{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=3","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=2","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=4","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept.\u0026page=196"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":3,"next_page":4,"prev_page":2,"total_pages":196,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":20,"total_count":1956,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1869_c02","type":"Series","attributes":{"title":"Addition to the John Taylor of Caroline papers, 1817/1900","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1869_c02#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains the papers of John Taylor of Caroline (1753-1824) and papers from associated family members. Taylor served in the Continental Army as a major and colonel and would go on to serve in the Virginia House of Delegates from 1779 to 1785 and in the early United States Senate. He became known for his support of Jeffersonian Republicanism, with his work published prolifically over the final three decades of his life. The collection contains twenty-five handwritten documents roughly grouped into three categories: correspondence of John Taylor, legal documents authored by John Taylor, and Taylor family material not authored by John Taylor. 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The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials.\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Content Warning Note:\nThis collection contains racial imagery typical for the time that contemporary viewers may find offensive.\nThis material contains references or imagery involving racism. The purpose of this note is to give users the opportunity to decide whether they need or want to view these materials, or at least, to mentally or emotionally prepare themselves to view the materials."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 2521, Addition to John Taylor of Caroline papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_heading_ssm":["Preferred Citation"],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 2521, Addition to John Taylor of Caroline papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection contains the papers of John Taylor of Caroline (1753-1824) and papers from associated family members. Taylor served in the Continental Army as a major and colonel and would go on to serve in the Virginia House of Delegates from 1779 to 1785 and in the early United States Senate. He became known for his support of Jeffersonian Republicanism, with his work published prolifically over the final three decades of his life. The collection contains twenty-five handwritten documents roughly grouped into three categories: correspondence of John Taylor, legal documents authored by John Taylor, and Taylor family material not authored by John Taylor. Not many of his papers survived so this collection is very rare. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe correspondence of John Taylor contains eleven items dating from 1777 to 1812. Four letters recount Taylor's service as an officer in the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War, in Princeton, New Jersey dating from April to October 1777. Two letters are more personal and one is written to his wife, Lucy, and the other to his son, Henry. 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Scott of Houghton Mifflin Publishing, who were interested in featuring John Taylor in their American Statesmen series.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains the papers of John Taylor of Caroline (1753-1824) and papers from associated family members. Taylor served in the Continental Army as a major and colonel and would go on to serve in the Virginia House of Delegates from 1779 to 1785 and in the early United States Senate. He became known for his support of Jeffersonian Republicanism, with his work published prolifically over the final three decades of his life. The collection contains twenty-five handwritten documents roughly grouped into three categories: correspondence of John Taylor, legal documents authored by John Taylor, and Taylor family material not authored by John Taylor. 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There are letters to and from family members (descendants), and letters from friends or attorneys. There are also two letters that mention a court case related to disease (possibly Cholera) in Port Royal and possible causes directed at Taylor's plans for two dams on his property. There is a March 1898 letter between his grandson John Penn Taylor and W.W. 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Eleanor Crowder Bjoring Center for Nursing Historical Inquiry"],"names_ssim":["The Eleanor Crowder Bjoring Center for Nursing Historical Inquiry"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":794,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_8_resources_216_c27"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c01","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Advertisements, 1850/1905","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c05_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Advertisements","title_ssm":["Advertisements"],"title_tesim":["Advertisements"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Advertisements, 1850/1905"],"text":["Advertisements, 1850/1905","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed","Box Box 37"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1850/1905"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["ca. 1850-1905"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":127,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"extent_ssm":["(2 folders)"],"extent_tesim":["(2 folders)"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 37"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905],"_nest_path_":"/components#4/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n            William G. Harrison, of the \n            University of Virginia, on May 14,\n            1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n         pastorates in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n      "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c02","type":null,"attributes":{"title":"Advertisements, 1850/1905","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c02#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05_c02","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00044_c05_c02"],"id":"viu_viu00044_c05_c02","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00044_c05","parent_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00044","viu_viu00044_c05"],"title_filing_ssi":"Advertisements","title_ssm":["Advertisements"],"title_tesim":["Advertisements"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Advertisements, 1850/1905"],"text":["Advertisements, 1850/1905","Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed","Box Box 38"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","Printed"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1850/1905"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["ca. 1850-1905"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":128,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 38"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905],"_nest_path_":"/components#4/components#1","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00044","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00044","_root_":"viu_viu00044","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00044","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00044.xml","title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"text":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936","3918","16,000 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"collection_ssim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family Papers \n 1787-1936"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["3918"],"unitid_tesim":["3918"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["William Harrison"],"creator_ssim":["William Harrison"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"creators_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was deposited to the Library by \n            William G. Harrison, of the \n            University of Virginia, on May 14,\n            1952."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["16,000 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Bondurant-Morrison Family\n            Papers, Accession 3918, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003ewho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Joseph Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ein 1859. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1836-1910) was a \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003esoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eschools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. His father, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Moseley Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eHampden-Sydney College\u003c/corpname\u003e, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Senate\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e. His oldest son, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Mississippi\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eEmily MacFarland Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFrances (Brown) Morrison\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Va.\u003c/geogname\u003eA copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         \u003cfamname\u003eMorrison family\u003c/famname\u003ematerial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue\u003c/corpname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSubjects included in this collection are farms in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co., Va.\u003c/geogname\u003e, family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham Co.\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eAuburn University\u003c/corpname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003e, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, immigrant land schemes in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, including the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eJames River Valley Immigrant Society\u003c/corpname\u003eand\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Land and Immigrant Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eand the southern \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eUnited States\u003c/geogname\u003e, Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's education at the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eUniversity of North Carolina\u003c/corpname\u003e, his\n         pastorates in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eNorth Carolina\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003ein the South, and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBellevue School\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMost of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVariety Shade\u003c/corpname\u003e, and \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003eto various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. Some of the letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles W. Dabney\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as agriculture.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEmily (Morrison) Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J.Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson\u003c/persname\u003e. Letters to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003ealso wrote to his daughter \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003emention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePolitics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBondurants\u003c/persname\u003ewere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRichmond Whig\u003c/corpname\u003e(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge [P. Bondurant]\u003c/persname\u003e(1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e. A letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge P. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ementions the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eWhig\u003c/corpname\u003eagain and the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eBondurant\u003c/famname\u003einterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE.M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003e(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Lee Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003eto his father \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA.J. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003emention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas M. Bondurant\u003c/persname\u003ewas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJ.T. Bocock\u003c/persname\u003ementions Sen. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFlood\u003c/persname\u003eand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eReligion and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePresbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003eis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e, pastor of \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eNew Providence Presbyterian Church\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRockbridge County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElam J. Morrison\u003c/persname\u003efrom Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Morrison\u003c/persname\u003e(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection consist of ca. 16,000 items, 1787-1936, and\n         contains the papers of the \n         Bondurant familyof \n         Buckingham County, Virginia, and the \n         Morrison familyof \n         Rockbridge County, Virginiawho were\n         related through the marriage of \n         Alexander Joseph Bondurantand \n         Emily MacFarland Morrisonin 1859. \n         Alexander J. Bondurantand \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantwere the chief\n         correspondents in this collection. \n         Alexander J. Bondurant(1836-1910) was a \n         Confederatesoldier, farmer, politician,\n         superintendent of \n         Buckingham County, Va.schools, professor\n         of agriculture at \n         Auburn University, and tobacco consultant\n         to the government of \n         Australia. His father, \n         Thomas Moseley Bondurant(1797-1862), was\n         a landowner, member of the board of trustees of \n         Hampden-Sydney College, a soldier in the\n         War of 1812, a member of the \n         Virginia Senate, and one of the founders\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig. His oldest son, \n         Alexander Lee Bondurant(1865-1937) was\n         professor of Latin and head of the graduate school of the \n         University of Mississippi.","Emily MacFarland Morrison(b. 1837) was\n         the daughter of Rev. \n         James Morrisonand \n         Frances (Brown) Morrisonof \n         Rockbridge County, Va.A copy of her\n         reminiscences can be found in the Rare Books collection (F 231\n         .B65 1944 1962ed). The \n         Morrison familymaterial consists chiefly of\n         the papers of Rev. \n         James Morrison(1797-1870), including\n         correspondence concerning his family, his congregation, and\n         the \n         Presbyterian Church; also included are\n         his seminary and sermon notes from 1815-1874, and diaries and\n         account books for his home, \n         Bellevue.","Subjects included in this collection are farms in \n         Buckingham Co., Va., family affairs, the\n         Civil War, school administration in \n         Buckingham Co., \n         Auburn University, the \n         University of Virginia, mining and\n         mineral rights in \n         Virginia, immigrant land schemes in \n         Virginia, including the \n         James River Valley Immigrant Societyand\n         the \n         Virginia Land and Immigrant Company, \n         Virginiaand national politics, tobacco\n         culture in \n         Australiaand the southern \n         United States, Rev. \n         James Morrison's education at the \n         University of North Carolina, his\n         pastorates in \n         North Carolinaand \n         Virginia, the \n         Presbyterian Churchin the South, and the \n         Bellevue Schoolin \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia.","Most of the personal correspondence in the collection is\n         concerned with family matters. A great deal of the letters\n         discussed agriculture with regard to the family farms,\n         especially \n         Variety Shade, and \n         Alexander J. Bondurant's various\n         agricultural positions and interests. AJB's letters from \n         Australiato various family members\n         spanned the period from 1896 to 1901. These contain some\n         information on agriculture and the culture of \n         Australia. Some of the letters from \n         Charles W. Dabneyto \n         A.J. Bondurant(1881-1898) discuss iron\n         ore and mineral rights in \n         Virginiaas well as agriculture.","The Civil War and its affects is another subject to be\n         found in the correspondence. Letters from \n         Emily (Morrison) Bondurantto \n         Alexander J. Bondurantmention her\n         brothers' war activities and posts (29 Jul, 8 Aug, and 11 Aug\n         1862; 6 [Apr] and 22 Apr 1863; 1 Mar, 28 Mar, 5 Apr 1865). A\n         13 May 1863 letter from \n         Thomas Lee Bondurantto \n         A.J.Bondurantmentions the reaction to the\n         death of General \n         Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson. Letters to \n         E.M. Bondurantfrom \n         A.J. Bondurantmention the war and his\n         desire to support the army (12 Apr, 27 Apr, 26 May 1863). Rev.\n         James Morrisonalso wrote to his daughter \n         E.M. Bondurantabout the war and her\n         brother, \n         Samuel Morrison's appointment as a\n         surgeon in the army (5 Nov 1861, 23 May 1865). Letters to Rev.\n         James Morrisonmention the early rumblings\n         of the Civil War and rumors of secession (25 Jul, 20 Oct, 9\n         Nov, 4 Dec 1860), as well as letters from his sons telling of\n         their posts (20 Feb, 4 Dec 1863; 14 Jan, 21 May 1863).","Politics is also a prominent subject in some of the\n         correspondence. The \n         Bondurantswere active in the publishing\n         of the \n         Richmond Whig(est. 1824) and it is\n         mentioned in a few letters. \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions that \n         George [P. Bondurant](1838-1886) wanted\n         to leave the management of the paper to \n         A.J. Bondurant. \n         Thomas M. Bondurantmentions the paper in\n         a letter (19 Nov 1857) to his son \n         A.J. Bondurant. A letter from \n         George P. Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmentions the \n         Whigagain and the \n         Bondurantinterests in the paper (22 Mar\n         1896). Local and national politics is found in several letters\n         from \n         E.M. Bondurantto \n         A.J. Bondurant(26 Jul, 27 Sep, 8, 11, 31\n         Oct 1896). Letters from \n         Alexander Lee Bondurantto his father \n         A.J. Bondurantmention local politics and\n         the race for the legislature (25 Oct 1887, 7 May 1889). \n         Thomas M. Bondurantwas also concerned\n         with local politics; a letter from \n         J.T. Bocockmentions Sen. \n         Floodand local tax collecting practices\n         and the justice system and how they could be changed (8 Jan\n         1834).","Religion and the \n         Presbyterian Churchis also a prominent\n         subject in the correspondence of Rev. \n         James Morrison, pastor of \n         New Providence Presbyterian Church, \n         Rockbridge County, Virginia. The letters\n         from Rev. \n         Elam J. Morrisonfrom Rev. \n         James Morrison(1820-1826) are concerned\n         with family matters, friends in the ministry, questions and\n         and advice about the ministry, the Presbytery and synods.\n         Letters to Rev. \n         James Morrison(1813-1863, n.d.) contain\n         many similar topics and include family letters and letters\n         from friends and relatives in the ministry."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc\u003e\u003c/physloc\u003e\n      "],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church"],"famname_ssim":["Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant"],"persname_ssim":["William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","University of Virginia","Confederate","Auburn University","Hampden-Sydney College","Virginia Senate","Richmond Whig","University of Mississippi","Presbyterian Church","Bellevue","James River Valley Immigrant Society","Virginia Land and Immigrant Company","University of North Carolina","Bellevue School","Variety Shade","Whig","New Providence Presbyterian Church","Bondurant family","Morrison family","Bondurant","William Harrison","William G. Harrison","Alexander Joseph Bondurant","Emily MacFarland Morrison","Alexander J. Bondurant","Emily (Morrison) Bondurant","Thomas Moseley Bondurant","Alexander Lee Bondurant","James Morrison","Frances (Brown) Morrison","Charles W. Dabney","A.J. Bondurant","Thomas Lee Bondurant","A.J.Bondurant","Thomas \"Stonewall\" Jackson","E.M. Bondurant","Samuel Morrison","Bondurants","George [P. Bondurant]","Thomas M. Bondurant","George P. Bondurant","J.T. Bocock","Flood","Elam J. Morrison"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":268,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00044_c05_c02"}},{"id":"viu_viu00017_c04_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Advertisements., 1874/1905","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00017_c04_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00017_c04_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00017_c04_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00017_c04_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00017","_root_":"viu_viu00017","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00017_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00017_c04","parent_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Miscellaneous"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00017","viu_viu00017_c04"],"title_filing_ssi":"Advertisements.","title_ssm":["Advertisements."],"title_tesim":["Advertisements."],"normalized_title_ssm":["Advertisements., 1874/1905"],"text":["Advertisements., 1874/1905","Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Miscellaneous","Box Box 5"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Miscellaneous"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Miscellaneous"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1874/1905"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1874-1905, n.d."],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[2],"sort_isi":38,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"containers_ssim":["Box Box 5"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00017","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00017","_root_":"viu_viu00017","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00017","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00017.xml","title_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"title_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"text":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive","Collection number 116","2100 items","Collection is open to research.","Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities","This collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n         consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n         miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n         Davis Family, \n         Saunders Family, and \n         Watts Family. Large portions of the\n         correspondence belong to \n         William Wattsand \n         Fleming Saunders. Included with the\n         correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n         Frank Prufer. The business papers include\n         accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n         chiefly pertaining to \n         William Wattsand \n         Fleming Saunders, but also various\n         members of these families. The legal papers include court\n         dockets and memoranda of \n         William Watts, documents, and wills.