry\n for detinue for Negro woman named \n \u003cpersname\u003eAgge\u003c/persname\u003e. From the memo for the April 1772\n court at \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Taylor\u003c/persname\u003eand his wife have a suit\n against a Hurt for a Negro in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is also a list of debts\n owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n there are court dockets from \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg County\u003c/geogname\u003efrom 1771-1782. A number\n of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n book with the signatures of William and \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, which includes a record of \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e' court expenses. There are\n also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eWilliamsburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is another\n 1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n there is an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eBenjamin Tambro\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eAyres Hodnett\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham\u003c/geogname\u003ein regard to the former's son, \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Tambro\u003c/persname\u003e, to be apprentice to the\n latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n indenture between Watts and \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Ford\u003c/persname\u003e. From September 17, 1768,\n there is an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eAbraham West\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Blankenship\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward\u003c/geogname\u003e. On November 17, 1772,\n there is an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Lewallen\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003ccorpname\u003eJames and Robert Donalds and Company\u003c/corpname\u003e,\n Merchants of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGlasgow\u003c/geogname\u003e. On September 15, 1778, there is\n an agreement between \n \u003cpersname\u003eDavid Wright\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eBotetourt\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Paine\u003c/persname\u003eof the same concerning a\n land dispute in the area where the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRoanoke River\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n \u003cgeogname\u003eTinker Creek\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe will, December 25, 1745, of \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Patterson\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAlbemarle County\u003c/geogname\u003e, names his slaves and\n divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n his land in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eGoochland County\u003c/geogname\u003ebe known as \n \u003ccorpname\u003e\"Locust Thicket.\"\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eMargery Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003econtested the will of \n \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003edated March 1758 with \n \u003cpersname\u003e[Cedw] Gibson\u003c/persname\u003eon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n daughter \n \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003e, and the latter's\n children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n will of \n \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Bottom\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003edated May 10, 1760 divides his\n slaves which are named between his three daughters.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Eubank\u003c/persname\u003ementions prices for his\n Negroes: £300 for a man named \n \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e, £200 for a man named \n \u003cpersname\u003eJoe\u003c/persname\u003e, £10 for a woman named \n \u003cpersname\u003eHannah\u003c/persname\u003e, £20 for a girl named \n \u003cpersname\u003eLolly\u003c/persname\u003e, and £0 for a girl named\n \u003cpersname\u003eCaroline\u003c/persname\u003e. There is also a list of tickets\n of ommission paid by \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, attorney. Among the legal\n papers of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, 1768 through 1789\n including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n states that \n \u003cpersname\u003eSarah Tinker\u003c/persname\u003eon December 6, 1781 gave her\n son-in-law \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Tucker\u003c/persname\u003ean ailing Negro named \n \u003cpersname\u003eNed\u003c/persname\u003euntil the latter gets well whereas he\n will be returned to \n \u003cpersname\u003eSarah Tucker\u003c/persname\u003e. In an undated document, \n \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Vaughn\u003c/persname\u003eyields up title/right of two\n Negroes--named \n \u003cpersname\u003eFrank\u003c/persname\u003eand \n \u003cpersname\u003ePhoebe\u003c/persname\u003e--to son-in-law \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Norris\u003c/persname\u003e--formerly given to grandson \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Norris\u003c/persname\u003eby a deed dated October 2,\n 1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell County\u003c/geogname\u003epapers, Justice \n \u003cpersname\u003eAdam Clement\u003c/persname\u003esays that \n \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Gilbert\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell\u003c/geogname\u003eon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n Negro slave \n \u003cpersname\u003eJack\u003c/persname\u003e--property of Watts of \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003e--ran away and was\n found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003esold to \n \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eeight Negro slaves: \n \u003cpersname\u003eTrue\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eWinnie\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eSarah\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eBetty\u003c/persname\u003e, \n \u003cpersname\u003eRachel\u003c/persname\u003e, and \n \u003cpersname\u003eDoc\u003c/persname\u003eon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n account of Dr. \n \u003cpersname\u003eM. John King\u003c/persname\u003ewith the sheriff of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg\u003c/geogname\u003ewhich has an entry dating 1769:\n the former is in account with \n \u003cpersname\u003e[John] Epps\u003c/persname\u003efor four lbs. of tobacco at\n £0.5.1.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n September 20, 1871 from the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eOmaha, Nebraska Lottery\u003c/corpname\u003efor the building\n of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eCox and Sons Church Furniture\u003c/corpname\u003eshows a\n garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n \u003cpersname\u003eJames Garfield\u003c/persname\u003e. There is an undated\n letter to Mrs. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003easking for a subscription\n to the \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eGraphic,\u003c/title\u003ea ladies society\n magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eGeorge Munro, Publishers\u003c/corpname\u003e. There is also a\n broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n English poetry pertaining to \n \u003cpersname\u003eChrist\u003c/persname\u003e's birth dating from the medieval\n period.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/corpname\u003eto the \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders\u003c/famname\u003easking for aid for the building of\n an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n faith.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCivil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n there are a number of furloughs issued to \n \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003eenlisted men in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, each with a physical\n description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n a company of the \n \u003ccorpname\u003e13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers\u003c/corpname\u003e.\n There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, assistant\n quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\"\u003c/title\u003e,\n September 6, 1877, by \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Randolph Tucker\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n for the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eEdgeworth School\u003c/corpname\u003e, a church-related\n boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n 1895 grade report from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/corpname\u003e(formerly \n \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College\u003c/corpname\u003e) for \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders, III\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a fall\n term 1902 grade report from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003efor \n \u003cpersname\u003eElsie Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. There is another VPI\n grade report, from February 1903, for \n \u003cpersname\u003eCarter Temple Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a report\n from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eSt. Timothy's School\u003c/corpname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eCatonsville, Maryland\u003c/geogname\u003e. Another undated\n piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n algebra.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThere are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n 1794 from \n \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003e; another lecture on motive\n dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n 1843.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n marriage of Capt. \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eto \n \u003cpersname\u003eMary Gwathmey\u003c/persname\u003eon July 30.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders, Sr\u003c/persname\u003e, a reprint of the\n 1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlice Fleming\u003c/persname\u003e--and the 1904 obituary of \n \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. The obituaries of\n Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n transcribed by \n \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Blair Dabney\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n young member of the \n \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders family\u003c/famname\u003eand undated photo cards of\n liturgical furniture.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBound Volumes\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Day Books include a day book from \n \u003ccorpname\u003eMaple Creek Mills\u003c/corpname\u003edating from 1842. There\n is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n \u003cgeogname\u003eRichmond\u003c/geogname\u003e, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n 18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n \u003ccorpname\u003eLee Monumental Association\u003c/corpname\u003e. Also present\n is a $1 donation from \n \u003cpersname\u003eAlex Berkeley\u003c/persname\u003eof \n \u003cgeogname\u003eYellow Branch, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There are also\n farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n which is based on the kings of \n \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003ewho reigned down to its date, is\n also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n nature.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, includes employees,\n supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n data.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe \n \u003ccorpname\u003eOtter River Township\u003c/corpname\u003eRecord Book dates\n from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n materials bought. One entry notes that \n \u003cpersname\u003eB. H. Anthony\u003c/persname\u003e, overseer of the poor,\n sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n and 1875 meetings, \n \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eis mentioned as road\n overseer in certain districts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and \n Watts Family. Large portions of the\n correspondence belong to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders. Included with the\n correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n Frank Prufer. The business papers include\n accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n chiefly pertaining to \n William Wattsand \n Fleming Saunders, but also various\n members of these families. The legal papers include court\n dockets and memoranda of \n William Watts, documents, and wills.\n There are various legal papers of \n William Wattspertaining to \n Virginiacounties including \n Amelia County, \n Amherst County, \n Buckingham County, \n Campbell County, \n Cumberland County, \n Prince Edward County. The miscellaneous\n material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n inside arranged chronologically.","Correspondence","From the correspondence of the \n Davis Family, \n Saunders Family, and related families,\n 1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n 30, 1800, from \n Louisa County, which advises the\n recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n the \n Kingdom of God. A letter dated April 2,\n 1812 from \n James Raylandto his sister mentions that\n his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n Mount Pleasant, indicates that \"Mary\n thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n Pleasant Milkhillneeds brandy, and asks\n that it be sent with \n David(probably a slave) for there is none\n at \n Bethel. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n at \n Bleak Hillsmakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n [Roanoke County, or \n John Randolph's estate \"Roanoke\"?].","From their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n letter to \n Sam Tyree, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n student: \n [Sam L. Preston?]complaining that he can\n not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n Trinity and Ivy Chapelin \n Boonsboro, Bedford Countyto a Mr.\n Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n to see.\"","Among the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n dated November 17 to \n \"Carter\" [Saunders?], by a female who\n mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n a \n Sam K. Jenny, probably a doctor of\n medicine, which mentions that \n William Greenattended a man named\n Barnhart to \n Bedfordso Jenny could prescribe to his\n case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"","From the correspondence of \n Eva (Smith) Saunders, dated 1868-1894,\n there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n The Grovewhich mentions that while Eva\n passed her exams--her brother \n Fleming Saunders IIIdid not. A letter,\n August 2, 1892, to \n Eva Saundersfrom \n M. Natalie Manson, at \n Wintore, speaks of school and Latin.\n There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n Florence, Italyto Eva, mentioning that\n there is no silver in \n Italyfor the English and French are\n buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n carry,\" seeing the works of \n Donatoand \n Brunelleschiand the \n Medici Chapel, and the \n \"Brothers of Pity\"who wear black robes\n and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n book to \n May Begg, \"a literary courtship under the\n auspices of \n Pike's Peak. \" \n Fleming Saunders IIIat \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordwrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n doing better.","Among the \n Eva Saundersundated correspondence, there\n is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n and concerns her ordered blouses.","From the correspondence of \n Fleming Saundersand \n Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders, 1858-1879, a\n letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n Peter Saunders, Jr., \n Bleak Hill, says that his tobacco crop\n has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n Jeanie Edmond, \n Hudson Lodge, makes a reference to the \n Jubilee Singerstraveling to raise money\n for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n acquaintances visiting \n England, mentioning a \"public worship\n bill\" in \n Parliament, and one acquaintance having\n an appointment with the Bishop of \n Melbourne; and to visiting \n Australia. In a postcard dated August 21,\n 1879, \n W. A. Alrichasks \n Fleming Saunders' opinion as to the next\n \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n that Mrs. \n C[harles] Dabneyhas a fine little\n daughter.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n give the same salary as before. \n Peter Saunderswrites from \n Bleak Hillon January 19, 1881 saying that\n he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n Virgina Midland [Rail] Road, and does not\n think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n director on the \n Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n Company, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n W. A. Alrichwrites from \n Emanuel Rectory, \n Chatham, Virginia, on February 16, 1882,\n saying he is glad that the \n Saunders' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n Ellen Boulder, a school teacher, writes\n to \n Mary Saundersfrom \n Drake's Branchon March 18, 1889,\n mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n [Peter Saunders], \n Bleak Hill, writes \n Fleming Saunders, on October 26, 1891\n mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n alliance such as the \n Grange?].","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n Fleming Saunders IIIwrites to his parents\n from \n Randolph-Macon Academyin \n Bedfordon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n girls than studying. \n James F. Plummerwrites to Captain\n Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n tested. \n Peter Saunderswrites to Fleming from \n Bleak Hill, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n in the \n Democratic Party, and discussing briefly\n possible effects on the present financial situation.