\n         There are various legal papers of \n         William Wattspertaining to \n         Virginiacounties including \n         Amelia County, \n         Amherst County, \n         Buckingham County, \n         Campbell County, \n         Cumberland County, \n         Prince Edward County. The miscellaneous\n         material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n         photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n         bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n         journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n         arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n         inside arranged chronologically.","Correspondence","From the correspondence of the \n         Davis Family, \n         Saunders Family, and related families,\n         1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n         30, 1800, from \n         Louisa County, which advises the\n         recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n         the \n         Kingdom of God. A letter dated April 2,\n         1812 from \n         James Raylandto his sister mentions that\n         his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n         help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n         Mount Pleasant, indicates that \"Mary\n         thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n         requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n         Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n         Pleasant Milkhillneeds brandy, and asks\n         that it be sent with \n         David(probably a slave) for there is none\n         at \n         Bethel. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n         at \n         Bleak Hillsmakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n         [Roanoke County, or \n         John Randolph's estate \"Roanoke\"?].","From their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n         letter to \n         Sam Tyree, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n         student: \n         [Sam L. Preston?]complaining that he can\n         not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n         a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n         Trinity and Ivy Chapelin \n         Boonsboro, Bedford Countyto a Mr.\n         Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n         There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n         size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n         to see.\"","Among the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n         dated November 17 to \n         \"Carter\" [Saunders?], by a female who\n         mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n         letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n         Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n         a \n         Sam K. Jenny, probably a doctor of\n         medicine, which mentions that \n         William Greenattended a man named\n         Barnhart to \n         Bedfordso Jenny could prescribe to his\n         case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"","From the correspondence of \n         Eva (Smith) Saunders, dated 1868-1894,\n         there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n         The Grovewhich mentions that while Eva\n         passed her exams--her brother \n         Fleming Saunders IIIdid not. A letter,\n         August 2, 1892, to \n         Eva Saundersfrom \n         M. Natalie Manson, at \n         Wintore, speaks of school and Latin.\n         There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n         Florence, Italyto Eva, mentioning that\n         there is no silver in \n         Italyfor the English and French are\n         buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n         carry,\" seeing the works of \n         Donatoand \n         Brunelleschiand the \n         Medici Chapel, and the \n         \"Brothers of Pity\"who wear black robes\n         and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n         letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n         book to \n         May Begg, \"a literary courtship under the\n         auspices of \n         Pike's Peak. \" \n         Fleming Saunders IIIat \n         Randolph-Macon Academyin \n         Bedfordwrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n         saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n         congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n         doing better.","Among the \n         Eva Saundersundated correspondence, there\n         is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n         little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n         dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n         and concerns her ordered blouses.","From the correspondence of \n         Fleming Saundersand \n         Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders, 1858-1879, a\n         letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n         Peter Saunders, Jr., \n         Bleak Hill, says that his tobacco crop\n         has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n         Jeanie Edmond, \n         Hudson Lodge, makes a reference to the \n         Jubilee Singerstraveling to raise money\n         for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n         acquaintances visiting \n         England, mentioning a \"public worship\n         bill\" in \n         Parliament, and one acquaintance having\n         an appointment with the Bishop of \n         Melbourne; and to visiting \n         Australia. In a postcard dated August 21,\n         1879, \n         W. A. Alrichasks \n         Fleming Saunders' opinion as to the next\n         \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n         alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n         that Mrs. \n         C[harles] Dabneyhas a fine little\n         daughter.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n         there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n         Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n         give the same salary as before. \n         Peter Saunderswrites from \n         Bleak Hillon January 19, 1881 saying that\n         he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n         Virgina Midland [Rail] Road, and does not\n         think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n         director on the \n         Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n         W. A. Alrichwrites from \n         Emanuel Rectory, \n         Chatham, Virginia, on February 16, 1882,\n         saying he is glad that the \n         Saunders' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n         Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n         Ellen Boulder, a school teacher, writes\n         to \n         Mary Saundersfrom \n         Drake's Branchon March 18, 1889,\n         mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n         June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n         [Peter Saunders], \n         Bleak Hill, writes \n         Fleming Saunders, on October 26, 1891\n         mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n         alliance such as the \n         Grange?].","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n         Fleming Saunders IIIwrites to his parents\n         from \n         Randolph-Macon Academyin \n         Bedfordon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n         is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n         the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n         girls than studying. \n         James F. Plummerwrites to Captain\n         Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n         saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n         of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n         tested. \n         Peter Saunderswrites to Fleming from \n         Bleak Hill, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n         the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n         in the \n         Democratic Party, and discussing briefly\n         possible effects on the present financial situation.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n         there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n         Edward Watts Saunders, while serving in\n         the \n         Virginia House of Delegates. \n         William W. Oldwrites to Fleming on\n         February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n         the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n         method of finalizing the transaction. \n         E. W. Saunderswrites to Fleming on\n         January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n         \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n         Alice [Saunders]at \n         Hollins, Virginia, to her aunt Saunders\n         refers to the Roman poet \n         Virgil. She writes to her mother on March\n         12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n         Caesarand that he had been in the second\n         book of \n         Virgil.","In the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n         D. Saunderswrites to his mother from \n         Randolph-Macon Academyon February 10,\n         saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n         spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n         previously boxing.","In the correspondence of \n         William Watts, 1754-1784, there is a\n         letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n         General Assemblyin \n         Williamsburg. \n         Samuel Dilworthwrites on June 2, 1783\n         from \n         Blanfordmentioning the problem of\n         collecting debts owed to the British. \n         Thomas Baldwin, Jr.writes on December 22,\n         1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n         $18.","In the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n         16, 1785, from \n         William Roachinforms Watts that while \n         Peter Kernis employing Watts in a matter\n         between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n         matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n         Arthur Campbell, a candidate for the\n         senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n         asking for Watts' support. \n         Edward Grahamof \n         Bedford, writes on December 20, 1792,\n         mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n         Horaceand sending the boy a copy of \n         Cicerowhich would supply \"the means of\n         raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n         and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n         soon be studying science.","In the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n         Duncan Rosewrites from \n         Petersburg, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n         Buchanan's Hartie and Companyhas been\n         doing business in \n         Great Britainand is waiting for a\n         successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n         be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n         Franceand \n         Britainat this time: \n         George Hancockwrites to Watts in 1794\n         mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n         ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n         by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n         U.S., and referring to Mr. \n         [James] Madison's arguments whereas he\n         conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n         Creed Taylorwrites on May 11, 1795,\n         concerning some bonds. \n         William Vannersonwrites, on October 30,\n         1795, from \n         Petersburgmentioning a British war sloop\n         in \n         Norfolk, Virginiaand the order for\n         carrying American bottoms bound for \n         Franceinto British ports with invoice\n         being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n         has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n         $27 per barrel.","In Watts' correspondence with \n         Edward Randolph, 1796-1797, Randolph\n         writes from \n         Richmondon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n         on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n         with \n         Thomas F. Scott, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n         on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n         British debts. In the correspondence of \n         William Wattswith \n         John Watts, 1784-1800, John writes to\n         William in April 1784 from \n         Lincoln County, Virginia(now \n         Kentucky), concerning apprehension about\n         a possible Indian war in the \n         Northwest Territories. John says that\n         while the lands in \n         Kentuckyare good, the inconveniences are\n         many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n         surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.","Business Papers","There are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n         beginning November 16, 1762, with \n         George Kippen \u0026 Co.at their store in \n         Goochland, Virginia, lists \n         John Gilliamas having ordered a dozen\n         flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n         list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n         A. Watts, on which is listed a\n         £0.2.0 debt to \n         Mary Petillo, the only woman on the list,\n         and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n         William Skipwith. The account of \n         Thomas Eastwith \n         Archelaus Austinfrom November 15, 1771,\n         consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n         entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n         of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n         Vaughn with \n         Edward Wattslists various quantities of\n         rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n         1779-1794, of the estate of \n         Nathaniel Davis, including an entry for\n         1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n         1784 for half of hire of \n         Jacob. There is a section, \"Accts\n         Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n         and half share for \n         Jacob, and another for dinner at the\n         courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n         James Daviswith \n         Daniel Warwick, dating 1799-1803, with\n         references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n         materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n         Elizabeth Davis' account beginning May\n         31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n         material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n         James Daviswith \n         Rowland P. Bankslists \"163 days tuition\n         at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n         1826, of Capt. \n         James Daviswith \n         Thomas Pleasants, has lists orders for\n         cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n         Judge Saunders, of \n         Lynchburg, Virginia, orders castor oil,\n         ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n         but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n         James Daviswhich contains an entry for\n         imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n         from Mrs. Eubank.","The accounts of \n         Williams Wattsspan 1752-1797. There is\n         also a hotel account with \n         Charles Williamsonwith entries dating\n         1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n         clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n         Betty Tuckerand \n         Betty Kirkland, both beginning September\n         10, 1767, and Capt. \n         Joseph Tucker, 1767-1769. Watts has\n         accounts, 1768, with \n         John Brittanfor a waistcoat, shoes,\n         stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n         building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n         20, 1771, with \n         Miller Woodsonwith an entry of May 16,\n         1772 listing a \n         Patrick Henry. There is a document which\n         contains information on the estate of \n         William Randolph. There is another\n         lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n         Watts with \n         Charles Williams. There is an account\n         beginning March 9, 1778, with \n         William Kirklandwhich includes listings\n         for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n         with \n         Frederick Nancementions a violin and a\n         set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n         1787, with \n         Robert Wilsonordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n         and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n         Edward McDonaldwith \n         William Watts, there is the note of the\n         hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n         Charles Smith, there is a note for the\n         finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n         There are two medical bills, one with \n         George Martin, beginning January 14,\n         1794, and one with Doctor \n         Graham, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n         October 1797, Watts had an account with \n         George Quillefor the hire of a Negro.\n         There is an undated account of \n         W. Walter Spencewith Watts for the hire\n         of a Negro for eight months.","Promissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n         There are several items concerned with the estate of \n         John Flemingand include an entry for\n         February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n         George Martinand Watts there is an\n         agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n         wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n         James Davishas a note dated 1803 with the\n         Sheriff of \n         Amherst Countyfor tax on four Negroes,\n         four horses, and five tithes. \n         Elizabeth Davishas a note dated 1816 for\n         tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n         December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n         Negro man by \n         James Davisfrom \n         J. Wrightfor \n         Lavinia Wright. There is a 1840 note from\n         Charles Davisto the Sheriff of \n         Amherstfor tax on six Negroes and six\n         horses.","Legal Papers","There are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n         kept by \n         William Wattsin his capacity as a lawyer.\n         In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n         Buckingham Countycourt, there is an entry\n         for detinue for Negro woman named \n         Agge. From the memo for the April 1772\n         court at \n         Lunenburg County, \n         Thomas Taylorand his wife have a suit\n         against a Hurt for a Negro in \n         Amelia. There is also a list of debts\n         owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n         there are court dockets from \n         Amelia Countyand \n         Lunenburg Countyfrom 1771-1782. A number\n         of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n         book with the signatures of William and \n         Edward Watts, which includes a record of \n         William Watts' court expenses. There are\n         also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n         Buckingham County, \n         Amelia, \n         Cumberland County, and \n         Prince Edward Countyas well as for \n         Williamsburg, Virginia. There is another\n         1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n         Amelia County, \n         Cumberland County, and \n         Buckingham County.","The indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n         there is an agreement between \n         Benjamin Tambroand \n         Ayres Hodnettof \n         Buckinghamin regard to the former's son, \n         John Tambro, to be apprentice to the\n         latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n         indenture between Watts and \n         William Ford. From September 17, 1768,\n         there is an agreement between \n         Abraham Westand \n         John Blankenshipof \n         Prince Edward. On November 17, 1772,\n         there is an agreement between \n         John Lewallenof \n         Amelia Countyand \n         James and Robert Donalds and Company,\n         Merchants of \n         Glasgow. On September 15, 1778, there is\n         an agreement between \n         David Wrightof \n         Botetourtand \n         Alexander Paineof the same concerning a\n         land dispute in the area where the \n         Roanoke Riverand \n         Tinker Creek.","The will, December 25, 1745, of \n         Thomas Pattersonof \n         Albemarle County, names his slaves and\n         divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n         his land in \n         Goochland Countybe known as \n         \"Locust Thicket.\"Margery Hinshawcontested the will of \n         Samuel Hinshawdated March 1758 with \n         [Cedw] Gibsonon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n         had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n         daughter \n         Elizabeth Hinshaw, and the latter's\n         children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n         will of \n         Thomas Bottomof \n         Ameliadated May 10, 1760 divides his\n         slaves which are named between his three daughters.","A folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n         inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n         John Eubankmentions prices for his\n         Negroes: £300 for a man named \n         Jacob, £200 for a man named \n         Joe, £10 for a woman named \n         Hannah, £20 for a girl named \n         Lolly, and £0 for a girl named\n         Caroline. There is also a list of tickets\n         of ommission paid by \n         William Watts, attorney. Among the legal\n         papers of \n         Amelia County, 1768 through 1789\n         including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n         states that \n         Sarah Tinkeron December 6, 1781 gave her\n         son-in-law \n         John Tuckeran ailing Negro named \n         Neduntil the latter gets well whereas he\n         will be returned to \n         Sarah Tucker. In an undated document, \n         George Vaughnyields up title/right of two\n         Negroes--named \n         Frankand \n         Phoebe--to son-in-law \n         John Norris--formerly given to grandson \n         John Norrisby a deed dated October 2,\n         1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n         son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n         annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n         Campbell Countypapers, Justice \n         Adam Clementsays that \n         Charles Gilbertof \n         Campbellon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n         Negro slave \n         Jack--property of Watts of \n         Prince Edward County--ran away and was\n         found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n         Prince Edward, \n         Edward Wattssold to \n         William Wattseight Negro slaves: \n         True, \n         James, \n         Winnie, \n         Peter, \n         Sarah, \n         Betty, \n         Rachel, and \n         Docon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n         account of Dr. \n         M. John Kingwith the sheriff of \n         Lunenburgwhich has an entry dating 1769:\n         the former is in account with \n         [John] Eppsfor four lbs. of tobacco at\n         £0.5.1.","Miscellaneous","Among the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n         September 20, 1871 from the \n         Omaha, Nebraska Lotteryfor the building\n         of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n         Cox and Sons Church Furnitureshows a\n         garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n         James Garfield. There is an undated\n         letter to Mrs. \n         Fleming Saundersasking for a subscription\n         to the \n         Graphic,a ladies society\n         magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n         George Munro, Publishers. There is also a\n         broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n         English poetry pertaining to \n         Christ's birth dating from the medieval\n         period.","The church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n         from \n         Virginia Polytechnic Instituteto the \n         Saundersasking for aid for the building of\n         an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n         enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n         from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n         of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n         There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n         listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n         service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n         faith.","Civil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n         there are a number of furloughs issued to \n         Confederateenlisted men in \n         Virginia, each with a physical\n         description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n         concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n         a company of the \n         13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers.\n         There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n         ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n         Fleming Saunders, assistant\n         quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.","The educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n         a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n         from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n         \"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\",\n         September 6, 1877, by \n         John Randolph Tuckerof \n         Virginia. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n         for the \n         Edgeworth School, a church-related\n         boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n         1895 grade report from \n         Virginia Polytechnic Institute(formerly \n         Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College) for \n         Fleming Saunders, III. There is a fall\n         term 1902 grade report from \n         Hollins Collegefor \n         Elsie Saunders. There is another VPI\n         grade report, from February 1903, for \n         Carter Temple Saunders. There is a report\n         from \n         St. Timothy's Schoolof \n         Catonsville, Maryland. Another undated\n         piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n         There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n         algebra.","There are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n         and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n         1794 from \n         Edward Watts; another lecture on motive\n         dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n         1843.","Miscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n         marriage of Capt. \n         Fleming Saundersto \n         Mary Gwathmeyon July 30.","The obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n         Fleming Saunders, Sr, a reprint of the\n         1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n         Alice Fleming--and the 1904 obituary of \n         Peter Saunders. The obituaries of\n         Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n         transcribed by \n         John Blair Dabney.","The photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n         young member of the \n         Saunders familyand undated photo cards of\n         liturgical furniture.","Bound Volumes","The Day Books include a day book from \n         Maple Creek Millsdating from 1842. There\n         is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n         agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n         in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n         Richmond, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n         18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n         Lee Monumental Association. Also present\n         is a $1 donation from \n         Alex Berkeleyof \n         Yellow Branch, Virginia. There are also\n         farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.","A card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n         which is based on the kings of \n         Englandwho reigned down to its date, is\n         also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n         cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n         nature.","The Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n         Fleming Saunders, includes employees,\n         supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n         The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n         data.","The \n         Otter River TownshipRecord Book dates\n         from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n         entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n         road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n         expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n         materials bought. One entry notes that \n         B. H. Anthony, overseer of the poor,\n         sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n         the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n         and 1875 meetings, \n         Fleming Saundersis mentioned as road\n         overseer in certain districts.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n                  Service","New York Public\n                  Library","University of Virginia\n                  Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family","William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n                  Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n                  Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"collection_ssim":["Irvine-Saunders Family Papers \n 1745-1910 Inclusive"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Collection number 116"],"unitid_tesim":["Collection number 116"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Collector: \n         William H. Irvine"],"creator_ssim":["Collector: \n         William H. Irvine"],"creator_persname_ssim":["William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n                  Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n                  Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n                  Service","New York Public\n                  Library","University of Virginia\n                  Volunteers"],"creator_famname_ssim":["Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"creators_ssim":["William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n                  Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n                  Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb","University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n                  Service","New York Public\n                  Library","University of Virginia\n                  Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection (# \n            116) was loaned to the Library\n            by \n            William H. Irvineof \n            Evington, Virginiaon September 15,\n            1938."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["2100 items"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eIrvine-Saunders Family\n            Papers, Accession 116, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Irvine-Saunders Family\n            Papers, Accession 116, Special Collections Department, University of\n         Virginia Library"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eFunded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Funding Note"],"processinfo_tesim":["Funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment\n            for the Humanities"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n         consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n         miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eDavis Family\u003c/famname\u003e, \n         \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders Family\u003c/famname\u003e, and \n         \u003cfamname\u003eWatts Family\u003c/famname\u003e. Large portions of the\n         correspondence belong to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. Included with the\n         correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFrank Prufer\u003c/persname\u003e. The business papers include\n         accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n         chiefly pertaining to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, but also various\n         members of these families. The legal papers include court\n         dockets and memoranda of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, documents, and wills.\n         There are various legal papers of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003epertaining to \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003ecounties including \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003e. The miscellaneous\n         material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n         photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n         bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n         journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n         arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n         inside arranged chronologically.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCorrespondence\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eDavis Family\u003c/famname\u003e, \n         \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders Family\u003c/famname\u003e, and related families,\n         1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n         30, 1800, from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eLouisa County\u003c/geogname\u003e, which advises the\n         recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eKingdom of God\u003c/corpname\u003e. A letter dated April 2,\n         1812 from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Rayland\u003c/persname\u003eto his sister mentions that\n         his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n         help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eMount Pleasant\u003c/geogname\u003e, indicates that \"Mary\n         thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n         requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n         Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n         \u003ccorpname\u003ePleasant Milkhill\u003c/corpname\u003eneeds brandy, and asks\n         that it be sent with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eDavid\u003c/persname\u003e(probably a slave) for there is none\n         at \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBethel\u003c/corpname\u003e. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n         at \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hills\u003c/corpname\u003emakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n         [Roanoke County, or \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e's estate \"Roanoke\"?].\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFrom their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n         letter to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSam Tyree\u003c/persname\u003e, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n         student: \n         \u003cpersname\u003e[Sam L. Preston?]\u003c/persname\u003ecomplaining that he can\n         not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n         a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eTrinity and Ivy Chapel\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBoonsboro, Bedford County\u003c/geogname\u003eto a Mr.\n         Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n         There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n         size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n         to see.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n         dated November 17 to \n         \u003cpersname\u003e\"Carter\" [Saunders?]\u003c/persname\u003e, by a female who\n         mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n         letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n         Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n         a \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSam K. Jenny\u003c/persname\u003e, probably a doctor of\n         medicine, which mentions that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Green\u003c/persname\u003eattended a man named\n         Barnhart to \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003eso Jenny could prescribe to his\n         case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEva (Smith) Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, dated 1868-1894,\n         there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eThe Grove\u003c/corpname\u003ewhich mentions that while Eva\n         passed her exams--her brother \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003edid not. A letter,\n         August 2, 1892, to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEva Saunders\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n         \u003cpersname\u003eM. Natalie Manson\u003c/persname\u003e, at \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eWintore\u003c/corpname\u003e, speaks of school and Latin.\n         There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eFlorence, Italy\u003c/geogname\u003eto Eva, mentioning that\n         there is no silver in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eItaly\u003c/geogname\u003efor the English and French are\n         buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n         carry,\" seeing the works of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eDonato\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBrunelleschi\u003c/persname\u003eand the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eMedici Chapel\u003c/corpname\u003e, and the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003e\"Brothers of Pity\"\u003c/corpname\u003ewho wear black robes\n         and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n         letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n         book to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eMay Begg\u003c/persname\u003e, \"a literary courtship under the\n         auspices of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePike's Peak\u003c/geogname\u003e. \" \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003eat \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003ewrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n         saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n         congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n         doing better.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEva Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eundated correspondence, there\n         is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n         little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n         dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n         and concerns her ordered blouses.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the correspondence of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eMary (Gwathmey) Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, 1858-1879, a\n         letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, says that his tobacco crop\n         has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJeanie Edmond\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eHudson Lodge\u003c/corpname\u003e, makes a reference to the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eJubilee Singers\u003c/corpname\u003etraveling to raise money\n         for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n         acquaintances visiting \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003e, mentioning a \"public worship\n         bill\" in \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eParliament\u003c/corpname\u003e, and one acquaintance having\n         an appointment with the Bishop of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eMelbourne\u003c/geogname\u003e; and to visiting \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAustralia\u003c/geogname\u003e. In a postcard dated August 21,\n         1879, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eW. A. Alrich\u003c/persname\u003easks \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e' opinion as to the next\n         \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n         alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n         that Mrs. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eC[harles] Dabney\u003c/persname\u003ehas a fine little\n         daughter.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n         there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n         Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n         give the same salary as before. \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003eon January 19, 1881 saying that\n         he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirgina Midland [Rail] Road\u003c/corpname\u003e, and does not\n         think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n         director on the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eFranklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company\u003c/corpname\u003e, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n         \u003cpersname\u003eW. A. Alrich\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eEmanuel Rectory\u003c/corpname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eChatham, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, on February 16, 1882,\n         saying he is glad that the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders\u003c/famname\u003e' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n         Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEllen Boulder\u003c/persname\u003e, a school teacher, writes\n         to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eMary Saunders\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eDrake's Branch\u003c/geogname\u003eon March 18, 1889,\n         mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n         June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n         \u003cpersname\u003e[Peter Saunders]\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, writes \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, on October 26, 1891\n         mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n         alliance such as the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eGrange\u003c/corpname\u003e?].\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders III\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to his parents\n         from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003eon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n         is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n         the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n         girls than studying. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames F. Plummer\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Captain\n         Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n         saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n         of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n         tested. \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBleak Hill\u003c/corpname\u003e, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n         the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n         in the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eDemocratic Party\u003c/corpname\u003e, and discussing briefly\n         possible effects on the present financial situation.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n         there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, while serving in\n         the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia House of Delegates\u003c/corpname\u003e. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam W. Old\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming on\n         February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n         the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n         method of finalizing the transaction. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eE. W. Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Fleming on\n         January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n         \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlice [Saunders]\u003c/persname\u003eat \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eHollins, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, to her aunt Saunders\n         refers to the Roman poet \n         \u003cpersname\u003eVirgil\u003c/persname\u003e. She writes to her mother on March\n         12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCaesar\u003c/persname\u003eand that he had been in the second\n         book of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eVirgil\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eD. Saunders\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to his mother from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eRandolph-Macon Academy\u003c/corpname\u003eon February 10,\n         saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n         spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n         previously boxing.