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n Edward Watts Saunders, while serving in\n the \n Virginia House of Delegates. \n William W. Oldwrites to Fleming on\n February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n method of finalizing the transaction. \n E. W. Saunderswrites to Fleming on\n January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n Alice [Saunders]at \n Hollins, Virginia, to her aunt Saunders\n refers to the Roman poet \n Virgil. She writes to her mother on March\n 12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n Caesarand that he had been in the second\n book of \n Virgil.","In the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n D. Saunderswrites to his mother from \n Randolph-Macon Academyon February 10,\n saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n previously boxing.","In the correspondence of \n William Watts, 1754-1784, there is a\n letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n General Assemblyin \n Williamsburg. \n Samuel Dilworthwrites on June 2, 1783\n from \n Blanfordmentioning the problem of\n collecting debts owed to the British. \n Thomas Baldwin, Jr.writes on December 22,\n 1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n $18.","In the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n 16, 1785, from \n William Roachinforms Watts that while \n Peter Kernis employing Watts in a matter\n between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n Arthur Campbell, a candidate for the\n senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n asking for Watts' support. \n Edward Grahamof \n Bedford, writes on December 20, 1792,\n mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n Horaceand sending the boy a copy of \n Cicerowhich would supply \"the means of\n raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n soon be studying science.","In the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n Duncan Rosewrites from \n Petersburg, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n Buchanan's Hartie and Companyhas been\n doing business in \n Great Britainand is waiting for a\n successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n Franceand \n Britainat this time: \n George Hancockwrites to Watts in 1794\n mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n U.S., and referring to Mr. \n [James] Madison's arguments whereas he\n conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n Creed Taylorwrites on May 11, 1795,\n concerning some bonds. \n William Vannersonwrites, on October 30,\n 1795, from \n Petersburgmentioning a British war sloop\n in \n Norfolk, Virginiaand the order for\n carrying American bottoms bound for \n Franceinto British ports with invoice\n being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n $27 per barrel.","In Watts' correspondence with \n Edward Randolph, 1796-1797, Randolph\n writes from \n Richmondon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n with \n Thomas F. Scott, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n British debts. In the correspondence of \n William Wattswith \n John Watts, 1784-1800, John writes to\n William in April 1784 from \n Lincoln County, Virginia(now \n Kentucky), concerning apprehension about\n a possible Indian war in the \n Northwest Territories. John says that\n while the lands in \n Kentuckyare good, the inconveniences are\n many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.","Business Papers","There are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n beginning November 16, 1762, with \n George Kippen \u0026 Co.at their store in \n Goochland, Virginia, lists \n John Gilliamas having ordered a dozen\n flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n A. Watts, on which is listed a\n £0.2.0 debt to \n Mary Petillo, the only woman on the list,\n and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n William Skipwith. The account of \n Thomas Eastwith \n Archelaus Austinfrom November 15, 1771,\n consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n Vaughn with \n Edward Wattslists various quantities of\n rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n 1779-1794, of the estate of \n Nathaniel Davis, including an entry for\n 1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n 1784 for half of hire of \n Jacob. There is a section, \"Accts\n Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n and half share for \n Jacob, and another for dinner at the\n courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n James Daviswith \n Daniel Warwick, dating 1799-1803, with\n references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n Elizabeth Davis' account beginning May\n 31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Rowland P. Bankslists \"163 days tuition\n at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n 1826, of Capt. \n James Daviswith \n Thomas Pleasants, has lists orders for\n cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n Judge Saunders, of \n Lynchburg, Virginia, orders castor oil,\n ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n James Daviswhich contains an entry for\n imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n from Mrs. Eubank.","The accounts of \n Williams Wattsspan 1752-1797. There is\n also a hotel account with \n Charles Williamsonwith entries dating\n 1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n Betty Tuckerand \n Betty Kirkland, both beginning September\n 10, 1767, and Capt. \n Joseph Tucker, 1767-1769. Watts has\n accounts, 1768, with \n John Brittanfor a waistcoat, shoes,\n stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n 20, 1771, with \n Miller Woodsonwith an entry of May 16,\n 1772 listing a \n Patrick Henry. There is a document which\n contains information on the estate of \n William Randolph. There is another\n lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n Watts with \n Charles Williams. There is an account\n beginning March 9, 1778, with \n William Kirklandwhich includes listings\n for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n with \n Frederick Nancementions a violin and a\n set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n 1787, with \n Robert Wilsonordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n Edward McDonaldwith \n William Watts, there is the note of the\n hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n Charles Smith, there is a note for the\n finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n There are two medical bills, one with \n George Martin, beginning January 14,\n 1794, and one with Doctor \n Graham, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n October 1797, Watts had an account with \n George Quillefor the hire of a Negro.\n There is an undated account of \n W. Walter Spencewith Watts for the hire\n of a Negro for eight months.","Promissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n There are several items concerned with the estate of \n John Flemingand include an entry for\n February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n George Martinand Watts there is an\n agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n James Davishas a note dated 1803 with the\n Sheriff of \n Amherst Countyfor tax on four Negroes,\n four horses, and five tithes. \n Elizabeth Davishas a note dated 1816 for\n tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n Negro man by \n James Davisfrom \n J. Wrightfor \n Lavinia Wright. There is a 1840 note from\n Charles Davisto the Sheriff of \n Amherstfor tax on six Negroes and six\n horses.","Legal Papers","There are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n kept by \n William Wattsin his capacity as a lawyer.\n In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n Buckingham Countycourt, there is an entry\n for detinue for Negro woman named \n Agge. From the memo for the April 1772\n court at \n Lunenburg County, \n Thomas Taylorand his wife have a suit\n against a Hurt for a Negro in \n Amelia. There is also a list of debts\n owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n there are court dockets from \n Amelia Countyand \n Lunenburg Countyfrom 1771-1782. A number\n of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n book with the signatures of William and \n Edward Watts, which includes a record of \n William Watts' court expenses. There are\n also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n Buckingham County, \n Amelia, \n Cumberland County, and \n Prince Edward Countyas well as for \n Williamsburg, Virginia. There is another\n 1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n Amelia County, \n Cumberland County, and \n Buckingham County.","The indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n there is an agreement between \n Benjamin Tambroand \n Ayres Hodnettof \n Buckinghamin regard to the former's son, \n John Tambro, to be apprentice to the\n latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n indenture between Watts and \n William Ford. From September 17, 1768,\n there is an agreement between \n Abraham Westand \n John Blankenshipof \n Prince Edward. On November 17, 1772,\n there is an agreement between \n John Lewallenof \n Amelia Countyand \n James and Robert Donalds and Company,\n Merchants of \n Glasgow. On September 15, 1778, there is\n an agreement between \n David Wrightof \n Botetourtand \n Alexander Paineof the same concerning a\n land dispute in the area where the \n Roanoke Riverand \n Tinker Creek.","The will, December 25, 1745, of \n Thomas Pattersonof \n Albemarle County, names his slaves and\n divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n his land in \n Goochland Countybe known as \n \"Locust Thicket.\"Margery Hinshawcontested the will of \n Samuel Hinshawdated March 1758 with \n [Cedw] Gibsonon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n daughter \n Elizabeth Hinshaw, and the latter's\n children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n will of \n Thomas Bottomof \n Ameliadated May 10, 1760 divides his\n slaves which are named between his three daughters.","A folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n John Eubankmentions prices for his\n Negroes: £300 for a man named \n Jacob, £200 for a man named \n Joe, £10 for a woman named \n Hannah, £20 for a girl named \n Lolly, and £0 for a girl named\n Caroline. There is also a list of tickets\n of ommission paid by \n William Watts, attorney. Among the legal\n papers of \n Amelia County, 1768 through 1789\n including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n states that \n Sarah Tinkeron December 6, 1781 gave her\n son-in-law \n John Tuckeran ailing Negro named \n Neduntil the latter gets well whereas he\n will be returned to \n Sarah Tucker. In an undated document, \n George Vaughnyields up title/right of two\n Negroes--named \n Frankand \n Phoebe--to son-in-law \n John Norris--formerly given to grandson \n John Norrisby a deed dated October 2,\n 1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n Campbell Countypapers, Justice \n Adam Clementsays that \n Charles Gilbertof \n Campbellon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n Negro slave \n Jack--property of Watts of \n Prince Edward County--ran away and was\n found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n Prince Edward, \n Edward Wattssold to \n William Wattseight Negro slaves: \n True, \n James, \n Winnie, \n Peter, \n Sarah, \n Betty, \n Rachel, and \n Docon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n account of Dr. \n M. John Kingwith the sheriff of \n Lunenburgwhich has an entry dating 1769:\n the former is in account with \n [John] Eppsfor four lbs. of tobacco at\n £0.5.1.","Miscellaneous","Among the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n September 20, 1871 from the \n Omaha, Nebraska Lotteryfor the building\n of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n Cox and Sons Church Furnitureshows a\n garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n James Garfield. There is an undated\n letter to Mrs. \n Fleming Saundersasking for a subscription\n to the \n Graphic,a ladies society\n magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n George Munro, Publishers. There is also a\n broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n English poetry pertaining to \n Christ's birth dating from the medieval\n period.","The church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n from \n Virginia Polytechnic Instituteto the \n Saundersasking for aid for the building of\n an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n faith.","Civil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n there are a number of furloughs issued to \n Confederateenlisted men in \n Virginia, each with a physical\n description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n a company of the \n 13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers.\n There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n Fleming Saunders, assistant\n quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.","The educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n \"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\",\n September 6, 1877, by \n John Randolph Tuckerof \n Virginia. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n for the \n Edgeworth School, a church-related\n boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n 1895 grade report from \n Virginia Polytechnic Institute(formerly \n Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n College) for \n Fleming Saunders, III. There is a fall\n term 1902 grade report from \n Hollins Collegefor \n Elsie Saunders. There is another VPI\n grade report, from February 1903, for \n Carter Temple Saunders. There is a report\n from \n St. Timothy's Schoolof \n Catonsville, Maryland. Another undated\n piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n algebra.","There are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n 1794 from \n Edward Watts; another lecture on motive\n dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n 1843.","Miscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n marriage of Capt. \n Fleming Saundersto \n Mary Gwathmeyon July 30.","The obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n Fleming Saunders, Sr, a reprint of the\n 1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n Alice Fleming--and the 1904 obituary of \n Peter Saunders. The obituaries of\n Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n transcribed by \n John Blair Dabney.","The photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n young member of the \n Saunders familyand undated photo cards of\n liturgical furniture.","Bound Volumes","The Day Books include a day book from \n Maple Creek Millsdating from 1842. There\n is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n Richmond, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n 18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n Lee Monumental Association. Also present\n is a $1 donation from \n Alex Berkeleyof \n Yellow Branch, Virginia. There are also\n farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.","A card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n which is based on the kings of \n Englandwho reigned down to its date, is\n also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n nature.","The Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n Fleming Saunders, includes employees,\n supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n data.","The \n Otter River TownshipRecord Book dates\n from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n materials bought. One entry notes that \n B. H. Anthony, overseer of the poor,\n sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n and 1875 meetings, \n Fleming Saundersis mentioned as road\n overseer in certain districts."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. 