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the correspondence of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, 1754-1784, there is a\n         letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eGeneral Assembly\u003c/corpname\u003ein \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eWilliamsburg\u003c/geogname\u003e. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Dilworth\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on June 2, 1783\n         from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBlanford\u003c/corpname\u003ementioning the problem of\n         collecting debts owed to the British. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Baldwin, Jr.\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on December 22,\n         1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n         $18.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n         16, 1785, from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Roach\u003c/persname\u003einforms Watts that while \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Kern\u003c/persname\u003eis employing Watts in a matter\n         between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n         matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eArthur Campbell\u003c/persname\u003e, a candidate for the\n         senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n         asking for Watts' support. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Graham\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBedford\u003c/geogname\u003e, writes on December 20, 1792,\n         mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n         \u003cpersname\u003eHorace\u003c/persname\u003eand sending the boy a copy of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCicero\u003c/persname\u003ewhich would supply \"the means of\n         raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n         and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n         soon be studying science.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eDuncan Rose\u003c/persname\u003ewrites from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePetersburg\u003c/geogname\u003e, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n         \u003ccorpname\u003eBuchanan's Hartie and Company\u003c/corpname\u003ehas been\n         doing business in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eGreat Britain\u003c/geogname\u003eand is waiting for a\n         successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n         be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n         \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBritain\u003c/geogname\u003eat this time: \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Hancock\u003c/persname\u003ewrites to Watts in 1794\n         mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n         ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n         by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n         U.S., and referring to Mr. \n         \u003cpersname\u003e[James] Madison\u003c/persname\u003e's arguments whereas he\n         conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCreed Taylor\u003c/persname\u003ewrites on May 11, 1795,\n         concerning some bonds. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Vannerson\u003c/persname\u003ewrites, on October 30,\n         1795, from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePetersburg\u003c/geogname\u003ementioning a British war sloop\n         in \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eNorfolk, Virginia\u003c/corpname\u003eand the order for\n         carrying American bottoms bound for \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eFrance\u003c/geogname\u003einto British ports with invoice\n         being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n         has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n         $27 per barrel.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn Watts' correspondence with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e, 1796-1797, Randolph\n         writes from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRichmond\u003c/geogname\u003eon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n         on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n         with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas F. Scott\u003c/persname\u003e, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n         on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n         British debts. In the correspondence of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, 1784-1800, John writes to\n         William in April 1784 from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eLincoln County, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e(now \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003e), concerning apprehension about\n         a possible Indian war in the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eNorthwest Territories\u003c/corpname\u003e. John says that\n         while the lands in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eKentucky\u003c/geogname\u003eare good, the inconveniences are\n         many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n         surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBusiness Papers\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThere are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n         beginning November 16, 1762, with \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eGeorge Kippen \u0026amp; Co.\u003c/corpname\u003eat their store in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eGoochland, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, lists \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Gilliam\u003c/persname\u003eas having ordered a dozen\n         flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n         list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eA. Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, on which is listed a\n         £0.2.0 debt to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eMary Petillo\u003c/persname\u003e, the only woman on the list,\n         and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Skipwith\u003c/persname\u003e. The account of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas East\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n         \u003cpersname\u003eArchelaus Austin\u003c/persname\u003efrom November 15, 1771,\n         consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n         entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n         of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n         Vaughn with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003elists various quantities of\n         rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n         1779-1794, of the estate of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eNathaniel Davis\u003c/persname\u003e, including an entry for\n         1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n         1784 for half of hire of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a section, \"Accts\n         Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n         and half share for \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e, and another for dinner at the\n         courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n         \u003cpersname\u003eDaniel Warwick\u003c/persname\u003e, dating 1799-1803, with\n         references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n         materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Davis\u003c/persname\u003e' account beginning May\n         31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n         material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n         \u003cpersname\u003eRowland P. Banks\u003c/persname\u003elists \"163 days tuition\n         at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n         1826, of Capt. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Pleasants\u003c/persname\u003e, has lists orders for\n         cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n         Judge Saunders, of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eLynchburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, orders castor oil,\n         ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n         but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ewhich contains an entry for\n         imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n         from Mrs. Eubank.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe accounts of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliams Watts\u003c/persname\u003espan 1752-1797. There is\n         also a hotel account with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Williamson\u003c/persname\u003ewith entries dating\n         1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n         clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBetty Tucker\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBetty Kirkland\u003c/persname\u003e, both beginning September\n         10, 1767, and Capt. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJoseph Tucker\u003c/persname\u003e, 1767-1769. Watts has\n         accounts, 1768, with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Brittan\u003c/persname\u003efor a waistcoat, shoes,\n         stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n         building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n         20, 1771, with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eMiller Woodson\u003c/persname\u003ewith an entry of May 16,\n         1772 listing a \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePatrick Henry\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a document which\n         contains information on the estate of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Randolph\u003c/persname\u003e. There is another\n         lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n         Watts with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Williams\u003c/persname\u003e. There is an account\n         beginning March 9, 1778, with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Kirkland\u003c/persname\u003ewhich includes listings\n         for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n         with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFrederick Nance\u003c/persname\u003ementions a violin and a\n         set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n         1787, with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eRobert Wilson\u003c/persname\u003eordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n         and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward McDonald\u003c/persname\u003ewith \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, there is the note of the\n         hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Smith\u003c/persname\u003e, there is a note for the\n         finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n         There are two medical bills, one with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Martin\u003c/persname\u003e, beginning January 14,\n         1794, and one with Doctor \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGraham\u003c/persname\u003e, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n         October 1797, Watts had an account with \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Quille\u003c/persname\u003efor the hire of a Negro.\n         There is an undated account of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eW. Walter Spence\u003c/persname\u003ewith Watts for the hire\n         of a Negro for eight months.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePromissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n         There are several items concerned with the estate of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Fleming\u003c/persname\u003eand include an entry for\n         February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Martin\u003c/persname\u003eand Watts there is an\n         agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n         wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003ehas a note dated 1803 with the\n         Sheriff of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst County\u003c/geogname\u003efor tax on four Negroes,\n         four horses, and five tithes. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Davis\u003c/persname\u003ehas a note dated 1816 for\n         tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n         December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n         Negro man by \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Davis\u003c/persname\u003efrom \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJ. Wright\u003c/persname\u003efor \n         \u003cpersname\u003eLavinia Wright\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a 1840 note from\n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Davis\u003c/persname\u003eto the Sheriff of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmherst\u003c/geogname\u003efor tax on six Negroes and six\n         horses.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLegal Papers\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThere are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n         kept by \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003ein his capacity as a lawyer.\n         In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003ecourt, there is an entry\n         for detinue for Negro woman named \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAgge\u003c/persname\u003e. From the memo for the April 1772\n         court at \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Taylor\u003c/persname\u003eand his wife have a suit\n         against a Hurt for a Negro in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is also a list of debts\n         owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n         there are court dockets from \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg County\u003c/geogname\u003efrom 1771-1782. A number\n         of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n         book with the signatures of William and \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, which includes a record of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e' court expenses. There are\n         also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003eas well as for \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eWilliamsburg, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is another\n         1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eCumberland County\u003c/geogname\u003e, and \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham County\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n         there is an agreement between \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBenjamin Tambro\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAyres Hodnett\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBuckingham\u003c/geogname\u003ein regard to the former's son, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Tambro\u003c/persname\u003e, to be apprentice to the\n         latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n         indenture between Watts and \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Ford\u003c/persname\u003e. From September 17, 1768,\n         there is an agreement between \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAbraham West\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Blankenship\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward\u003c/geogname\u003e. On November 17, 1772,\n         there is an agreement between \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Lewallen\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eJames and Robert Donalds and Company\u003c/corpname\u003e,\n         Merchants of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eGlasgow\u003c/geogname\u003e. On September 15, 1778, there is\n         an agreement between \n         \u003cpersname\u003eDavid Wright\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eBotetourt\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlexander Paine\u003c/persname\u003eof the same concerning a\n         land dispute in the area where the \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRoanoke River\u003c/geogname\u003eand \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eTinker Creek\u003c/geogname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe will, December 25, 1745, of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Patterson\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAlbemarle County\u003c/geogname\u003e, names his slaves and\n         divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n         his land in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eGoochland County\u003c/geogname\u003ebe known as \n         \u003ccorpname\u003e\"Locust Thicket.\"\u003c/corpname\u003e\u003cpersname\u003eMargery Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003econtested the will of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSamuel Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003edated March 1758 with \n         \u003cpersname\u003e[Cedw] Gibson\u003c/persname\u003eon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n         had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n         daughter \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElizabeth Hinshaw\u003c/persname\u003e, and the latter's\n         children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n         will of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eThomas Bottom\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia\u003c/geogname\u003edated May 10, 1760 divides his\n         slaves which are named between his three daughters.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n         inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Eubank\u003c/persname\u003ementions prices for his\n         Negroes: £300 for a man named \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJacob\u003c/persname\u003e, £200 for a man named \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJoe\u003c/persname\u003e, £10 for a woman named \n         \u003cpersname\u003eHannah\u003c/persname\u003e, £20 for a girl named \n         \u003cpersname\u003eLolly\u003c/persname\u003e, and £0 for a girl named\n         \u003cpersname\u003eCaroline\u003c/persname\u003e. There is also a list of tickets\n         of ommission paid by \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003e, attorney. Among the legal\n         papers of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eAmelia County\u003c/geogname\u003e, 1768 through 1789\n         including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n         states that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSarah Tinker\u003c/persname\u003eon December 6, 1781 gave her\n         son-in-law \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Tucker\u003c/persname\u003ean ailing Negro named \n         \u003cpersname\u003eNed\u003c/persname\u003euntil the latter gets well whereas he\n         will be returned to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSarah Tucker\u003c/persname\u003e. In an undated document, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eGeorge Vaughn\u003c/persname\u003eyields up title/right of two\n         Negroes--named \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFrank\u003c/persname\u003eand \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePhoebe\u003c/persname\u003e--to son-in-law \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Norris\u003c/persname\u003e--formerly given to grandson \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Norris\u003c/persname\u003eby a deed dated October 2,\n         1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n         son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n         annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell County\u003c/geogname\u003epapers, Justice \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAdam Clement\u003c/persname\u003esays that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCharles Gilbert\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eCampbell\u003c/geogname\u003eon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n         Negro slave \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJack\u003c/persname\u003e--property of Watts of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward County\u003c/geogname\u003e--ran away and was\n         found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003ePrince Edward\u003c/geogname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003esold to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWilliam Watts\u003c/persname\u003eeight Negro slaves: \n         \u003cpersname\u003eTrue\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eWinnie\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePeter\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eSarah\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eBetty\u003c/persname\u003e, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eRachel\u003c/persname\u003e, and \n         \u003cpersname\u003eDoc\u003c/persname\u003eon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n         account of Dr. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eM. John King\u003c/persname\u003ewith the sheriff of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eLunenburg\u003c/geogname\u003ewhich has an entry dating 1769:\n         the former is in account with \n         \u003cpersname\u003e[John] Epps\u003c/persname\u003efor four lbs. of tobacco at\n         £0.5.1.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAmong the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n         September 20, 1871 from the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eOmaha, Nebraska Lottery\u003c/corpname\u003efor the building\n         of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eCox and Sons Church Furniture\u003c/corpname\u003eshows a\n         garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJames Garfield\u003c/persname\u003e. There is an undated\n         letter to Mrs. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003easking for a subscription\n         to the \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eGraphic,\u003c/title\u003ea ladies society\n         magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eGeorge Munro, Publishers\u003c/corpname\u003e. There is also a\n         broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n         English poetry pertaining to \n         \u003cpersname\u003eChrist\u003c/persname\u003e's birth dating from the medieval\n         period.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n         from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/corpname\u003eto the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders\u003c/famname\u003easking for aid for the building of\n         an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n         enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n         from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n         of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n         There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n         listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n         service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n         faith.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCivil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n         there are a number of furloughs issued to \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eConfederate\u003c/corpname\u003eenlisted men in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e, each with a physical\n         description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n         concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n         a company of the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003e13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers\u003c/corpname\u003e.\n         There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n         ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, assistant\n         quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n         a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n         from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n         \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\"\u003c/title\u003e,\n         September 6, 1877, by \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Randolph Tucker\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eVirginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n         for the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eEdgeworth School\u003c/corpname\u003e, a church-related\n         boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n         1895 grade report from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Polytechnic Institute\u003c/corpname\u003e(formerly \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eVirginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College\u003c/corpname\u003e) for \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders, III\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a fall\n         term 1902 grade report from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eHollins College\u003c/corpname\u003efor \n         \u003cpersname\u003eElsie Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. There is another VPI\n         grade report, from February 1903, for \n         \u003cpersname\u003eCarter Temple Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. There is a report\n         from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eSt. Timothy's School\u003c/corpname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eCatonsville, Maryland\u003c/geogname\u003e. Another undated\n         piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n         There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n         algebra.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThere are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n         and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n         1794 from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eEdward Watts\u003c/persname\u003e; another lecture on motive\n         dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n         1843.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eMiscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n         marriage of Capt. \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eto \n         \u003cpersname\u003eMary Gwathmey\u003c/persname\u003eon July 30.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders, Sr\u003c/persname\u003e, a reprint of the\n         1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlice Fleming\u003c/persname\u003e--and the 1904 obituary of \n         \u003cpersname\u003ePeter Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e. The obituaries of\n         Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n         transcribed by \n         \u003cpersname\u003eJohn Blair Dabney\u003c/persname\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n         young member of the \n         \u003cfamname\u003eSaunders family\u003c/famname\u003eand undated photo cards of\n         liturgical furniture.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eBound Volumes\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Day Books include a day book from \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eMaple Creek Mills\u003c/corpname\u003edating from 1842. There\n         is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n         agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n         in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eRichmond\u003c/geogname\u003e, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n         18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eLee Monumental Association\u003c/corpname\u003e. Also present\n         is a $1 donation from \n         \u003cpersname\u003eAlex Berkeley\u003c/persname\u003eof \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eYellow Branch, Virginia\u003c/geogname\u003e. There are also\n         farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n         which is based on the kings of \n         \u003cgeogname\u003eEngland\u003c/geogname\u003ewho reigned down to its date, is\n         also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n         cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n         nature.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003e, includes employees,\n         supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n         The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n         data.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe \n         \u003ccorpname\u003eOtter River Township\u003c/corpname\u003eRecord Book dates\n         from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n         entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n         road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n         expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n         materials bought. One entry notes that \n         \u003cpersname\u003eB. H. Anthony\u003c/persname\u003e, overseer of the poor,\n         sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n         the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n         and 1875 meetings, \n         \u003cpersname\u003eFleming Saunders\u003c/persname\u003eis mentioned as road\n         overseer in certain districts.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection, 1745-1910, n.d., of ca. 2100 items,\n         consists of correspondence, business and legal papers,\n         miscellaneous, and bound volumes, pertaining to the \n         Davis Family, \n         Saunders Family, and \n         Watts Family. Large portions of the\n         correspondence belong to \n         William Wattsand \n         Fleming Saunders. Included with the\n         correspondence is a letterbook, 1873-1880, of \n         Frank Prufer. The business papers include\n         accounts, bonds, correspondence, and notes and receipts,\n         chiefly pertaining to \n         William Wattsand \n         Fleming Saunders, but also various\n         members of these families. The legal papers include court\n         dockets and memoranda of \n         William Watts, documents, and wills.\n         There are various legal papers of \n         William Wattspertaining to \n         Virginiacounties including \n         Amelia County, \n         Amherst County, \n         Buckingham County, \n         Campbell County, \n         Cumberland County, \n         Prince Edward County. The miscellaneous\n         material includes advertisements, educational papers,\n         photographs, printed, religious papers, and fragments. The\n         bound volumes include day books, a blacksmith book, a farm\n         journal, memorandum books, and a township record. Folders are\n         arranged alphabetically within each series, with material\n         inside arranged chronologically.","Correspondence","From the correspondence of the \n         Davis Family, \n         Saunders Family, and related families,\n         1800-1856, there is a letter addressed to \"Sully,\" December\n         30, 1800, from \n         Louisa County, which advises the\n         recipient, who had asked for religious instruction, to seek\n         the \n         Kingdom of God. A letter dated April 2,\n         1812 from \n         James Raylandto his sister mentions that\n         his cousin is strapped for cash, and asks if the recipient can\n         help him. A rather unusual letter, dating July 24, 1836, from \n         Mount Pleasant, indicates that \"Mary\n         thinks a little Brandy would be of service to her,\" and\n         requests that some be sent to her. A letter written to Captain\n         Davis on January 9, 1844, mentions that \n         Pleasant Milkhillneeds brandy, and asks\n         that it be sent with \n         David(probably a slave) for there is none\n         at \n         Bethel. A letter dating November 6, 1856\n         at \n         Bleak Hillsmakes a reference to \"Roanoke\"\n         [Roanoke County, or \n         John Randolph's estate \"Roanoke\"?].","From their correspondence dating 1862-1904, there is a\n         letter to \n         Sam Tyree, Esq, July 17, 1870 from [his]\n         student: \n         [Sam L. Preston?]complaining that he can\n         not attend sunday school because of prostration. There is also\n         a letter dated April 8, 1901 from \n         Trinity and Ivy Chapelin \n         Boonsboro, Bedford Countyto a Mr.\n         Randolph inviting him to preach there every other Sunday.\n         There is also an undated fragment referring to a comet the\n         size of a full moon and a meteor shower which \"will be a sight\n         to see.\"","Among the families' undated correspondence, is a letter\n         dated November 17 to \n         \"Carter\" [Saunders?], by a female who\n         mentions [her] children's Latin lessons. There is another\n         letter to a Miss Kerr which mentions a recipe for Tongue a la\n         Mode. There is also a letter, dated October 23, [1805?], from\n         a \n         Sam K. Jenny, probably a doctor of\n         medicine, which mentions that \n         William Greenattended a man named\n         Barnhart to \n         Bedfordso Jenny could prescribe to his\n         case and that he \"forbad the case of ardent spirits.\"","From the correspondence of \n         Eva (Smith) Saunders, dated 1868-1894,\n         there is a letter, February 24, 1889, from \n         The Grovewhich mentions that while Eva\n         passed her exams--her brother \n         Fleming Saunders IIIdid not. A letter,\n         August 2, 1892, to \n         Eva Saundersfrom \n         M. Natalie Manson, at \n         Wintore, speaks of school and Latin.\n         There is an interesting letter, December 10, 1893, from \n         Florence, Italyto Eva, mentioning that\n         there is no silver in \n         Italyfor the English and French are\n         buying it up, that \"Coppers are such a bother, and so heavy to\n         carry,\" seeing the works of \n         Donatoand \n         Brunelleschiand the \n         Medici Chapel, and the \n         \"Brothers of Pity\"who wear black robes\n         and carry a corpse which \"made my blood turn cold.\" There is a\n         letter, January 13, 1894, to Eva, which mentions sending a\n         book to \n         May Begg, \"a literary courtship under the\n         auspices of \n         Pike's Peak. \" \n         Fleming Saunders IIIat \n         Randolph-Macon Academyin \n         Bedfordwrites to Eva on May 15, 1894,\n         saying he tried to get a tennis tournament for field day, and\n         congratulates Eva on her chicken raising and hopes his are\n         doing better.","Among the \n         Eva Saundersundated correspondence, there\n         is a fragment which notes that Miss Begg sent to its writer a\n         little book called \"The greatest thing in the World.\" A letter\n         dated November 26 to Eva contains drawings of women's blouses\n         and concerns her ordered blouses.","From the correspondence of \n         Fleming Saundersand \n         Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders, 1858-1879, a\n         letter dated September 5, 1871, from \n         Peter Saunders, Jr., \n         Bleak Hill, says that his tobacco crop\n         has suffered. Another letter, April 17, 1874, from \n         Jeanie Edmond, \n         Hudson Lodge, makes a reference to the \n         Jubilee Singerstraveling to raise money\n         for a \"slave college somewhere in the Northern States\"; to\n         acquaintances visiting \n         England, mentioning a \"public worship\n         bill\" in \n         Parliament, and one acquaintance having\n         an appointment with the Bishop of \n         Melbourne; and to visiting \n         Australia. In a postcard dated August 21,\n         1879, \n         W. A. Alrichasks \n         Fleming Saunders' opinion as to the next\n         \"services\" in \"regular course,\" and saying that it best not to\n         alter rotation as \"last service was omitted.\" He also mentions\n         that Mrs. \n         C[harles] Dabneyhas a fine little\n         daughter.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1880-1892,\n         there is a letter dated March 3, 1880 from M. Caden to\n         Saunders stating that he can not board a minister, but will\n         give the same salary as before. \n         Peter Saunderswrites from \n         Bleak Hillon January 19, 1881 saying that\n         he has no specific desire to be a director on the \n         Virgina Midland [Rail] Road, and does not\n         think he could get the appointment anyway; he is still a\n         director on the \n         Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company, and fears a possible conflict of interest.\n         W. A. Alrichwrites from \n         Emanuel Rectory, \n         Chatham, Virginia, on February 16, 1882,\n         saying he is glad that the \n         Saunders' keep up the old St. Valentine's\n         Day tradition, by sending so practical a token of affection. \n         Ellen Boulder, a school teacher, writes\n         to \n         Mary Saundersfrom \n         Drake's Branchon March 18, 1889,\n         mentioning a five month school term ending on March 1st and a\n         June 23 to July 23 summer session. \n         [Peter Saunders], \n         Bleak Hill, writes \n         Fleming Saunders, on October 26, 1891\n         mentioning Republican elements in the \"alliance\" [farmers'\n         alliance such as the \n         Grange?].","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1893-1900,\n         Fleming Saunders IIIwrites to his parents\n         from \n         Randolph-Macon Academyin \n         Bedfordon March 14, 1893, saying that he\n         is in the Baptist Church in the morning and the Methodist in\n         the afternoon, and tells of boys who spend more time with the\n         girls than studying. \n         James F. Plummerwrites to Captain\n         Saunders on March 29, 1893, [from a theological seminary?],\n         saying that exams are beginning, and implying that knowledge\n         of Hebrew and Apologetics will be next among those things\n         tested. \n         Peter Saunderswrites to Fleming from \n         Bleak Hill, on March 30, 1894, mentioning\n         the Bland Bill and the fear that its veto would cause discord\n         in the \n         Democratic Party, and discussing briefly\n         possible effects on the present financial situation.","In the Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, 1901-1910,\n         there is a letter, July 19, 1901, from \n         Edward Watts Saunders, while serving in\n         the \n         Virginia House of Delegates. \n         William W. Oldwrites to Fleming on\n         February 2, 1903 about a land sale and his agreement to sell\n         the land as a whole parcel to two black men, and suggesting a\n         method of finalizing the transaction. \n         E. W. Saunderswrites to Fleming on\n         January 21, 1904 mentioning an inquiry about his land near\n         \"Vic. Muse.\" A letter, [March 1904], from \n         Alice [Saunders]at \n         Hollins, Virginia, to her aunt Saunders\n         refers to the Roman poet \n         Virgil. She writes to her mother on March\n         12, 1904 mentioning that John [ ] had failed in \n         Caesarand that he had been in the second\n         book of \n         Virgil.","In the undated Fleming and Mary Saunders correspondence, \n         D. Saunderswrites to his mother from \n         Randolph-Macon Academyon February 10,\n         saying that he is learning German and is plagued by poor\n         spelling, and that the boys dance every night and were\n         previously boxing.","In the correspondence of \n         William Watts, 1754-1784, there is a\n         letter dated June 27, 1771 which summons Watts to the \n         General Assemblyin \n         Williamsburg. \n         Samuel Dilworthwrites on June 2, 1783\n         from \n         Blanfordmentioning the problem of\n         collecting debts owed to the British. \n         Thomas Baldwin, Jr.writes on December 22,\n         1784 concerning the purchase of \"the Negro Fellow\" for\n         $18.","In the Watts correspondence, 1785-1789, a letter, December\n         16, 1785, from \n         William Roachinforms Watts that while \n         Peter Kernis employing Watts in a matter\n         between Kern and Roach, Watts is to plead for Roach in all\n         matters, suggesting a conflict of interest. \n         Arthur Campbell, a candidate for the\n         senate from the Western Distict, writes, on March 24, 1788,\n         asking for Watts' support. \n         Edward Grahamof \n         Bedford, writes on December 20, 1792,\n         mentioning that he saw the Watts' son reading \n         Horaceand sending the boy a copy of \n         Cicerowhich would supply \"the means of\n         raising him as high in eminence as you could reasonably wish,\"\n         and adding that the boy will need to learn Greek as he will\n         soon be studying science.","In the Watts correspondence, 1793-1794, \n         Duncan Rosewrites from \n         Petersburg, on July 8, 1794, stating that\n         Buchanan's Hartie and Companyhas been\n         doing business in \n         Great Britainand is waiting for a\n         successor to Hartie to be appointed before certain books could\n         be examined by Rose. Another letter pertains to relations with\n         Franceand \n         Britainat this time: \n         George Hancockwrites to Watts in 1794\n         mentioning the rearing of a navy \"to repel the insult to our\n         ploy,\" referring to commerce restriction [on American goods]\n         by a nation which does not have a commerce treaty with the\n         U.S., and referring to Mr. \n         [James] Madison's arguments whereas he\n         conducted himself in a manner worthy of himself. \n         Creed Taylorwrites on May 11, 1795,\n         concerning some bonds. \n         William Vannersonwrites, on October 30,\n         1795, from \n         Petersburgmentioning a British war sloop\n         in \n         Norfolk, Virginiaand the order for\n         carrying American bottoms bound for \n         Franceinto British ports with invoice\n         being revoked, revealing that some say that this retaliation\n         has been brought about by Americans invoicing their flour at\n         $27 per barrel.","In Watts' correspondence with \n         Edward Randolph, 1796-1797, Randolph\n         writes from \n         Richmondon February 21 and March 13, 1796\n         on the subject of British creditors. In Watts' correspondence\n         with \n         Thomas F. Scott, 1792-1798, Scott writes\n         on January 4, 1796 and December 18, 1798 on the subject of\n         British debts. In the correspondence of \n         William Wattswith \n         John Watts, 1784-1800, John writes to\n         William in April 1784 from \n         Lincoln County, Virginia(now \n         Kentucky), concerning apprehension about\n         a possible Indian war in the \n         Northwest Territories. John says that\n         while the lands in \n         Kentuckyare good, the inconveniences are\n         many, and that the doomsayers will probably prevent the\n         surveying of lands on the northwest side of the Ohio.","Business Papers","There are general accounts, 1751-1899, n.d. An account,\n         beginning November 16, 1762, with \n         George Kippen \u0026 Co.at their store in \n         Goochland, Virginia, lists \n         John Gilliamas having ordered a dozen\n         flints, 3/4 yard of bearskin, and a dozen pipes. There is a\n         list, April 20, 1763, pertaining to the estate of \n         A. Watts, on which is listed a\n         £0.2.0 debt to \n         Mary Petillo, the only woman on the list,\n         and a £2.4.9 debt to Sir \n         William Skipwith. The account of \n         Thomas Eastwith \n         Archelaus Austinfrom November 15, 1771,\n         consists of beer, wine, grog, and a gallon of corn, with one\n         entry \"to saging one night\" perhaps pertaining to the making\n         of moonshine. An account, beginning January 20, 1775, of N[ ]\n         Vaughn with \n         Edward Wattslists various quantities of\n         rum, molasses, and sugar. There are several accounts,\n         1779-1794, of the estate of \n         Nathaniel Davis, including an entry for\n         1784 for three yards of woollen for a Negro jacket, and May 9,\n         1784 for half of hire of \n         Jacob. There is a section, \"Accts\n         Overlooked,\" from 1784, which refers to tobacco being a share\n         and half share for \n         Jacob, and another for dinner at the\n         courthouse when on business. There is an account of \n         James Daviswith \n         Daniel Warwick, dating 1799-1803, with\n         references to a variety of items including coffee, sewing\n         materials, dinner ware, alcohol, and accessories. Mrs. \n         Elizabeth Davis' account beginning May\n         31, 1807, has an entries for coffee, condiments, and sewing\n         material. An account, March 26, 1810, of Capt. \n         James Daviswith \n         Rowland P. Bankslists \"163 days tuition\n         at $8 p. ann. $5 cts 1 1/2.\" The account, beginning August 14,\n         1826, of Capt. \n         James Daviswith \n         Thomas Pleasants, has lists orders for\n         cheese, mackerel, cotton, and whiskey. On October 31, 1832,\n         Judge Saunders, of \n         Lynchburg, Virginia, orders castor oil,\n         ointment, and a syringe. Accounts which mention tea are rare\n         but there is an undated fragment of Mr. \n         James Daviswhich contains an entry for\n         imperial tea. There is an undated \"memorandum of brandy\" taken\n         from Mrs. Eubank.","The accounts of \n         Williams Wattsspan 1752-1797. There is\n         also a hotel account with \n         Charles Williamsonwith entries dating\n         1763, 1773, and 1774. There are accounts for the boarding,\n         clothing, and feeding of Negro boys with Mrs. \n         Betty Tuckerand \n         Betty Kirkland, both beginning September\n         10, 1767, and Capt. \n         Joseph Tucker, 1767-1769. Watts has\n         accounts, 1768, with \n         John Brittanfor a waistcoat, shoes,\n         stockings, and a hat. There is a 1769 account for various\n         building supplies. Watts also has an account, beginning April\n         20, 1771, with \n         Miller Woodsonwith an entry of May 16,\n         1772 listing a \n         Patrick Henry. There is a document which\n         contains information on the estate of \n         William Randolph. There is another\n         lodging account, July 26, 1773 through December 3, 1776, of\n         Watts with \n         Charles Williams. There is an account\n         beginning March 9, 1778, with \n         William Kirklandwhich includes listings\n         for tuition and educational books. A January 10, 1780 account\n         with \n         Frederick Nancementions a violin and a\n         set of strings. There is an account, beginning December 21,\n         1787, with \n         Robert Wilsonordering Hyson Tea, coffee,\n         and a bottle of snuff. From a 1791 account of \n         Edward McDonaldwith \n         William Watts, there is the note of the\n         hire of a Negro. From a 1792 account of \n         Charles Smith, there is a note for the\n         finding of a Negro woman and for the inspecting of tobacco.