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Coal and Coke Receipts,\n [1]-[10]","title_ssm":["A. Coal and Coke Receipts, [1]-[10]"],"title_tesim":["A. Coal and Coke Receipts, [1]-[10]"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. Coal and Coke Receipts, [1]-[10], 1880/1910"],"text":["A. Coal and Coke Receipts, [1]-[10], 1880/1910","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Incoming","9 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Incoming"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Shipments-Incoming"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1880/1910"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1880-1910"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":139,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["9 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#25/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n 1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n on the collection, the new student processors were\n instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n 1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n of these stores carried large inventories which are\n detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n To Mr. George Wickes \n Supt. of Mines \n Kay Moor, Virginia \n Dear George, \n Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n York transportations to this place have never been a\n success.Signed, \n Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n 1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n 1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n 1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n Iron Association, to the \n Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n 25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n should be restored to a relationship with southern\n furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n states iron industries should not have been in the same\n desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n 1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n 1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n 1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n 1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n 1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n 1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n 1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n what happened to the records of the company in the years\n immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n categories than those in which they have initially been\n placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n 95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n 1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n quarries, there is considerable information about the\n production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n records that deal with the company's employees have\n survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n like. Because these books sometimes include information\n about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n considerable information about railroads and their\n relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c26_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00220_c04_c324","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"ACTIVITIES AND DIFFICULTIES OF THE POE\n MEMORIAL COMMITTEE, unsigned, 1881","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c324#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c04_c324","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00220_c04_c324"],"id":"viu_viu00220_c04_c324","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c04","parent_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00220","viu_viu00220_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"ACTIVITIES AND DIFFICULTIES OF THE POE\n MEMORIAL COMMITTEE, unsigned","title_ssm":["ACTIVITIES AND DIFFICULTIES OF THE POE\n MEMORIAL COMMITTEE, unsigned"],"title_tesim":["ACTIVITIES AND DIFFICULTIES OF THE POE\n MEMORIAL COMMITTEE, unsigned"],"normalized_title_ssm":["ACTIVITIES AND DIFFICULTIES OF THE POE\n MEMORIAL COMMITTEE, unsigned, 1881"],"text":["ACTIVITIES AND DIFFICULTIES OF THE POE\n MEMORIAL COMMITTEE, unsigned, 1881","John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books","3 clippings from unidentified newspapers\n pasted on a strip of paper","Box 14"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1881"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1881 ca. April 20."],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":816,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"physdesc_tesim":["3 clippings from unidentified newspapers\n pasted on a strip of paper"],"containers_ssim":["Box 14"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1881],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#323","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00220","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00220.xml","title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"normalized_title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"text":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","38-135","This collection consists of ca. 1000\n items.","There are no restrictions.","JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n John Carl Miller","When \n John Ingram died in \n Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n important information. So impressed was the \n New England editor and critic \n Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n America, to the \n Alderman Library at the University of\n Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n about Dr. Bransby's school at \n Stoke Newington. He filled the\n intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n if the writer was an American, for \n John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n literary reputation.","II","John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n 1842, at 29 City Road, \n Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n childhood in \n Stoke Newington, the \n London suburb where young Poe had himself\n lived. The \n Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n an autobiographical account to \n Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n read out of Routledge's little volume of \n Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n poet!\"","But \n John Ingram was not destined to become a\n poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n John Ingram's formal education during his\n childhood, until he entered \n Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n at the \n City of London College, his father died,\n and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n an appointment to the \n Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n John Ingram in the \n Reading Room of the British Museum\n Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n literary articles to leading reviews in \n England, \n France, and \n America, and he lectured frequently, for\n pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n business trips through \n Ireland and \n Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n to the \n Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n published in l850. And so, \n John Ingram found his work: he determined\n to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n would present to the world \n Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n assembling materials for a defense of \n Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n minority group of Poe's friends in \n America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n John Henry Ingram of \n Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n world his theory that \n Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n the \n British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n America in the hope of finding there\n friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n of information about what others had written and said about\n Poe. \n Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n Poe's trunk after he died. \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n given to her in l848. \n Edward V. Valentine of \n Richmond, \n William Hand Browne of \n Johns Hopkins University, \n John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n Poe family in \n Baltimore, including \n Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n store of information about Poe. And when \n William Fearing Gill and \n Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n America to \n England, with a few of them, but very\n few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the Broadway Journal that\n Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n particularly in \n America, that he had rather to increase\n sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n life was beginning in \n America, an era brought about principally\n by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n puerile indeed. \n George W. Woodberry, \n Edmund C. Stedman, and \n R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n Tales and Poems of \n Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n and for the \n Tauchnitz Press in \n Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n everywhere.","John Ingram was retired with a pension\n from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n General Post Office. He continued living in \n London with his only remaining sister,\n Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n 1912 Ingram moved his household from \n London to \n Brighton. There for a few years he\n enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n to personal and literary fame, and \n John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n very important, and \n John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n published had brought his name before the world as had his\n publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n the scholarly worlds of \n England and \n America by advertising for sale her\n brother's entire library. Although \n John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n James A. Harrison and \n Killis Campbell, the number of important\n \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n materials from which he had written it would be. More\n important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n University of Virginia early in the summer\n of 1916. Librarian \n John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n London, asking what books and papers\n about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n the entire collection to \n Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n England to \n America, and back again, if need be.\n Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n collection. \n England was at war with \n Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n of English from \n William and Mary came to join the \n University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n his arrival, \n John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n conversation that he had a partial list of \n John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n to enlist President \n Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n from \n Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n the papers to the \n University of Texas.","Professor \n Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n Department of English at the University of\n Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n only after the \n University of Virginia had definitely\n refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n England, came to \n Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n request to ship the papers on approval to \n Virginia. She did not want this\n indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n John Ingram's once enviable collections\n of materials about \n Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n professor, or by the \n University of Texas would have changed the\n fate of the Poe papers.","The \n University of Virginia's correspondence\n about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n and ended by personal letters between \n John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n John Ingram's Poe papers to \n America reached numerous scholars,\n authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n requests to the \n University of Virginia for permission to\n examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n the Poe Collection came from \n J. H. Whitty, \n Richmond book collector and editor of\n Poe's poems, who wrote \n John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n the papers were even then enroute from \n England to the University. This\n information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n Miller, which docked at \n Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n been in \n England for a decade, resolutely refused\n to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n interesting, and at times very exciting. \n John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n John Ingram in l880. And among the\n hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n later, than those from \n Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n John Ingram the fullest account there is\n of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n authorities decide whether or not they should be\n destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n for \n John Ingram, found in this collection,\n are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n nursed \n Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n letters and items of importance. There was the original\n drawing of Poe that \n Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n it to \n John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n hand; letters from \n Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n himself to \n Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n documents from \n Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n sculptor who first persuaded \n Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n Arthur Conan Doyle, \n John Neal, \n Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n letters from Miss \n Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n certain the University would already have them. \n Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n and in time they were received and restored to the\n collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n collection, \n John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n his Poe collection was at home in \n America, and in \n Virginia, where she was sure he would\n have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n manuscript, \"The True Story of \n Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n however, the publisher had himself died, and \n Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n John Ingram considered this last\n biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n papers, making almost all the more important items and\n clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n been directly and heavily indebted.","A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n concerning \n Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n by \n John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n University made the Collection available to serious students\n of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n Alderman Library until, in the late\n 1940's, \n John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n his 1954 doctoral dissertation, Poe's English Biographer,\n John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship. Six\n years later the University published the first edition of\n Professor Miller's John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n of Virginia. This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n edition. The first of these volumes, Building Poe Biography, was published by Louisiana State University Press\n in 1977, and the second volume, Poe's Helen Remembers, appeared two years later from the \n University Press of Virginia. In\n declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n the \n University of Virginia almost two decades\n earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n a brief account of its content.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["38-135"],"unitid_tesim":["38-135"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Laura Ingram"],"creator_ssim":["Laura Ingram"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased by the Library in\n 1922."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 1000\n items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eby \n John Carl Miller \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen \n John Ingram died in \n Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n important information. So impressed was the \n New England editor and critic \n Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n country.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n America, to the \n Alderman Library at the University of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis is the curious story of how it happened.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInterest in the life and work of \n Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n about Dr. Bransby's school at \n Stoke Newington. He filled the\n intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n if the writer was an American, for \n John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n literary reputation.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eII\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n 1842, at 29 City Road, \n Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n childhood in \n Stoke Newington, the \n London suburb where young Poe had himself\n lived. The \n Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n an autobiographical account to \n Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n \u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n read out of Routledge's little volume of \n Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n poet!\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBut \n John Ingram was not destined to become a\n poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n was then the dearest hope of his life.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePrivate tutors and private schools furnished \n John Ingram's formal education during his\n childhood, until he entered \n Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n at the \n City of London College, his father died,\n and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n an appointment to the \n Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n Office.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n routine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n John Ingram in the \n Reading Room of the British Museum\n Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n literary articles to leading reviews in \n England, \n France, and \n America, and he lectured frequently, for\n pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n business trips through \n Ireland and \n Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n to the \n Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n difficulties, he made a beginning.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n completeness.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHaving served his literary apprenticeship, \n John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n published in l850. And so, \n John Ingram found his work: he determined\n to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n would present to the world \n Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n be.