\n         There are two medical bills, one with \n         George Martin, beginning January 14,\n         1794, and one with Doctor \n         Graham, beginning November 3, 1795. In\n         October 1797, Watts had an account with \n         George Quillefor the hire of a Negro.\n         There is an undated account of \n         W. Walter Spencewith Watts for the hire\n         of a Negro for eight months.","Promissory notes and receipts range from 1754-1905, n.d.\n         There are several items concerned with the estate of \n         John Flemingand include an entry for\n         February 1764 for a Negro bought for $10. Between \n         George Martinand Watts there is an\n         agreement, October 3, 1794, mentioning the purchase of red\n         wheat and the hire of a Negro woman. \n         James Davishas a note dated 1803 with the\n         Sheriff of \n         Amherst Countyfor tax on four Negroes,\n         four horses, and five tithes. \n         Elizabeth Davishas a note dated 1816 for\n         tax on three Negroes and one horse. There is a note from\n         December 6, 1827 pertaining to a $5 bond for the hire of a\n         Negro man by \n         James Davisfrom \n         J. Wrightfor \n         Lavinia Wright. There is a 1840 note from\n         Charles Davisto the Sheriff of \n         Amherstfor tax on six Negroes and six\n         horses.","Legal Papers","There are a number of court memoranda, 1768-1786, n.d.,\n         kept by \n         William Wattsin his capacity as a lawyer.\n         In a November 10, 1771 memo for the \n         Buckingham Countycourt, there is an entry\n         for detinue for Negro woman named \n         Agge. From the memo for the April 1772\n         court at \n         Lunenburg County, \n         Thomas Taylorand his wife have a suit\n         against a Hurt for a Negro in \n         Amelia. There is also a list of debts\n         owed to Watts for the year 1794. Dating 1771 through 1782,\n         there are court dockets from \n         Amelia Countyand \n         Lunenburg Countyfrom 1771-1782. A number\n         of the entries have Watts as the litigant. There is a 1773 day\n         book with the signatures of William and \n         Edward Watts, which includes a record of \n         William Watts' court expenses. There are\n         also legal day books, 1772-1773, of Watts, with entries for \n         Buckingham County, \n         Amelia, \n         Cumberland County, and \n         Prince Edward Countyas well as for \n         Williamsburg, Virginia. There is another\n         1773 memorandum book of Watts with entries for \n         Amelia County, \n         Cumberland County, and \n         Buckingham County.","The indentures date 1749-1788, n.d. From January 1, 1763,\n         there is an agreement between \n         Benjamin Tambroand \n         Ayres Hodnettof \n         Buckinghamin regard to the former's son, \n         John Tambro, to be apprentice to the\n         latter for seven years. From March 28, 1774, there is an\n         indenture between Watts and \n         William Ford. From September 17, 1768,\n         there is an agreement between \n         Abraham Westand \n         John Blankenshipof \n         Prince Edward. On November 17, 1772,\n         there is an agreement between \n         John Lewallenof \n         Amelia Countyand \n         James and Robert Donalds and Company,\n         Merchants of \n         Glasgow. On September 15, 1778, there is\n         an agreement between \n         David Wrightof \n         Botetourtand \n         Alexander Paineof the same concerning a\n         land dispute in the area where the \n         Roanoke Riverand \n         Tinker Creek.","The will, December 25, 1745, of \n         Thomas Pattersonof \n         Albemarle County, names his slaves and\n         divides them among his children and wife, and requests that\n         his land in \n         Goochland Countybe known as \n         \"Locust Thicket.\"Margery Hinshawcontested the will of \n         Samuel Hinshawdated March 1758 with \n         [Cedw] Gibsonon July 10, 1765. Hinshaw\n         had divided his slaves between his still living wife, his\n         daughter \n         Elizabeth Hinshaw, and the latter's\n         children. This situation involved a slave of Elizabeth. The\n         will of \n         Thomas Bottomof \n         Ameliadated May 10, 1760 divides his\n         slaves which are named between his three daughters.","A folder of general legal papers date 1765-1903, n.d. The\n         inventory and appraisal, 1826, of the estate of \n         John Eubankmentions prices for his\n         Negroes: £300 for a man named \n         Jacob, £200 for a man named \n         Joe, £10 for a woman named \n         Hannah, £20 for a girl named \n         Lolly, and £0 for a girl named\n         Caroline. There is also a list of tickets\n         of ommission paid by \n         William Watts, attorney. Among the legal\n         papers of \n         Amelia County, 1768 through 1789\n         including undated material, a document dated May 15, 1783\n         states that \n         Sarah Tinkeron December 6, 1781 gave her\n         son-in-law \n         John Tuckeran ailing Negro named \n         Neduntil the latter gets well whereas he\n         will be returned to \n         Sarah Tucker. In an undated document, \n         George Vaughnyields up title/right of two\n         Negroes--named \n         Frankand \n         Phoebe--to son-in-law \n         John Norris--formerly given to grandson \n         John Norrisby a deed dated October 2,\n         1796: \"said slaves will forever defend me from my heirs.\" The\n         son-in-law Norris will pay Vaughn or wife £10\n         annually for preformance of the aforesaid act. Among the \n         Campbell Countypapers, Justice \n         Adam Clementsays that \n         Charles Gilbertof \n         Campbellon April 29, 1787 makes oath that\n         Negro slave \n         Jack--property of Watts of \n         Prince Edward County--ran away and was\n         found 50 miles thence. Among the legal papers of \n         Prince Edward, \n         Edward Wattssold to \n         William Wattseight Negro slaves: \n         True, \n         James, \n         Winnie, \n         Peter, \n         Sarah, \n         Betty, \n         Rachel, and \n         Docon January 14, 1787. There is also a\n         account of Dr. \n         M. John Kingwith the sheriff of \n         Lunenburgwhich has an entry dating 1769:\n         the former is in account with \n         [John] Eppsfor four lbs. of tobacco at\n         £0.5.1.","Miscellaneous","Among the Advertisements there is an advertisement dated\n         September 20, 1871 from the \n         Omaha, Nebraska Lotteryfor the building\n         of a public library in the city. A broadside from \n         Cox and Sons Church Furnitureshows a\n         garish stained-glass window commemorating the late President \n         James Garfield. There is an undated\n         letter to Mrs. \n         Fleming Saundersasking for a subscription\n         to the \n         Graphic,a ladies society\n         magazine. There is an undated list of books from \n         George Munro, Publishers. There is also a\n         broadside for \"The World's Christmas Hymn\"--an analogy of\n         English poetry pertaining to \n         Christ's birth dating from the medieval\n         period.","The church related papers include a letter, March 21, 1904,\n         from \n         Virginia Polytechnic Instituteto the \n         Saundersasking for aid for the building of\n         an Episcopal parsonage at the university. The letter\n         enunciates a fear of the danger of Episcopal boys being weaned\n         from their faith by the compulsory attendance at the services\n         of other sects due to the absence of a Episcopal parsonage.\n         There is also an Episcopal \"Church Kalendar,\" 1882-1883,\n         listing holy days with information on the faith, church\n         service, and background of the Anglican/Episcopalian\n         faith.","Civil War papers range from 1861 to 1864. During 1862-1864,\n         there are a number of furloughs issued to \n         Confederateenlisted men in \n         Virginia, each with a physical\n         description of the bearer, and addressed \"to all whom it may\n         concern.\" On August 10, 1862, there is a provision return for\n         a company of the \n         13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers.\n         There are also a number of CSA \"special requisitions\", chiefly\n         ordering clothing, shoes, and blankets, most signed by Captain\n         Fleming Saunders, assistant\n         quartermaster, of Company K, Virginia Regiment.","The educational papers range from 1848-1903, n.d. There is\n         a page from a 1848 French edition of the fables of La Fontaine\n         from the \"Academie de Norfolk.\" There is an \n         \"Educational Treatise on the Constitution\",\n         September 6, 1877, by \n         John Randolph Tuckerof \n         Virginia. There is a 1892-1893 brochure\n         for the \n         Edgeworth School, a church-related\n         boarding and day school for females. There is the fall term\n         1895 grade report from \n         Virginia Polytechnic Institute(formerly \n         Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College) for \n         Fleming Saunders, III. There is a fall\n         term 1902 grade report from \n         Hollins Collegefor \n         Elsie Saunders. There is another VPI\n         grade report, from February 1903, for \n         Carter Temple Saunders. There is a report\n         from \n         St. Timothy's Schoolof \n         Catonsville, Maryland. Another undated\n         piece is a \"rules for spelling\" sheet from a grammar book.\n         There are also undated fragments of Latin, French, and\n         algebra.","There are lectures, essays, and poems, 1794, 1818, 1843,\n         and n.d., including a scrap of a lecture dated September 6,\n         1794 from \n         Edward Watts; another lecture on motive\n         dated September 16, 1794; and, a series of oral essays from\n         1843.","Miscellaneous material, 1887-1892, includes a note of the\n         marriage of Capt. \n         Fleming Saundersto \n         Mary Gwathmeyon July 30.","The obituaries include a reprint of the 1858 obituary of \n         Fleming Saunders, Sr, a reprint of the\n         1867 obituary of Fleming, Sr.'s wife-- \n         Alice Fleming--and the 1904 obituary of \n         Peter Saunders. The obituaries of\n         Fleming, Sr. and Alice are panegyrics. The first two were\n         transcribed by \n         John Blair Dabney.","The photographs include an unidentified photograph of a\n         young member of the \n         Saunders familyand undated photo cards of\n         liturgical furniture.","Bound Volumes","The Day Books include a day book from \n         Maple Creek Millsdating from 1842. There\n         is a 1867 day book with one page filled, made of a cut\n         agricultural crop ledger. There is also in the book a pasted\n         in notice from the Adjuctant Inspector's Office in \n         Richmond, July 29, 1863. Dating January\n         18, 1872 is a subscription book for the \n         Lee Monumental Association. Also present\n         is a $1 donation from \n         Alex Berkeleyof \n         Yellow Branch, Virginia. There are also\n         farm journals dating 1855 through 1860.","A card game, 1846, called \"The Game of Kings made Easy\"\n         which is based on the kings of \n         Englandwho reigned down to its date, is\n         also present. The card for Henry V is missing. Many of the\n         cards contain information of the kings of an antiquarian\n         nature.","The Memorandum books, 1873-1874 and 1881-1894, owned by \n         Fleming Saunders, includes employees,\n         supplies, and construction information in the first volume.\n         The latter has a note at its end which mentions survey\n         data.","The \n         Otter River TownshipRecord Book dates\n         from 1870-1874. There are references to road building. An\n         entry for June 16, 1871 notes the ordering of \"tickets\" for\n         road tax and township levy. Also included are lists of\n         expenses for board members with lists of expenses for\n         materials bought. One entry notes that \n         B. H. Anthony, overseer of the poor,\n         sends three paupers--one white woman and two black woman--to\n         the poor house. Expenses for the poor house are noted. At 1874\n         and 1875 meetings, \n         Fleming Saundersis mentioned as road\n         overseer in certain districts."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"corpname_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n                  Service","New York Public\n                  Library","University of Virginia\n                  Volunteers"],"famname_ssim":["Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family"],"persname_ssim":["William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n                  Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n                  Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb"],"names_ssim":["University of Virginia. Library. Special\n            Collections Dept.","Kingdom of God","Pleasant Milkhill","Bethel","Bleak Hills","Trinity and Ivy Chapel","The Grove","Wintore","Medici Chapel","\"Brothers of Pity\"","Randolph-Macon Academy","Bleak Hill","Hudson Lodge","Jubilee Singers","Parliament","Virgina Midland [Rail] Road","Franklin and Pittsylvania Railroad\n         Company","Emanuel Rectory","Grange","Democratic Party","Virginia House of Delegates","General Assembly","Blanford","Buchanan's Hartie and Company","Norfolk, Virginia","Northwest Territories","George Kippen \u0026 Co.","James and Robert Donalds and Company","\"Locust Thicket.\"","Omaha, Nebraska Lottery","Cox and Sons Church Furniture","George Munro, Publishers","Virginia Polytechnic Institute","Confederate","13th Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers","Edgeworth School","Virginia Agriculture and Mechanical\n         College","Hollins College","St. Timothy's School","Maple Creek Mills","Lee Monumental Association","Otter River Township","Internal Revenue\n                  Service","New York Public\n                  Library","University of Virginia\n                  Volunteers","Davis Family","Saunders Family","Watts Family","Saunders","Saunders family","William H. Irvine","William Watts","Fleming Saunders","Frank Prufer","James Rayland","David","John Randolph","Sam Tyree","[Sam L. Preston?]","\"Carter\" [Saunders?]","Sam K. Jenny","William Green","Eva (Smith) Saunders","Fleming Saunders III","Eva Saunders","M. Natalie Manson","Donato","Brunelleschi","May Begg","Mary (Gwathmey) Saunders","Peter Saunders, Jr.","Jeanie Edmond","W. A. Alrich","C[harles] Dabney","Peter Saunders","Ellen Boulder","Mary Saunders","[Peter Saunders]","James F. Plummer","Edward Watts Saunders","William W. Old","E. W. Saunders","Alice [Saunders]","Virgil","Caesar","D. Saunders","Samuel Dilworth","Thomas Baldwin, Jr.","William Roach","Peter Kern","Arthur Campbell","Edward Graham","Horace","Cicero","Duncan Rose","George Hancock","[James] Madison","Creed Taylor","William Vannerson","Edward Randolph","Thomas F. Scott","John Watts","John Gilliam","A. Watts","Mary Petillo","William Skipwith","Thomas East","Archelaus Austin","Edward Watts","Nathaniel Davis","Jacob","James Davis","Daniel Warwick","Elizabeth Davis","Rowland P. Banks","Thomas Pleasants","Williams Watts","Charles Williamson","Betty Tucker","Betty Kirkland","Joseph Tucker","John Brittan","Miller Woodson","Patrick Henry","William Randolph","Charles Williams","William Kirkland","Frederick Nance","Robert Wilson","Edward McDonald","Charles Smith","George Martin","Graham","George Quille","W. Walter Spence","John Fleming","J. Wright","Lavinia Wright","Charles Davis","Agge","Thomas Taylor","Benjamin Tambro","Ayres Hodnett","John Tambro","William Ford","Abraham West","John Blankenship","John Lewallen","David Wright","Alexander Paine","Thomas Patterson","Margery Hinshaw","Samuel Hinshaw","[Cedw] Gibson","Elizabeth Hinshaw","Thomas Bottom","John Eubank","Joe","Hannah","Lolly","Caroline","Sarah Tinker","John Tucker","Ned","Sarah Tucker","George Vaughn","Frank","Phoebe","John Norris","Adam Clement","Charles Gilbert","Jack","True","James","Winnie","Peter","Sarah","Betty","Rachel","Doc","M. John King","[John] Epps","James Garfield","Christ","John Randolph Tucker","Fleming Saunders, III","Elsie Saunders","Carter Temple Saunders","Mary Gwathmey","Fleming Saunders, Sr","Alice Fleming","John Blair Dabney","Alex Berkeley","B. H. Anthony","Cary H. Gwathmey","Eva (Smith)\n                  Saunders.","Mary (Gwathmey)\n                  Saunders.","John Tabb","Fleming Saunders, Sr.","Alice W. Saunders","William Cowper","Eugene M. Cox","John B. Webb"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":66,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:55:15.948Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00017_c04_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c144","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Advertisements for property, 1865/1890","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c144#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c144","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c144"],"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c144","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","parent_ssim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_644"],"title_filing_ssi":"Advertisements for property","title_ssm":["Advertisements for property"],"title_tesim":["Advertisements for property"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Advertisements for property, 1865/1890"],"text":["Advertisements for property, 1865/1890","J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914","box 12"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1865/1890"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1865-1890"],"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"component_level_isim":[1],"sort_isi":144,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"containers_ssim":["box 12"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"date_range_isim":[1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890],"_nest_path_":"/components#143","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:37.886Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_644","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_644.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/107691","title_ssm":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers"],"title_tesim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1832-1914"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1832-1914"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1832/1914"],"normalized_title_ssm":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"text":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914","MSS.88.1","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/644","Hertfordshire (England)","Sewerage -- England","Probate law and practice -- Great Britain","lawyers -- Great Britain","Leases -- Great Britain","Trusts and trustees -- England","Voter registration -- England","maps (documents)","Wills","Arthur William Vaisey (1851-1939 V) was the son of Thomas \u0026 Emma Vaisey and was born at Stratton, Gloucestershire. He studied law and married Esther Bevir (1850-1925 V), daughter of William Laurence Bevir (a solicitor), at Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire, in 1876. As a recently qualified solicitor, he was looking for a suitable practice and moved to Tring, where the town's respected lawyer, John Shugar, had recently died. They had two sons and seven daughters, all born in Tring.   The 1878 Hertfordshire directory records \"Shugar, Vaisey and Vorse, solicitors, High Street, Tring\" with Arthur living at 4 Park Street. By 1882, he had built a house, Holly Field, in the fashionable Grove area of Tring. He had an office in the High Street, and the 1890 directory describes him as \"solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths \u0026 clerk to the local board \u0026 vestry clerk.\"","By 1912, he had taken his son Roland on as a partner and the directory entry reads \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Son), clerk to the Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Guardians of Berkhamsted Union, to Berkhamsted District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 207 High Street, Great Berkhamsted.\" By 1922, he had another partner, and the entry read \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Turner), clerk to the Tring Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Berkhamsted Guardians \u0026 Rural District Council District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 213 High Street, Berkhamsted.\"","His wife Ester died in 1925, and he died in 1939 and was buried in Tring Cemetery.","This collection contains papers from the legal practice of John Merritt Shugar and Arthur William Vaisey, solicitors. Their firm was located in Tring, Hertfordshire, in south central England. The collection documents work from 1850 to 1914, although these papers relate mostly to the period 1875-1900.","The Shugar and Vaisey practice was mainly property and probate law. The bulk of the material in this collection consists of conveyances, enfranchisements, indentures, title abstracts, wills, and related correspondence. The papers relate to Tring, Tring Manor (of which Vaisey was steward), Pendley Manor (of which Shugar was steward), and area towns such as Berkhamsted and Hemel Hempstead.","The papers are arranged alphabetically by the names of the principals involved in a particular matter. The collection was acquired in bundles with little or no descriptive information, so the titles on folders were assigned after perusal of the documents in each bundle. A glance at the alphabetical listing below reveals the major idiosyncrasy of this collection: the bulk of the material relates to persons or institutions whose names begin with the letters A through D. Thus it appears that a considerable amount of other material has either been lost or exists elsewhere.","It is worth mentioning that the folder in Box 2, titled: \"Bedford v. Berkhampstead Rural District Council: Records and Leases\" includes a draft claim on behalf of Rebecca Bedford. This was drawn on the back of an unrelated but useful document, the voters list for western Hertfordshire in 1893, which provides addresses for voters, many of whom appear elsewhere in the records. Vaisey himself is among those listed. Researchers will notice the various spellings of Berkhamsted given in the documents; apparently, its spelling was not yet standardized.","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"collection_ssim":["J. M. Shugar and A. W. Vaisey papers, 1832/1914"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.88.1","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/644"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.88.1","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/644"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"geogname_ssm":["Hertfordshire (England)"],"geogname_ssim":["Hertfordshire (England)"],"places_ssim":["Hertfordshire (England)"],"creator_ssm":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"creator_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"creators_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"acqinfo_ssim":["Marsha Trimble writes on September 10, 1999: \"The director of the library bought [the collection] in 1988 from an antiquarian book dealer, but unfortunately [she] has no record of the purchase.\""],"access_subjects_ssim":["Sewerage -- England","Probate law and practice -- Great Britain","lawyers -- Great Britain","Leases -- Great Britain","Trusts and trustees -- England","Voter registration -- England","maps (documents)","Wills"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Sewerage -- England","Probate law and practice -- Great Britain","lawyers -- Great Britain","Leases -- Great Britain","Trusts and trustees -- England","Voter registration -- England","maps (documents)","Wills"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["6 Cubic Feet 11 archival boxes \u0026 1 oversized box"],"extent_tesim":["6 Cubic Feet 11 archival boxes \u0026 1 oversized box"],"genreform_ssim":["maps (documents)","Wills"],"date_range_isim":[1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nArthur William Vaisey (1851-1939 V) was the son of Thomas \u0026amp; Emma Vaisey and was born at Stratton, Gloucestershire. He studied law and married Esther Bevir (1850-1925 V), daughter of William Laurence Bevir (a solicitor), at Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire, in 1876. As a recently qualified solicitor, he was looking for a suitable practice and moved to Tring, where the town's respected lawyer, John Shugar, had recently died. They had two sons and seven daughters, all born in Tring.   The 1878 Hertfordshire directory records \"Shugar, Vaisey and Vorse, solicitors, High Street, Tring\" with Arthur living at 4 Park Street. By 1882, he had built a house, Holly Field, in the fashionable Grove area of Tring. He had an office in the High Street, and the 1890 directory describes him as \"solicitor \u0026amp; commissioner for taking oaths \u0026amp; clerk to the local board \u0026amp; vestry clerk.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBy 1912, he had taken his son Roland on as a partner and the directory entry reads \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026amp; commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026amp; Son), clerk to the Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026amp; clerk to the Guardians of Berkhamsted Union, to Berkhamsted District Council \u0026amp; to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026amp; 207 High Street, Great Berkhamsted.\" By 1922, he had another partner, and the entry read \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026amp; commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026amp; Turner), clerk to the Tring Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026amp; clerk to the Berkhamsted Guardians \u0026amp; Rural District Council District Council \u0026amp; to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026amp; 213 High Street, Berkhamsted.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHis wife Ester died in 1925, and he died in 1939 and was buried in Tring Cemetery.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Arthur William Vaisey (1851-1939 V) was the son of Thomas \u0026 Emma Vaisey and was born at Stratton, Gloucestershire. He studied law and married Esther Bevir (1850-1925 V), daughter of William Laurence Bevir (a solicitor), at Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire, in 1876. As a recently qualified solicitor, he was looking for a suitable practice and moved to Tring, where the town's respected lawyer, John Shugar, had recently died. They had two sons and seven daughters, all born in Tring.   The 1878 Hertfordshire directory records \"Shugar, Vaisey and Vorse, solicitors, High Street, Tring\" with Arthur living at 4 Park Street. By 1882, he had built a house, Holly Field, in the fashionable Grove area of Tring. He had an office in the High Street, and the 1890 directory describes him as \"solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths \u0026 clerk to the local board \u0026 vestry clerk.\"","By 1912, he had taken his son Roland on as a partner and the directory entry reads \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Son), clerk to the Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Guardians of Berkhamsted Union, to Berkhamsted District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 207 High Street, Great Berkhamsted.\" By 1922, he had another partner, and the entry read \"Vaisey Arthur William, solicitor \u0026 commissioner for taking oaths (firm A W Vaisey \u0026 Turner), clerk to the Tring Urban District Council, vestry clerk \u0026 clerk to the Berkhamsted Guardians \u0026 Rural District Council District Council \u0026 to the Tring Urban Local Education Sub-committee, Western Road \u0026 213 High Street, Berkhamsted.\"","His wife Ester died in 1925, and he died in 1939 and was buried in Tring Cemetery."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThis collection contains papers from the legal practice of John Merritt Shugar and Arthur William Vaisey, solicitors. Their firm was located in Tring, Hertfordshire, in south central England. The collection documents work from 1850 to 1914, although these papers relate mostly to the period 1875-1900.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Shugar and Vaisey practice was mainly property and probate law. The bulk of the material in this collection consists of conveyances, enfranchisements, indentures, title abstracts, wills, and related correspondence. The papers relate to Tring, Tring Manor (of which Vaisey was steward), Pendley Manor (of which Shugar was steward), and area towns such as Berkhamsted and Hemel Hempstead.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe papers are arranged alphabetically by the names of the principals involved in a particular matter. The collection was acquired in bundles with little or no descriptive information, so the titles on folders were assigned after perusal of the documents in each bundle. A glance at the alphabetical listing below reveals the major idiosyncrasy of this collection: the bulk of the material relates to persons or institutions whose names begin with the letters A through D. Thus it appears that a considerable amount of other material has either been lost or exists elsewhere.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIt is worth mentioning that the folder in Box 2, titled: \"Bedford v. Berkhampstead Rural District Council: Records and Leases\" includes a draft claim on behalf of Rebecca Bedford. This was drawn on the back of an unrelated but useful document, the voters list for western Hertfordshire in 1893, which provides addresses for voters, many of whom appear elsewhere in the records. Vaisey himself is among those listed. Researchers will notice the various spellings of Berkhamsted given in the documents; apparently, its spelling was not yet standardized.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection contains papers from the legal practice of John Merritt Shugar and Arthur William Vaisey, solicitors. Their firm was located in Tring, Hertfordshire, in south central England. The collection documents work from 1850 to 1914, although these papers relate mostly to the period 1875-1900.","The Shugar and Vaisey practice was mainly property and probate law. The bulk of the material in this collection consists of conveyances, enfranchisements, indentures, title abstracts, wills, and related correspondence. The papers relate to Tring, Tring Manor (of which Vaisey was steward), Pendley Manor (of which Shugar was steward), and area towns such as Berkhamsted and Hemel Hempstead.","The papers are arranged alphabetically by the names of the principals involved in a particular matter. The collection was acquired in bundles with little or no descriptive information, so the titles on folders were assigned after perusal of the documents in each bundle. A glance at the alphabetical listing below reveals the major idiosyncrasy of this collection: the bulk of the material relates to persons or institutions whose names begin with the letters A through D. Thus it appears that a considerable amount of other material has either been lost or exists elsewhere.","It is worth mentioning that the folder in Box 2, titled: \"Bedford v. Berkhampstead Rural District Council: Records and Leases\" includes a draft claim on behalf of Rebecca Bedford. This was drawn on the back of an unrelated but useful document, the voters list for western Hertfordshire in 1893, which provides addresses for voters, many of whom appear elsewhere in the records. Vaisey himself is among those listed. Researchers will notice the various spellings of Berkhamsted given in the documents; apparently, its spelling was not yet standardized."],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"persname_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"names_coll_ssim":["Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","Shugar, John Merritt, 1823-1877","Vaisey, Arthur William, 1851-1939"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":144,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:54:37.886Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_644_c144"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900","creator":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1551#creator","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"Max Rambod","label":"Creator"}},"abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1551#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis collection features one 2.25 X4\" tintype photograph of an unidentified African American man dressed in a three-piece suit with a bowtie, pocket square, and derby hat with a sash perched at a stylish angle on his head. The man leans against a marble column against a plain background in a studio. \u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1551#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1551.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/190885","title_filing_ssi":"African American man tintype portrait","title_ssm":["African American man tintype portrait"],"title_tesim":["African American man tintype portrait"],"unitdate_ssm":["c. 1865-1900"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["c. 1865-1900"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1865/1900"],"normalized_title_ssm":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900"],"text":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900","MSS 16795","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1551","African American young men","tintypes (prints)","The collection is open for research use.","\"African Americans' engagement with photography in the 19th century began a tradition for Black photographers' use of photography today to promote social change. African Americans, whether they are in front or behind the camera, create empowering images that define the beauty and resilience contained within the Black experience.\" (1)","\"To pose for a photograph became an empowering act for African Americans. It served as a way to counteract racist caricatures that distort facial features and mocked Black society. African Americans in urban and rural settings participated in photography to demonstrate dignity in the Black experience.\" (1)","\"For African Americans in particular, photographic portraits offered a means of self-representation and empowerment. The abolitionist Frederick Douglass—who was himself the most photographed man of the 19th century—consistently championed the medium for its capacity to affirm the humanity and dignity of its sitters and challenge dehumanizing, racist stereotypes. Other Black Americans, including native Virginian James Presley Ball (1825–1904), practiced and shaped the medium from its earliest years.\" (2)","Sources:\n\"How Black people in the 19th century used photography as a tool for social change\"\nhttps://www.si.umich.edu/about-umsi/news/how-black-people-19th-century-used-photography-tool-social-change","\"A Powerful Influence: Early Photographs of African Americans from the Collection of Dennis O. Williams\" Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Dr. Sarah Kennel, curator. November 19, 2022- June 15 2023.\nhttps://vmfa.museum/exhibitions/exhibitions/powerful-influence-early-photographs-african-americans-collection-dennis-o-williams/","Tintypes were portable, cheap, and fast to make. They came onto the scene in 1853 and were used through 1930. Photographers could easily sell their services at fairs or travel to battlefields. Some of the most common subjects were Civil War fields and soldiers, who would send photos home to loved ones.","Tintype creates a photographic image on a thin sheet of metal or iron that has been coated with a dark lacquer or enamel.The metal plates are coated with chemicals, exposed to light in a camera, and processed with additional chemistry. This creates an underexposed negative image. When that negative is placed on a dark background, the transparent areas appear black, which makes the plate look like a positive image.","This collection features one 2.25 X4\" tintype photograph of an unidentified African American man dressed in a three-piece suit with a bowtie, pocket square, and derby hat with a sash perched at a stylish angle on his head. The man leans against a marble column against a plain background in a studio.","The tintype was invented in 1855, one decade before the emancipation of enslaved African Americans across the United States. His suit, medium, and background suggest a date roughly within the mid-to-late nineteenth century.","These portraits come from a time just after emanicipation when African Americans were creating new lives for themselves. Photography was one way to commemorate freedom and memorialize prosperity.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900"],"collection_ssim":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["File","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16795","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1551"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16795","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1551"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Max Rambod"],"creator_ssim":["Max Rambod"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Max Rambod, Inc. by the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia Library on 1 March 2023."],"access_subjects_ssim":["African American young men","tintypes (prints)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["African American young men","tintypes (prints)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.03 Cubic Feet One letter-sized folder."],"extent_tesim":["0.03 Cubic Feet One letter-sized folder."],"genreform_ssim":["tintypes (prints)"],"date_range_isim":[1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\"African Americans' engagement with photography in the 19th century began a tradition for Black photographers' use of photography today to promote social change. African Americans, whether they are in front or behind the camera, create empowering images that define the beauty and resilience contained within the Black experience.\" (1)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"To pose for a photograph became an empowering act for African Americans. It served as a way to counteract racist caricatures that distort facial features and mocked Black society. African Americans in urban and rural settings participated in photography to demonstrate dignity in the Black experience.\" (1)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"For African Americans in particular, photographic portraits offered a means of self-representation and empowerment. The abolitionist Frederick Douglass—who was himself the most photographed man of the 19th century—consistently championed the medium for its capacity to affirm the humanity and dignity of its sitters and challenge dehumanizing, racist stereotypes. Other Black Americans, including native Virginian James Presley Ball (1825–1904), practiced and shaped the medium from its earliest years.\" (2)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSources:\n\"How Black people in the 19th century used photography as a tool for social change\"\nhttps://www.si.umich.edu/about-umsi/news/how-black-people-19th-century-used-photography-tool-social-change\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"A Powerful Influence: Early Photographs of African Americans from the Collection of Dennis O. Williams\" Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Dr. Sarah Kennel, curator. November 19, 2022- June 15 2023.\nhttps://vmfa.museum/exhibitions/exhibitions/powerful-influence-early-photographs-african-americans-collection-dennis-o-williams/\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTintypes were portable, cheap, and fast to make. They came onto the scene in 1853 and were used through 1930. Photographers could easily sell their services at fairs or travel to battlefields. Some of the most common subjects were Civil War fields and soldiers, who would send photos home to loved ones.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTintype creates a photographic image on a thin sheet of metal or iron that has been coated with a dark lacquer or enamel.The metal plates are coated with chemicals, exposed to light in a camera, and processed with additional chemistry. This creates an underexposed negative image. When that negative is placed on a dark background, the transparent areas appear black, which makes the plate look like a positive image. \u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["\"African Americans' engagement with photography in the 19th century began a tradition for Black photographers' use of photography today to promote social change. African Americans, whether they are in front or behind the camera, create empowering images that define the beauty and resilience contained within the Black experience.\" (1)","\"To pose for a photograph became an empowering act for African Americans. It served as a way to counteract racist caricatures that distort facial features and mocked Black society. African Americans in urban and rural settings participated in photography to demonstrate dignity in the Black experience.\" (1)","\"For African Americans in particular, photographic portraits offered a means of self-representation and empowerment. The abolitionist Frederick Douglass—who was himself the most photographed man of the 19th century—consistently championed the medium for its capacity to affirm the humanity and dignity of its sitters and challenge dehumanizing, racist stereotypes. Other Black Americans, including native Virginian James Presley Ball (1825–1904), practiced and shaped the medium from its earliest years.\" (2)","Sources:\n\"How Black people in the 19th century used photography as a tool for social change\"\nhttps://www.si.umich.edu/about-umsi/news/how-black-people-19th-century-used-photography-tool-social-change","\"A Powerful Influence: Early Photographs of African Americans from the Collection of Dennis O. Williams\" Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Dr. Sarah Kennel, curator. November 19, 2022- June 15 2023.\nhttps://vmfa.museum/exhibitions/exhibitions/powerful-influence-early-photographs-african-americans-collection-dennis-o-williams/","Tintypes were portable, cheap, and fast to make. They came onto the scene in 1853 and were used through 1930. Photographers could easily sell their services at fairs or travel to battlefields. Some of the most common subjects were Civil War fields and soldiers, who would send photos home to loved ones.","Tintype creates a photographic image on a thin sheet of metal or iron that has been coated with a dark lacquer or enamel.The metal plates are coated with chemicals, exposed to light in a camera, and processed with additional chemistry. This creates an underexposed negative image. When that negative is placed on a dark background, the transparent areas appear black, which makes the plate look like a positive image."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16795, African American man tintype portrait, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16795, African American man tintype portrait, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection features one 2.25 X4\" tintype photograph of an unidentified African American man dressed in a three-piece suit with a bowtie, pocket square, and derby hat with a sash perched at a stylish angle on his head. The man leans against a marble column against a plain background in a studio. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe tintype was invented in 1855, one decade before the emancipation of enslaved African Americans across the United States. His suit, medium, and background suggest a date roughly within the mid-to-late nineteenth century. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese portraits come from a time just after emanicipation when African Americans were creating new lives for themselves. Photography was one way to commemorate freedom and memorialize prosperity.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection features one 2.25 X4\" tintype photograph of an unidentified African American man dressed in a three-piece suit with a bowtie, pocket square, and derby hat with a sash perched at a stylish angle on his head. The man leans against a marble column against a plain background in a studio.","The tintype was invented in 1855, one decade before the emancipation of enslaved African Americans across the United States. His suit, medium, and background suggest a date roughly within the mid-to-late nineteenth century.","These portraits come from a time just after emanicipation when African Americans were creating new lives for themselves. Photography was one way to commemorate freedom and memorialize prosperity."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"names_coll_ssim":["Max Rambod"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:38.700Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_1551","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_1551.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/190885","title_filing_ssi":"African American man tintype portrait","title_ssm":["African American man tintype portrait"],"title_tesim":["African American man tintype portrait"],"unitdate_ssm":["c. 1865-1900"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["c. 1865-1900"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1865/1900"],"normalized_title_ssm":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900"],"text":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900","MSS 16795","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1551","African American young men","tintypes (prints)","The collection is open for research use.","\"African Americans' engagement with photography in the 19th century began a tradition for Black photographers' use of photography today to promote social change. African Americans, whether they are in front or behind the camera, create empowering images that define the beauty and resilience contained within the Black experience.