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n assembling materials for a defense of \n Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n minority group of Poe's friends in \n America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n someone else do it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSuch, in brief, was the situation when \n John Henry Ingram of \n Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n world his theory that \n Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n maligned.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n gentleman he really was.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n the \n British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n been done to Poe.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHaving exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n America in the hope of finding there\n friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n of information about what others had written and said about\n Poe. \n Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n Poe's trunk after he died. \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n given to her in l848. \n Edward V. Valentine of \n Richmond, \n William Hand Browne of \n Johns Hopkins University, \n John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n Poe family in \n Baltimore, including \n Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n store of information about Poe. And when \n William Fearing Gill and \n Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n America to \n England, with a few of them, but very\n few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n everyday job at the General Post Office.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the two bound volumes of the \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBroadway Journal\u003c/title\u003e that\n Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n seventh seal.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBut Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n particularly in \n America, that he had rather to increase\n sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n often than not without acknowledgment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n life was beginning in \n America, an era brought about principally\n by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n puerile indeed. \n George W. Woodberry, \n Edmund C. Stedman, and \n R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n vociferous enemies.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n Tales and Poems of \n Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n and for the \n Tauchnitz Press in \n Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n important work on Poe.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn still another sense \n John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n everywhere.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n John Ingram was retired with a pension\n from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n General Post Office. He continued living in \n London with his only remaining sister,\n Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n 1912 Ingram moved his household from \n London to \n Brighton. There for a few years he\n enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n to personal and literary fame, and \n John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n very important, and \n John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n published had brought his name before the world as had his\n publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIII\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eShortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n the scholarly worlds of \n England and \n America by advertising for sale her\n brother's entire library. Although \n John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n James A. Harrison and \n Killis Campbell, the number of important\n \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n materials from which he had written it would be. More\n important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n biography.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWord of the proposed sale reached the \n University of Virginia early in the summer\n of 1916. Librarian \n John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n London, asking what books and papers\n about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n the entire collection to \n Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n England to \n America, and back again, if need be.\n Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n Ingram had listed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n collection. \n England was at war with \n Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n papers was dropped.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1919, \n James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n of English from \n William and Mary came to join the \n University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n his arrival, \n John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n conversation that he had a partial list of \n John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n to enlist President \n Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n from \n Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n the papers to the \n University of Texas.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eProfessor \n Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n Department of English at the University of\n Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n only after the \n University of Virginia had definitely\n refused their purchase.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStill another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n England, came to \n Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n with the idea of buying it for his university.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n request to ship the papers on approval to \n Virginia. She did not want this\n indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n John Ingram's once enviable collections\n of materials about \n Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n professor, or by the \n University of Texas would have changed the\n fate of the Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe \n University of Virginia's correspondence\n about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n and ended by personal letters between \n John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n John Ingram's Poe papers to \n America reached numerous scholars,\n authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n requests to the \n University of Virginia for permission to\n examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n the Poe Collection came from \n J. H. Whitty, \n Richmond book collector and editor of\n Poe's poems, who wrote \n John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n the papers were even then enroute from \n England to the University. This\n information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n Miller, which docked at \n Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n been in \n England for a decade, resolutely refused\n to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n released.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe two great packing cases actually reached the University\n in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n duties.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n interesting, and at times very exciting. \n John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n varied and rich.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIV\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n John Ingram in l880. And among the\n hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n later, than those from \n Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n John Ingram the fullest account there is\n of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n authorities decide whether or not they should be\n destroyed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram's letters to \n Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n for \n John Ingram, found in this collection,\n are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n disappeared.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n nursed \n Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n account of Poe's family life.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n letters and items of importance. There was the original\n drawing of Poe that \n Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n it to \n John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n hand; letters from \n Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n himself to \n Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n documents from \n Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n sculptor who first persuaded \n Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n Arthur Conan Doyle, \n John Neal, \n Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n collection of Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n letters from Miss \n Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n certain the University would already have them. \n Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n and in time they were received and restored to the\n collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n collection, \n John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n his Poe collection was at home in \n America, and in \n Virginia, where she was sure he would\n have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n manuscript, \"The True Story of \n Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n however, the publisher had himself died, and \n Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n with it as they saw fit?\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n John Ingram considered this last\n biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n left except futile anger.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eV\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOne can safely say that had it not been for \n John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n papers, making almost all the more important items and\n clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n been directly and heavily indebted.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biography"],"bioghist_tesim":["JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n John Carl Miller","When \n John Ingram died in \n Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n important information. So impressed was the \n New England editor and critic \n Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n America, to the \n Alderman Library at the University of\n Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n about Dr. Bransby's school at \n Stoke Newington. He filled the\n intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n if the writer was an American, for \n John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n literary reputation.","II","John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n 1842, at 29 City Road, \n Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n childhood in \n Stoke Newington, the \n London suburb where young Poe had himself\n lived. The \n Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n an autobiographical account to \n Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n read out of Routledge's little volume of \n Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n poet!\"","But \n John Ingram was not destined to become a\n poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n John Ingram's formal education during his\n childhood, until he entered \n Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n at the \n City of London College, his father died,\n and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n an appointment to the \n Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n John Ingram in the \n Reading Room of the British Museum\n Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n literary articles to leading reviews in \n England, \n France, and \n America, and he lectured frequently, for\n pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n business trips through \n Ireland and \n Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n to the \n Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n published in l850. And so, \n John Ingram found his work: he determined\n to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n would present to the world \n Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n assembling materials for a defense of \n Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n minority group of Poe's friends in \n America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n John Henry Ingram of \n Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n world his theory that \n Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n the \n British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n America in the hope of finding there\n friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n of information about what others had written and said about\n Poe. \n Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n Poe's trunk after he died. \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n given to her in l848. \n Edward V. Valentine of \n Richmond, \n William Hand Browne of \n Johns Hopkins University, \n John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n Poe family in \n Baltimore, including \n Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n store of information about Poe. And when \n William Fearing Gill and \n Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n America to \n England, with a few of them, but very\n few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the Broadway Journal that\n Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n particularly in \n America, that he had rather to increase\n sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n life was beginning in \n America, an era brought about principally\n by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n puerile indeed. \n George W. Woodberry, \n Edmund C. Stedman, and \n R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n Tales and Poems of \n Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n and for the \n Tauchnitz Press in \n Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n everywhere.","John Ingram was retired with a pension\n from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n General Post Office. He continued living in \n London with his only remaining sister,\n Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n 1912 Ingram moved his household from \n London to \n Brighton. There for a few years he\n enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n to personal and literary fame, and \n John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n very important, and \n John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n published had brought his name before the world as had his\n publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n the scholarly worlds of \n England and \n America by advertising for sale her\n brother's entire library. Although \n John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n James A. Harrison and \n Killis Campbell, the number of important\n \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n materials from which he had written it would be. More\n important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n University of Virginia early in the summer\n of 1916. Librarian \n John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n London, asking what books and papers\n about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n the entire collection to \n Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n England to \n America, and back again, if need be.\n Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n collection. \n England was at war with \n Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n of English from \n William and Mary came to join the \n University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n his arrival, \n John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n conversation that he had a partial list of \n John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n to enlist President \n Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n from \n Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n the papers to the \n University of Texas.","Professor \n Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n Department of English at the University of\n Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n only after the \n University of Virginia had definitely\n refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n England, came to \n Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n request to ship the papers on approval to \n Virginia. She did not want this\n indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n John Ingram's once enviable collections\n of materials about \n Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n professor, or by the \n University of Texas would have changed the\n fate of the Poe papers.","The \n University of Virginia's correspondence\n about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n and ended by personal letters between \n John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n John Ingram's Poe papers to \n America reached numerous scholars,\n authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n requests to the \n University of Virginia for permission to\n examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n the Poe Collection came from \n J. H. Whitty, \n Richmond book collector and editor of\n Poe's poems, who wrote \n John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n the papers were even then enroute from \n England to the University. This\n information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n Miller, which docked at \n Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n been in \n England for a decade, resolutely refused\n to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n interesting, and at times very exciting. \n John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n John Ingram in l880. And among the\n hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n later, than those from \n Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n John Ingram the fullest account there is\n of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n authorities decide whether or not they should be\n destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n for \n John Ingram, found in this collection,\n are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n nursed \n Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n letters and items of importance. There was the original\n drawing of Poe that \n Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n it to \n John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n hand; letters from \n Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n himself to \n Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n documents from \n Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n sculptor who first persuaded \n Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n Arthur Conan Doyle, \n John Neal, \n Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n letters from Miss \n Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n certain the University would already have them. \n Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n and in time they were received and restored to the\n collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n collection, \n John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n his Poe collection was at home in \n America, and in \n Virginia, where she was sure he would\n have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n manuscript, \"The True Story of \n Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n however, the publisher had himself died, and \n Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n John Ingram considered this last\n biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n papers, making almost all the more important items and\n clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n been directly and heavily indebted."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJohn Henry Ingram's Poe Collection, Accession #38-135,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection, Accession #38-135,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n concerning \n Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n by \n John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSecond Edition by John E. Reilly\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eTo the Memory of John Carl Miller\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIntroduction:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1922 the \n University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n University made the Collection available to serious students\n of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n Alderman Library until, in the late\n 1940's, \n John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n his 1954 doctoral dissertation, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's English Biographer,\n John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.\u003c/title\u003e Six\n years later the University published the first edition of\n Professor Miller's \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eJohn Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n of Virginia.\u003c/title\u003e This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n edition. The first of these volumes, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBuilding Poe Biography,\u003c/title\u003e was published by Louisiana State University Press\n in 1977, and the second volume, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's Helen Remembers,\u003c/title\u003e appeared two years later from the \n University Press of Virginia. In\n declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n prepared.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n the \n University of Virginia almost two decades\n earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n that the present volume carries to its conclusion.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n a brief account of its content.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n concerning \n Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n by \n John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n University made the Collection available to serious students\n of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n Alderman Library until, in the late\n 1940's, \n John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n his 1954 doctoral dissertation, Poe's English Biographer,\n John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship. Six\n years later the University published the first edition of\n Professor Miller's John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n of Virginia. This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n edition. The first of these volumes, Building Poe Biography, was published by Louisiana State University Press\n in 1977, and the second volume, Poe's Helen Remembers, appeared two years later from the \n University Press of Virginia. In\n declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n the \n University of Virginia almost two decades\n earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n a brief account of its content."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1053,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c324"}},{"id":"viu_viu00220_c04_c312","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"ACTORS' MONUMENT TO POE, unsigned, 1881","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c312#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eIn light of the controversy over erecting the monument to Poe, this item suggests that Ingram's biography is all the memorial Poe needs.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c312#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c04_c312","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00220_c04_c312"],"id":"viu_viu00220_c04_c312","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c04","parent_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00220","viu_viu00220_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"ACTORS' MONUMENT TO POE,\n unsigned","title_ssm":["ACTORS' MONUMENT TO POE, unsigned"],"title_tesim":["ACTORS' MONUMENT TO POE, unsigned"],"normalized_title_ssm":["ACTORS' MONUMENT TO POE, unsigned, 1881"],"text":["ACTORS' MONUMENT TO POE, unsigned, 1881","John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books","Paragraph clipped from Funny\n Folks","Box 14","In light of the controversy over erecting the\n monument to Poe, this item suggests that Ingram's\n biography is all the memorial Poe needs."],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines, Newspapers, and Books"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1881"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1881 March 12."],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":804,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"physdesc_tesim":["Paragraph clipped from Funny\n Folks"],"containers_ssim":["Box 14"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1881],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIn light of the controversy over erecting the\n monument to Poe, this item suggests that Ingram's\n biography is all the memorial Poe needs.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_tesim":["In light of the controversy over erecting the\n monument to Poe, this item suggests that Ingram's\n biography is all the memorial Poe needs."],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#311","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00220","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00220.xml","title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"normalized_title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"text":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915.","38-135","This collection consists of ca. 1000\n items.","There are no restrictions.","JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n John Carl Miller","When \n John Ingram died in \n Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n important information. So impressed was the \n New England editor and critic \n Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n America, to the \n Alderman Library at the University of\n Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n about Dr. Bransby's school at \n Stoke Newington. He filled the\n intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n if the writer was an American, for \n John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n literary reputation.","II","John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n 1842, at 29 City Road, \n Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n childhood in \n Stoke Newington, the \n London suburb where young Poe had himself\n lived. The \n Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n an autobiographical account to \n Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n read out of Routledge's little volume of \n Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n poet!\"","But \n John Ingram was not destined to become a\n poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n John Ingram's formal education during his\n childhood, until he entered \n Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n at the \n City of London College, his father died,\n and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n an appointment to the \n Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n John Ingram in the \n Reading Room of the British Museum\n Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n literary articles to leading reviews in \n England, \n France, and \n America, and he lectured frequently, for\n pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n business trips through \n Ireland and \n Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n to the \n Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n published in l850. And so, \n John Ingram found his work: he determined\n to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n would present to the world \n Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n assembling materials for a defense of \n Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n minority group of Poe's friends in \n America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n John Henry Ingram of \n Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n world his theory that \n Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n the \n British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n America in the hope of finding there\n friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n of information about what others had written and said about\n Poe. \n Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n Poe's trunk after he died. \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n given to her in l848. \n Edward V. Valentine of \n Richmond, \n William Hand Browne of \n Johns Hopkins University, \n John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n Poe family in \n Baltimore, including \n Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n store of information about Poe. And when \n William Fearing Gill and \n Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n America to \n England, with a few of them, but very\n few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the Broadway Journal that\n Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n particularly in \n America, that he had rather to increase\n sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n life was beginning in \n America, an era brought about principally\n by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n puerile indeed. \n George W. Woodberry, \n Edmund C. Stedman, and \n R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n Tales and Poems of \n Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n and for the \n Tauchnitz Press in \n Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n everywhere.","John Ingram was retired with a pension\n from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n General Post Office. He continued living in \n London with his only remaining sister,\n Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n 1912 Ingram moved his household from \n London to \n Brighton. There for a few years he\n enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n to personal and literary fame, and \n John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n very important, and \n John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n published had brought his name before the world as had his\n publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n the scholarly worlds of \n England and \n America by advertising for sale her\n brother's entire library. Although \n John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n James A. Harrison and \n Killis Campbell, the number of important\n \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n materials from which he had written it would be. More\n important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n University of Virginia early in the summer\n of 1916. Librarian \n John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n London, asking what books and papers\n about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n the entire collection to \n Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n England to \n America, and back again, if need be.\n Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n collection. \n England was at war with \n Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n of English from \n William and Mary came to join the \n University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n his arrival, \n John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n conversation that he had a partial list of \n John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n to enlist President \n Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n from \n Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n the papers to the \n University of Texas.","Professor \n Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n Department of English at the University of\n Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n only after the \n University of Virginia had definitely\n refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n England, came to \n Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n request to ship the papers on approval to \n Virginia. She did not want this\n indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n John Ingram's once enviable collections\n of materials about \n Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n professor, or by the \n University of Texas would have changed the\n fate of the Poe papers.","The \n University of Virginia's correspondence\n about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n and ended by personal letters between \n John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n John Ingram's Poe papers to \n America reached numerous scholars,\n authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n requests to the \n University of Virginia for permission to\n examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n the Poe Collection came from \n J. H. Whitty, \n Richmond book collector and editor of\n Poe's poems, who wrote \n John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n the papers were even then enroute from \n England to the University. This\n information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n Miller, which docked at \n Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n been in \n England for a decade, resolutely refused\n to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n interesting, and at times very exciting. \n John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n John Ingram in l880. And among the\n hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n later, than those from \n Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n John Ingram the fullest account there is\n of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n authorities decide whether or not they should be\n destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n for \n John Ingram, found in this collection,\n are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n nursed \n Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n letters and items of importance. There was the original\n drawing of Poe that \n Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n it to \n John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n hand; letters from \n Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n himself to \n Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n documents from \n Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n sculptor who first persuaded \n Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n Arthur Conan Doyle, \n John Neal, \n Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n letters from Miss \n Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n certain the University would already have them. \n Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n and in time they were received and restored to the\n collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n collection, \n John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n his Poe collection was at home in \n America, and in \n Virginia, where she was sure he would\n have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n manuscript, \"The True Story of \n Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n however, the publisher had himself died, and \n Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n John Ingram considered this last\n biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n papers, making almost all the more important items and\n clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n been directly and heavily indebted.","A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n concerning \n Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n by \n John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n University made the Collection available to serious students\n of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n Alderman Library until, in the late\n 1940's, \n John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n his 1954 doctoral dissertation, Poe's English Biographer,\n John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship. Six\n years later the University published the first edition of\n Professor Miller's John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n of Virginia. This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n edition. The first of these volumes, Building Poe Biography, was published by Louisiana State University Press\n in 1977, and the second volume, Poe's Helen Remembers, appeared two years later from the \n University Press of Virginia. In\n declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n the \n University of Virginia almost two decades\n earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n a brief account of its content.","See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n ca. 1829-ca.\n 1915."],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["38-135"],"unitid_tesim":["38-135"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Laura Ingram"],"creator_ssim":["Laura Ingram"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased by the Library in\n 1922."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 1000\n items."],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eby \n John Carl Miller \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWhen \n John Ingram died in \n Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n important information. So impressed was the \n New England editor and critic \n Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n country.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n America, to the \n Alderman Library at the University of\n Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis is the curious story of how it happened.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eInterest in the life and work of \n Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n about Dr. Bransby's school at \n Stoke Newington. He filled the\n intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n if the writer was an American, for \n John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n literary reputation.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eII\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n 1842, at 29 City Road, \n Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n childhood in \n Stoke Newington, the \n London suburb where young Poe had himself\n lived. The \n Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n an autobiographical account to \n Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n \u003cblockquote\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n read out of Routledge's little volume of \n Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n poet!\"\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n \u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBut \n John Ingram was not destined to become a\n poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n was then the dearest hope of his life.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePrivate tutors and private schools furnished \n John Ingram's formal education during his\n childhood, until he entered \n Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n at the \n City of London College, his father died,\n and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n an appointment to the \n Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n Office.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n routine.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOn Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n John Ingram in the \n Reading Room of the British Museum\n Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n literary articles to leading reviews in \n England, \n France, and \n America, and he lectured frequently, for\n pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n business trips through \n Ireland and \n Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n to the \n Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n difficulties, he made a beginning.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n completeness.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThis book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHaving served his literary apprenticeship, \n John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n published in l850. And so, \n John Ingram found his work: he determined\n to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n would present to the world \n Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n be.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n assembling materials for a defense of \n Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBy 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n minority group of Poe's friends in \n America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n someone else do it.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSuch, in brief, was the situation when \n John Henry Ingram of \n Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n world his theory that \n Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n maligned.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n gentleman he really was.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n the \n British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n been done to Poe.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eHaving exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n America in the hope of finding there\n friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n of information about what others had written and said about\n Poe. \n Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n Poe's trunk after he died. \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n given to her in l848. \n Edward V. Valentine of \n Richmond, \n William Hand Browne of \n Johns Hopkins University, \n John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n Poe family in \n Baltimore, including \n Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n store of information about Poe. And when \n William Fearing Gill and \n Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n America to \n England, with a few of them, but very\n few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n everyday job at the General Post Office.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the two bound volumes of the \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBroadway Journal\u003c/title\u003e that\n Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n seventh seal.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eBut Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n particularly in \n America, that he had rather to increase\n sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n often than not without acknowledgment.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n life was beginning in \n America, an era brought about principally\n by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n puerile indeed. \n George W. Woodberry, \n Edmund C. Stedman, and \n R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n vociferous enemies.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n Tales and Poems of \n Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n and for the \n Tauchnitz Press in \n Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n important work on Poe.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn still another sense \n John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n everywhere.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003e\n John Ingram was retired with a pension\n from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n General Post Office. He continued living in \n London with his only remaining sister,\n Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n 1912 Ingram moved his household from \n London to \n Brighton. There for a few years he\n enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n to personal and literary fame, and \n John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n very important, and \n John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n published had brought his name before the world as had his\n publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIII\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eShortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n the scholarly worlds of \n England and \n America by advertising for sale her\n brother's entire library. Although \n John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n James A. Harrison and \n Killis Campbell, the number of important\n \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n materials from which he had written it would be. More\n important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n biography.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eWord of the proposed sale reached the \n University of Virginia early in the summer\n of 1916. Librarian \n John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n London, asking what books and papers\n about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n the entire collection to \n Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n England to \n America, and back again, if need be.\n Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n Ingram had listed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n collection. \n England was at war with \n Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n papers was dropped.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1919, \n James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n of English from \n William and Mary came to join the \n University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n his arrival, \n John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n conversation that he had a partial list of \n John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n to enlist President \n Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n from \n Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n the papers to the \n University of Texas.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eProfessor \n Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n Department of English at the University of\n Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n only after the \n University of Virginia had definitely\n refused their purchase.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eStill another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n England, came to \n Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n with the idea of buying it for his university.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n request to ship the papers on approval to \n Virginia. She did not want this\n indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n John Ingram's once enviable collections\n of materials about \n Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n professor, or by the \n University of Texas would have changed the\n fate of the Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe \n University of Virginia's correspondence\n about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n and ended by personal letters between \n John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n John Ingram's Poe papers to \n America reached numerous scholars,\n authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n requests to the \n University of Virginia for permission to\n examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n the Poe Collection came from \n J. H. Whitty, \n Richmond book collector and editor of\n Poe's poems, who wrote \n John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n the papers were even then enroute from \n England to the University. This\n information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n Miller, which docked at \n Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n been in \n England for a decade, resolutely refused\n to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n released.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe two great packing cases actually reached the University\n in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n duties.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n interesting, and at times very exciting. \n John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n varied and rich.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIV\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n John Ingram in l880. And among the\n hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n later, than those from \n Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n John Ingram the fullest account there is\n of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n authorities decide whether or not they should be\n destroyed.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIngram's letters to \n Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n for \n John Ingram, found in this collection,\n are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n disappeared.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n nursed \n Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n account of Poe's family life.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eLetters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n letters and items of importance. There was the original\n drawing of Poe that \n Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n it to \n John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n hand; letters from \n Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n himself to \n Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n documents from \n Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n sculptor who first persuaded \n Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n Arthur Conan Doyle, \n John Neal, \n Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n collection of Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n letters from Miss \n Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n certain the University would already have them. \n Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n and in time they were received and restored to the\n collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAfter a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n collection, \n John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n his Poe collection was at home in \n America, and in \n Virginia, where she was sure he would\n have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n manuscript, \"The True Story of \n Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n however, the publisher had himself died, and \n Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n with it as they saw fit?\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n John Ingram considered this last\n biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n left except futile anger.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eV\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eOne can safely say that had it not been for \n John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eA number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n papers, making almost all the more important items and\n clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n been directly and heavily indebted.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biography"],"bioghist_tesim":["JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n John Carl Miller","When \n John Ingram died in \n Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n important information. So impressed was the \n New England editor and critic \n Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n America, to the \n Alderman Library at the University of\n Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n about Dr. Bransby's school at \n Stoke Newington. He filled the\n intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n if the writer was an American, for \n John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n literary reputation.","II","John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n 1842, at 29 City Road, \n Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n childhood in \n Stoke Newington, the \n London suburb where young Poe had himself\n lived. The \n Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n an autobiographical account to \n Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n read out of Routledge's little volume of \n Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n poet!\"","But \n John Ingram was not destined to become a\n poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n John Ingram's formal education during his\n childhood, until he entered \n Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n at the \n City of London College, his father died,\n and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n an appointment to the \n Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n John Ingram in the \n Reading Room of the British Museum\n Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n literary articles to leading reviews in \n England, \n France, and \n America, and he lectured frequently, for\n pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n business trips through \n Ireland and \n Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n to the \n Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n published in l850. And so, \n John Ingram found his work: he determined\n to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n would present to the world \n Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n assembling materials for a defense of \n Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n minority group of Poe's friends in \n America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n John Henry Ingram of \n Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n world his theory that \n Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n the \n British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n America in the hope of finding there\n friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n of information about what others had written and said about\n Poe. \n Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n Poe's trunk after he died. \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n given to her in l848. \n Edward V. Valentine of \n Richmond, \n William Hand Browne of \n Johns Hopkins University, \n John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n Poe family in \n Baltimore, including \n Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n store of information about Poe. And when \n William Fearing Gill and \n Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n America to \n England, with a few of them, but very\n few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the Broadway Journal that\n Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n particularly in \n America, that he had rather to increase\n sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n life was beginning in \n America, an era brought about principally\n by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n puerile indeed. \n George W. Woodberry, \n Edmund C. Stedman, and \n R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n Tales and Poems of \n Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n and for the \n Tauchnitz Press in \n Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n everywhere.","John Ingram was retired with a pension\n from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n General Post Office. He continued living in \n London with his only remaining sister,\n Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n 1912 Ingram moved his household from \n London to \n Brighton. There for a few years he\n enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n to personal and literary fame, and \n John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n very important, and \n John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n published had brought his name before the world as had his\n publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n the scholarly worlds of \n England and \n America by advertising for sale her\n brother's entire library. Although \n John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n James A. Harrison and \n Killis Campbell, the number of important\n \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n materials from which he had written it would be. More\n important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n University of Virginia early in the summer\n of 1916. Librarian \n John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n London, asking what books and papers\n about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n the entire collection to \n Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n England to \n America, and back again, if need be.\n Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n collection. \n England was at war with \n Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n of English from \n William and Mary came to join the \n University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n his arrival, \n John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n conversation that he had a partial list of \n John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n to enlist President \n Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n from \n Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n the papers to the \n University of Texas.","Professor \n Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n Department of English at the University of\n Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n only after the \n University of Virginia had definitely\n refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n England, came to \n Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n request to ship the papers on approval to \n Virginia. She did not want this\n indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n John Ingram's once enviable collections\n of materials about \n Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n professor, or by the \n University of Texas would have changed the\n fate of the Poe papers.","The \n University of Virginia's correspondence\n about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n and ended by personal letters between \n John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n John Ingram's Poe papers to \n America reached numerous scholars,\n authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n requests to the \n University of Virginia for permission to\n examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n the Poe Collection came from \n J. H. Whitty, \n Richmond book collector and editor of\n Poe's poems, who wrote \n John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n the papers were even then enroute from \n England to the University. This\n information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n Miller, which docked at \n Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n been in \n England for a decade, resolutely refused\n to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n interesting, and at times very exciting. \n John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n John Ingram in l880. And among the\n hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n later, than those from \n Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n John Ingram the fullest account there is\n of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n authorities decide whether or not they should be\n destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n for \n John Ingram, found in this collection,\n are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n nursed \n Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n letters and items of importance. There was the original\n drawing of Poe that \n Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n it to \n John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n hand; letters from \n Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n himself to \n Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n documents from \n Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n sculptor who first persuaded \n Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n Arthur Conan Doyle, \n John Neal, \n Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n letters from Miss \n Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n certain the University would already have them. \n Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n and in time they were received and restored to the\n collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n collection, \n John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n his Poe collection was at home in \n America, and in \n Virginia, where she was sure he would\n have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n manuscript, \"The True Story of \n Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n however, the publisher had himself died, and \n Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n John Ingram considered this last\n biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n papers, making almost all the more important items and\n clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n been directly and heavily indebted."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eJohn Henry Ingram's Poe Collection, Accession #38-135,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"prefercite_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection, Accession #38-135,\n Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n Charlottesville, Va."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n concerning \n Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n by \n John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eSecond Edition by John E. Reilly\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eTo the Memory of John Carl Miller\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIntroduction:\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eIn 1922 the \n University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n University made the Collection available to serious students\n of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n Alderman Library until, in the late\n 1940's, \n John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n his 1954 doctoral dissertation, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's English Biographer,\n John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.\u003c/title\u003e Six\n years later the University published the first edition of\n Professor Miller's \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eJohn Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n of Virginia.\u003c/title\u003e This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n edition. The first of these volumes, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBuilding Poe Biography,\u003c/title\u003e was published by Louisiana State University Press\n in 1977, and the second volume, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's Helen Remembers,\u003c/title\u003e appeared two years later from the \n University Press of Virginia. In\n declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n prepared.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eAt the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n the \n University of Virginia almost two decades\n earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n that the present volume carries to its conclusion.\u003c/p\u003e\n ","\u003cp\u003eThe format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n a brief account of its content.\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n concerning \n Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n by \n John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n University made the Collection available to serious students\n of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n Alderman Library until, in the late\n 1940's, \n John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n his 1954 doctoral dissertation, Poe's English Biographer,\n John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship. Six\n years later the University published the first edition of\n Professor Miller's John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n of Virginia. This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n edition. The first of these volumes, Building Poe Biography, was published by Louisiana State University Press\n in 1977, and the second volume, Poe's Helen Remembers, appeared two years later from the \n University Press of Virginia. In\n declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n the \n University of Virginia almost two decades\n earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n a brief account of its content."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n \n University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1053,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:49.050Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c312"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c411","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Additional Printed, 1853/1916","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c411#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c411","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c411"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c411","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04","parent_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 4. Printed and Speeches, 1906/1946"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_3_resources_206","viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"Additional Printed","title_ssm":["Additional Printed"],"title_tesim":["Additional Printed"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Additional Printed, 1853/1916"],"text":["Additional Printed, 1853/1916","Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 4. Printed and Speeches, 1906/1946","box 283","folder 1","English"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 4. Printed and Speeches, 1906/1946"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 4. Printed and Speeches, 1906/1946"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1853/1916"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1853-1916"],"level_ssm":["File"],"level_ssim":["File"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":4637,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"containers_ssim":["box 283","folder 1"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#410","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:58.310Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_206.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/146110","title_filing_ssi":"Glass, Carter, papers","title_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers"],"title_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1820-1946"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1820-1946"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1820/1946"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"text":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206","Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century","Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims.","The collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence, banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets.","Due to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.","Series 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282.","Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946. In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts. At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.","Carter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\", he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers.","Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities. Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.","Not as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.","Carter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.","Glass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.","Sources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026 Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times","The Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act).","Other topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.","Virginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors; Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.","Miscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.","Among the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt.","There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"collection_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"geogname_ssim":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"places_ssim":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a gift from the Glass family to the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia in 1948."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["141 Cubic Feet 285 document boxes, 3 oversize flat boxes"],"extent_tesim":["141 Cubic Feet 285 document boxes, 3 oversize flat boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence, banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDue to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence, banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets.","Due to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.","Series 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946. In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts. At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCarter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\", he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities. Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.\n \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nCarter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGlass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026amp; Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946. In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts. At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.","Carter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\", he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers.","Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities. Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.","Not as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.","Carter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.","Glass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.","Sources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026 Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 2913, Carter Glass papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 2913, Carter Glass papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOther topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eVirginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors; Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAmong the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act).","Other topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.","Virginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors; Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.","Miscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.","Among the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":4648,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:58.310Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c411"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c412","type":"File","attributes":{"title":"Additional Printed: Speeches and Articles, 1856/1934","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c412#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c412","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c412"],"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c412","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04","parent_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","Series 4. 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Restrictions apply to veterans claims."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"language_ssim":["English"],"date_range_isim":[1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#411","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:58.310Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_206","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_206.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/146110","title_filing_ssi":"Glass, Carter, papers","title_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers"],"title_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1820-1946"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1820-1946"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1820/1946"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"text":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946","MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206","Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century","Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918","This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims.","The collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence, banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets.","Due to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.","Series 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282.","Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946. In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts. At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.","Carter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\", he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers.","Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities. Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.","Not as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.","Carter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.","Glass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.","Sources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026 Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times","The Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act).","Other topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.","Virginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors; Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.","Miscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.","Among the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt.","There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"collection_ssim":["Carter Glass Papers, 1820/1946"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 2913","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/206"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"geogname_ssim":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"places_ssim":["Virginia -- Politics and government -- 20th century"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was a gift from the Glass family to the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia in 1948."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Banks and banking -- United States","Judges -- Selection and appointment","Depressions -- 1929 -- United States","Labor laws and legislation -- United States","World War, 1939-1945","World War, 1914-1918"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["141 Cubic Feet 285 document boxes, 3 oversize flat boxes"],"extent_tesim":["141 Cubic Feet 285 document boxes, 3 oversize flat boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims.\u003c/p\u003e "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research. Restrictions apply to veterans claims."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence, banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDue to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282.\u003c/p\u003e "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged into four series: Series 1. Banking: Subseries banking correspondence, banking printed, Series 2. Correspondence: Subseries legislative, military, political, topical, greeting cards, business and related cards, honors, constituent (patronage, praise),veterans claim (restricted), and veterinary (farming), Series 3. Manuscripts and miscellaneous, Series 4. Printed and miscellaneous: Subseries newspaper clippings, articles, bills, reports and photographs, speeches, and election tickets.","Due to the large size of this collection these categories are meant as general guidelines and some cross over of subjects can be expected throughout the series. Similarly,further searching may be necessary if an area of research is not found in the identified series of the guide, for example military correspondence is located chronologically throughout the collection and as a subseries.","Series 1 Banking Correspondence is in boxes 1-43, 171-177; Banking Printed is in boxes 44-47; Series 2 Correspondence: Legislative Correspondence is in boxes 47-105, 178-180; Military Correspondence is in boxes 105-109; Political Correspondence is in boxes 109-143, 180-183; Topical Correspondence is in boxes 143-169; 183-193; Greeting Cards are in boxes 169-170; Honors are in box 170; Constituent Correspondence is in boxes 194-220; Patronage Correspondence is in boxes 220-249; Praise for Carter Glass is in boxes 250-258; Invitations are in boxes 259-264; Veteran's Claims (restricted) are in boxes 265-268; Veterinarian and farming (cows) are in box 269; Series 3 Manuscripts and Miscellaneous are in box 270; Series 4 Printed(including newspaper articles, photographs, and speeches) are in boxes 271-279; Letterbooks for 1918-1919 are in boxes 281-282."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946. In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts. At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCarter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\", he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities. Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.\n \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eNot as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nCarter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eGlass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026amp; Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times\u003c/p\u003e "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Carter Glass (January 4, 1858 – May 28, 1946) was born on January 4, 1858, in Lynchburg, Virginia, to Robert Henry Glass and Augusta Elizabeth Christian. He became a newspaper publisher (like his father)and after hearing a speech by William Jenning Bryan in 1896, entered politics in 1902 as a Democrat in the United States House of Representatives and was re-elected to eight terms. He was a United States Senator from Lynchburg, Virginia from 1920 until his death in 1946. In 1913, he became Chairman of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, where he worked with President Woodrow Wilson to pass the Glass-Owen Federal Reserve Act and he went on to pass the Glass-Steagall Act in 1932 and the Banking Act in 1933 that made banking more stable in the United States. In 1918, President Wilson appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, where he marketed Victory Liberty Loans for World War I debts. At the 1920 Democratic National Convention Glass was nominated for President of the United States. Many of his supporters have said that at 5'4 inches tall, his speeches and political prowess made him seem larger than life.","Carter Glass became an apprentice printer to his father when he was 13 years old, and continued his education through reading literature in his father's library. At the age of 22, Glass became a reporter, a job he had long sought, for the \"Lynchburg News\". He rose to become the morning newspaper's editor by 1887. After acquiring the afternoon \"Daily Advance\", the competing \"Daily Republican\", he became Lynchburg's sole newspaper publisher. The \"Lynchburg News and Advance\" is the successor publication to his newspapers.","Carter Glass played a major role in the establishment of the U.S. financial regulatory system, helping to establish the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. He co-sponsored the 1933 Banking Act, also known as the Glass–Steagall Act, which created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and enforced the separation of investment banking firms and commercial banks. His banking reforms (Banking Act of 1913, Glass Steagall Act 1932, Banking Act of 1933) earned him gratitude across the country, landing him on the cover of Time Magazine twice, and honoring him with many degrees from universities. Prior to Glass's reforms, the country's banking system was chaotic and regulated by bankers. The Glass-Steagall bill restricted banks from engaging in invesment banking. The country had suffered eight recessions between 1890 and 1914. Portions of the Glass-Steagall bill were repealed in 1999, allowing banks to combine their own investment activity with commercial banking and possibly contributing to the recession in 2008.","Not as well-publicized was Carter Glass's lifelong opposition to voting rights for African Americans. One of Glass's first political exploits was helping craft the revised 1902 Virginia Constitution to bar [African American] citizens from voting. The 1902 Constitution instituted a poll tax and required bulk payment after a voter missed elections, making voting a luxury. The Constitution also required that voters pass a literacy test with their performance graded by the registrar. When questioned as to whether these measures were potentially discriminatory, Glass exclaimed, \"Discrimination! Why that is exactly what we propose. To remove every [African American] voter who can be gotten rid of, legally, without materially impairing the numerical strength of the white electorate.\" Indeed, the number of African Americans qualified to vote dropped from 147,000 to 21,000 immediately. More than 50 years after it was ratified, the Lynchburg senator remained opposed to the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which granted African Americans the right to vote. He said in the 1920's it \"constituted an attempt to destroy white civilization in nearly one-third of the nation and to erect on its ruins an Ethiopian state ignorant, profligate, corrupt, controlled by manumitted slaves.\" Glass was in step with his white constituents in Virginia, where African Americans did not receive equal voting rights until the 1960s. In 1928, during a debate involving prohibition, Glass said, \"people of the original thirteen Southern States curse and deride and spit upon the Fifteenth Amendment — and have no intention of letting the [African American] vote\" all the while maintaining Virginia was complying with the law.","Carter Glass remained one of the strongest advocates of segregation and continued to dedicate much of his political career to the perpetuation of Jim Crow laws in the South. He sponsored massive resistance legislation along with Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd of Winchester, another Virginia newspaperman who shared many of Glass's political views. Both Glass and Byrd were opposed to Roosevelt's New Deal policies. Each was a strong supporter of fiscal conservatism and states' rights. Carter Glass supported President Roosevelt but later criticized his policies, including the New Deal, attempts to pack the Supreme Court, third term presidency, and nominations for Federal Judgeships.","Glass had suffered from ill health throughout his life, and usually walked on tip toes because he believed that would help with his indigestion. He kept his seat in his final term in the Senate even though he was not able to be in attendance. He died in his hotel apartment in Washington, D.C., on May 28, 1946. His funeral in Lynchburg was attended by the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, 11 Senators, 11 House members, and other notables. History remembers Carter Glass as the Father of the Federal Reserve Act but today history also considers his role in the 1902 Constitution that disenfranchised virtually every black voter in the state. The reduction in African American votes helped him politically and put him in a postion to create the banking reform legislation. Nationally, Glass might have been the architect of financial reform that stabilized the nation's banking system, but at home, historian J. Douglas Smith calls him, \"the architect of disenfranchisement in the Old Dominion.\" Harvard University named their business school, Glass House, after Carter Glass achievements in banking, but they have now changed the name to Cash House, for James Cash, the first African American tenured professor at Harvard.","Sources: \nWikipedia\nJoe Stinnett, retired editor of The News \u0026 Advance and The Roanoke Times.\nThe Roanoke Times"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 2913, Carter Glass papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 2913, Carter Glass papers, Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act). \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOther topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eVirginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors; Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAmong the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt.\u003c/p\u003e "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Carter Glass papers, 1820-1946, 141 cubic feet, consist of correspondence, manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, speeches, and printed materials from his work in the Banking and Currency Committee, the Secretary of the Treasury (1918-1920), and the United States Senate (1920-1946). Subjects include: The Federal Reserve Banking Act of 1913, the Federal Reserve system, and the Banking Act of 1933 (1932 Glass-Steagall Act).","Other topics include international, national and state issues reflected in the politics of this time period including opposition to the National Industrial Recovery Act; National Labor Relations Act; Bank Holding Company Bill; Office of Price Administration; World Wars I and II; League of Nations; World Court; Democratic Party platforms and policies; presidential elections of 1912, 1920, 1924, 1928, and 1940; Senator Huey P. Long; Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal; attempted packing of the Supreme Court; neutrality legislation; disarmament; regulation of the coal industry; (business) products and services; child labor; anti-lynching law; immigration restriction (especially Chinese in Hawaii); Muscle Shoals; trade with Russia; diplomatic relations with the Vatican; Four-Power Treaty; soldiers' bonus bill; tariffs and protectionism; and national defense.","Virginia topics of concern to Glass or his constituents include poll tax elimination; African American suffrage; women's suffrage; highways; intrastate commerce; University of Virginia Board of Visitors; Woodrow Wilson Foundation; national Patrick Henry shrine at \"Red Hill\"; gubernatorial election of 1924; Bishop James Cannon, Jr., prohibition and the Anti-saloon League; Skyline Drive; Spotsylvania Battlefield Park; Virginia Fight For Freedom Committee; operation of the Lynchburg News and Advance; and patronage requests from Lynchburg, Roanoke, and Bedford, Campbell, Floyd, Montgomery, and Roanoke Counties, Va.","Miscellaneous items of interest include a letter describing the early life of Booker T. Washington, election tickets for 1848, a 1906 recipe book, and letters concerning Glass' belief in the Baconian theory of Shakespeare authorship.","Among the many correspondents are Edwin A. Alderman, Newton Baker, Ray Stannard Baker, Alben Barkley, Bernard Baruch, William E. Borah, Chester Bowles, John Stewart Bryan, William Jennings Bryan, Harry F. Byrd, Richard E. Byrd, Calvin Coolidge, John W. Daniel, Josephus Daniels, Colgate W. Darden, Westmoreland Davis, Frederic A. Delano, the Democratic National Committee, Marriner S. Eccles, James A. Farley, Henry Ford, Douglas Southall Freeman, James A. Garfield, Samuel Gompers, Cary T. Grayson, Charles S. Hamlin, William P.G. Harding, Warren G. Harding, George L. Harrison, J. Edgar Hoover,Herbert Hoover, Edwin M. House, Cordell Hull, Harold Ickes, Hugh S. Johnson, Jesse Jones, Joseph P. Kennedy, Russell C. Leffingwell, Walter Lippmann, Huey Long, William Gibbs McAdoo, George Walter Mapp, Andrew Mellon, Eugene and Agnes Meyer, Andrew J. Montague, R. Walton Moore, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Robert L. Owen, George C. Peery, Edmund Platt, John Garland Pollard, A. Willis Robertson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Dave E. Satterfield, C. Bascom Slemp, Rixey Smith, Billy Sunday, Claude A. Swanson, Harry S. Truman, Joseph P. Tumulty, Oscar W. Underwood, Samuel Untermeyer, Arthur H. Vandenberg, Robert F. Wagner, Henry A. Wallace, Paul Moritz Warburg, Richard S. Whaley, William Allen White, John Skelton Williams, Henry Parker Willis, , Edith Bolling Wilson, Woodrow Wilson, Clifton A. Woodrum, and Walter Wyatt."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims.\u003c/p\u003e "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions in this collection except for veterans claims."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":4648,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:58.310Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_206_c04_c412"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","hits":1924},"links":{"remove":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1881\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1881\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"A. 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