\" (1)","\"To pose for a photograph became an empowering act for African Americans. It served as a way to counteract racist caricatures that distort facial features and mocked Black society. African Americans in urban and rural settings participated in photography to demonstrate dignity in the Black experience.\" (1)","\"For African Americans in particular, photographic portraits offered a means of self-representation and empowerment. The abolitionist Frederick Douglass—who was himself the most photographed man of the 19th century—consistently championed the medium for its capacity to affirm the humanity and dignity of its sitters and challenge dehumanizing, racist stereotypes. Other Black Americans, including native Virginian James Presley Ball (1825–1904), practiced and shaped the medium from its earliest years.\" (2)","Sources:\n\"How Black people in the 19th century used photography as a tool for social change\"\nhttps://www.si.umich.edu/about-umsi/news/how-black-people-19th-century-used-photography-tool-social-change","\"A Powerful Influence: Early Photographs of African Americans from the Collection of Dennis O. Williams\" Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Dr. Sarah Kennel, curator. November 19, 2022- June 15 2023.\nhttps://vmfa.museum/exhibitions/exhibitions/powerful-influence-early-photographs-african-americans-collection-dennis-o-williams/","Tintypes were portable, cheap, and fast to make. They came onto the scene in 1853 and were used through 1930. Photographers could easily sell their services at fairs or travel to battlefields. Some of the most common subjects were Civil War fields and soldiers, who would send photos home to loved ones.","Tintype creates a photographic image on a thin sheet of metal or iron that has been coated with a dark lacquer or enamel.The metal plates are coated with chemicals, exposed to light in a camera, and processed with additional chemistry. This creates an underexposed negative image. When that negative is placed on a dark background, the transparent areas appear black, which makes the plate look like a positive image.","This collection features one 2.25 X4\" tintype photograph of an unidentified African American man dressed in a three-piece suit with a bowtie, pocket square, and derby hat with a sash perched at a stylish angle on his head. The man leans against a marble column against a plain background in a studio.","The tintype was invented in 1855, one decade before the emancipation of enslaved African Americans across the United States. His suit, medium, and background suggest a date roughly within the mid-to-late nineteenth century.","These portraits come from a time just after emanicipation when African Americans were creating new lives for themselves. Photography was one way to commemorate freedom and memorialize prosperity.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900"],"collection_ssim":["African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["File","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16795","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1551"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16795","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/1551"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Max Rambod"],"creator_ssim":["Max Rambod"],"creator_corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"creators_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Max Rambod, Inc. by the Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia Library on 1 March 2023."],"access_subjects_ssim":["African American young men","tintypes (prints)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["African American young men","tintypes (prints)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.03 Cubic Feet One letter-sized folder."],"extent_tesim":["0.03 Cubic Feet One letter-sized folder."],"genreform_ssim":["tintypes (prints)"],"date_range_isim":[1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research use.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research use."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\"African Americans' engagement with photography in the 19th century began a tradition for Black photographers' use of photography today to promote social change. African Americans, whether they are in front or behind the camera, create empowering images that define the beauty and resilience contained within the Black experience.\" (1)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"To pose for a photograph became an empowering act for African Americans. It served as a way to counteract racist caricatures that distort facial features and mocked Black society. African Americans in urban and rural settings participated in photography to demonstrate dignity in the Black experience.\" (1)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"For African Americans in particular, photographic portraits offered a means of self-representation and empowerment. The abolitionist Frederick Douglass—who was himself the most photographed man of the 19th century—consistently championed the medium for its capacity to affirm the humanity and dignity of its sitters and challenge dehumanizing, racist stereotypes. Other Black Americans, including native Virginian James Presley Ball (1825–1904), practiced and shaped the medium from its earliest years.\" (2)\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSources:\n\"How Black people in the 19th century used photography as a tool for social change\"\nhttps://www.si.umich.edu/about-umsi/news/how-black-people-19th-century-used-photography-tool-social-change\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\"A Powerful Influence: Early Photographs of African Americans from the Collection of Dennis O. Williams\" Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Dr. Sarah Kennel, curator. November 19, 2022- June 15 2023.\nhttps://vmfa.museum/exhibitions/exhibitions/powerful-influence-early-photographs-african-americans-collection-dennis-o-williams/\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTintypes were portable, cheap, and fast to make. They came onto the scene in 1853 and were used through 1930. Photographers could easily sell their services at fairs or travel to battlefields. Some of the most common subjects were Civil War fields and soldiers, who would send photos home to loved ones.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTintype creates a photographic image on a thin sheet of metal or iron that has been coated with a dark lacquer or enamel.The metal plates are coated with chemicals, exposed to light in a camera, and processed with additional chemistry. This creates an underexposed negative image. When that negative is placed on a dark background, the transparent areas appear black, which makes the plate look like a positive image. \u003c/p\u003e  "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["\"African Americans' engagement with photography in the 19th century began a tradition for Black photographers' use of photography today to promote social change. African Americans, whether they are in front or behind the camera, create empowering images that define the beauty and resilience contained within the Black experience.\" (1)","\"To pose for a photograph became an empowering act for African Americans. It served as a way to counteract racist caricatures that distort facial features and mocked Black society. African Americans in urban and rural settings participated in photography to demonstrate dignity in the Black experience.\" (1)","\"For African Americans in particular, photographic portraits offered a means of self-representation and empowerment. The abolitionist Frederick Douglass—who was himself the most photographed man of the 19th century—consistently championed the medium for its capacity to affirm the humanity and dignity of its sitters and challenge dehumanizing, racist stereotypes. Other Black Americans, including native Virginian James Presley Ball (1825–1904), practiced and shaped the medium from its earliest years.\" (2)","Sources:\n\"How Black people in the 19th century used photography as a tool for social change\"\nhttps://www.si.umich.edu/about-umsi/news/how-black-people-19th-century-used-photography-tool-social-change","\"A Powerful Influence: Early Photographs of African Americans from the Collection of Dennis O. Williams\" Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Dr. Sarah Kennel, curator. November 19, 2022- June 15 2023.\nhttps://vmfa.museum/exhibitions/exhibitions/powerful-influence-early-photographs-african-americans-collection-dennis-o-williams/","Tintypes were portable, cheap, and fast to make. They came onto the scene in 1853 and were used through 1930. Photographers could easily sell their services at fairs or travel to battlefields. Some of the most common subjects were Civil War fields and soldiers, who would send photos home to loved ones.","Tintype creates a photographic image on a thin sheet of metal or iron that has been coated with a dark lacquer or enamel.The metal plates are coated with chemicals, exposed to light in a camera, and processed with additional chemistry. This creates an underexposed negative image. When that negative is placed on a dark background, the transparent areas appear black, which makes the plate look like a positive image."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMSS 16795, African American man tintype portrait, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"prefercite_tesim":["MSS 16795, African American man tintype portrait, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia Library."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection features one 2.25 X4\" tintype photograph of an unidentified African American man dressed in a three-piece suit with a bowtie, pocket square, and derby hat with a sash perched at a stylish angle on his head. The man leans against a marble column against a plain background in a studio. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe tintype was invented in 1855, one decade before the emancipation of enslaved African Americans across the United States. His suit, medium, and background suggest a date roughly within the mid-to-late nineteenth century. \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese portraits come from a time just after emanicipation when African Americans were creating new lives for themselves. Photography was one way to commemorate freedom and memorialize prosperity.\u003c/p\u003e  "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Content Description"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This collection features one 2.25 X4\" tintype photograph of an unidentified African American man dressed in a three-piece suit with a bowtie, pocket square, and derby hat with a sash perched at a stylish angle on his head. The man leans against a marble column against a plain background in a studio.","The tintype was invented in 1855, one decade before the emancipation of enslaved African Americans across the United States. His suit, medium, and background suggest a date roughly within the mid-to-late nineteenth century.","These portraits come from a time just after emanicipation when African Americans were creating new lives for themselves. Photography was one way to commemorate freedom and memorialize prosperity."],"corpname_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"names_coll_ssim":["Max Rambod"],"names_ssim":["Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Max Rambod"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":0,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:53:38.700Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_1551"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c14_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1873/1899","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c14_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c14_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c14_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c14_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c14","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c14","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c14"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1873/1899"],"text":["A. General, 1873/1899","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers","6 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1873/1899"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1873-1899"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":66,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["6 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#13/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c14_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c16_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1873/1899","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c16_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c16_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c16_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c16_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c16","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c16","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c16"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1873/1899"],"text":["A. General, 1873/1899","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers","6 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Ledgers"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1873/1899"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1873-1899"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":80,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["6 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#15/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c16_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c11_c01","type":"Sub-Series","attributes":{"title":"A. General, 1875/1889","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c11_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c11_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00917_c01_c11_c01"],"id":"viu_viu00917_c01_c11_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917_c01_c11","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00917_c01_c11","parent_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Invoices"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00917","viu_viu00917_c01","viu_viu00917_c01_c11"],"title_filing_ssi":"A. General","title_ssm":["A. General"],"title_tesim":["A. General"],"normalized_title_ssm":["A. General, 1875/1889"],"text":["A. General, 1875/1889","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Invoices","7 volumes"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Invoices"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","Bound Volumes","Invoices"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875/1889"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1875-1889"],"level_ssm":["Sub-Series"],"level_ssim":["Sub-series"],"component_level_isim":[3],"sort_isi":49,"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"physdesc_tesim":["7 volumes"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"date_range_isim":[1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#10/components#0","timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927","662","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections.","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.","By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.","English"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n 1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eStored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections. \n\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access Restrictions"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Stored off-site. Users must request boxes 48 hours in advance of desired use. Neither drop-in nor next-day requests can be fulfilled. For additional information, contact Special Collections."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         To Mr. George Wickes \n            Supt. of Mines \n            Kay Moor, Virginia \n            Dear George, \n            Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.Signed, \n            Ed D. Wickes Supt. of MinesLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         Manufacturers Recorddated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Provenance"],"custodhist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company ceased operations in 1930;\n            what happened to the records of the company in the years\n            immediately following is not known, but in 1939, the Green\n            Bookman, a Charlottesville bookshop, sold the records to\n            the University of Virginia Library.","The records arrived at the receiving room door of the\n            new Alderman Library on October 16, 1939, in a trailer\n            truck whose load was estimated to weigh about fourteen\n            tons. As the manuscripts staff dug around in the piles of\n            over 1200 account books, and countless boxes of papers they\n            realized that the company had saved almost all of its\n            papers including checks, invoices, vouchers, and receipts,\n            and certain of these records were destroyed as their\n            information was recorded in other records. Once the bulk of\n            the collection had been reduced, the remaining records were\n            transferred to the stack area of the Division of Rare Books\n            and Manuscripts."],"otherfindaid_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSome 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eMembers of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eFrom the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eInsofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eAvailable in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"otherfindaid_heading_ssm":["Other Finding Aid"],"otherfindaid_tesim":["Some 1200 bound accounting record books of the Low Moor\n            Iron Company came into the custody of the Library with the\n            loose papers. When the project staff investigated these\n            volumes in the dormitory attic where they were stored, they\n            found that the volumes had been shelved by size rather than\n            by series. Thus, a letterbook may stand next to a stock\n            report book for a furnace, which is, in turn, next to a\n            store account book for the Kay Moor Mines' store. No series\n            are shelved in order.","Members of the project staff surveyed the volumes,\n            completing for each volume two copies of a mimeographed\n            survey form, and assigning to each volume a number. One\n            copy of the survey report form was placed in the volume,\n            and the second was returned to the Library.","From the survey report forms, 3 x 5 inch index\n            cards--with a carbon copy of each--were typed. One set of\n            index cards has been kept in order by the numbers assigned\n            to the volumes as they stand on the shelves. This provides\n            a shelf list for the use of the library staff. The other\n            set of cards was sorted into categories as a finding aid.\n            On the list that follows, the researcher will find a number\n            of major headings such as \"Accounts,\" \"Inventories,\"\n            \"Letter Books,\" and \"Shipments-Outgoing.\"","Insofar as it has been possible to determine from the\n            data on the survey report forms, the volumes have been\n            assigned to categories. Most of the major categories, or\n            headings, have sub-headings. Within those sub-headings, the\n            volumes have been arranged chronologically. The\n            investigators realize that after careful study of some of\n            these volumes, they will be revealed as belonging to other\n            categories than those in which they have initially been\n            placed. The card index will allow such movement.","Available in the Manuscripts/Archives Reading Room in\n            the Library is the sorted card index file. There is a card\n            for every volume in this file whereas, on the pages that\n            follow, volumes have been summarized under the headings and\n            sub-headings. In each case, the number of volumes has been\n            given in the summarized list; the date ranges given are\n            inclusive in most cases, and do not reveal the many gaps in\n            sequences unless the number of volumes is small and the\n            date range wide. Occasional remarks about the content of\n            volumes have been supplied if the contents are not obvious\n            from the heading or sub-heading.","Researchers wishing to examine any of these volumes will\n            have to use the card index file in order to be able to give\n            to the staff the volume number assigned to the individual\n            volumes that are to be inspected."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"prefercite_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company, Accession #662,\n            Special Collections, University of Virginia Library,\n            Charlottesville, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBy 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eIn late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.\u003c/p\u003e\n        ","\u003cp\u003eThe more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide.\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["By 1958, little storage space remained in Alderman\n            Library, and the Rare Books and Manuscripts Division was\n            especially crowded because of the rapid growth of its\n            collections. After an examination of its storage areas, the\n            division's staff decided to move the Low Moor records to\n            the attic of one of the student dormitories. The collection\n            had had little use chiefly because there was no finding\n            aid. There seemed little likelihood of extensive researcher\n            use until the collection could be processed.","In preparation for the move, the old letter boxes in\n            which much of the collection had arrived in the Library\n            were discarded. The records from each box were placed\n            between sheets of the heavy gray cardboard used to protect\n            unbound newspapers in the Library's stacks, and the spine\n            labels of the old letter boxes were copied onto the\n            cardboard. The resulting bundles were wrapped with brown\n            Kraft paper and tied up with string. The bundles were\n            numbered. Whatever original order the letter boxes may have\n            had was lost by the time they arrived in the Library, and\n            after the bundling, removal to a dormitory attic, and\n            subsequent return to the Library in 1976, all vestiges of\n            the original order were lost.","The bundles remained in the dormitory attic for almost\n            twenty years. Occasional visits were made by the division\n            staff to check on their condition, and on very rare\n            occasions, a researcher was brave enough to ask to be shown\n            the collection. Once the researcher saw the imposing amount\n            of material and the conditions in the attic, interest in\n            using the collection invariably died.","In late 1976 a grant from the National Endowment for the\n            Humanities was obtained to allow the Library to process the\n            Low Moor Iron Company papers, and the papers of Edward L.\n            Stone and the Borderland Coal Company, another large\n            collection of records stored in the same dormitory attic.\n            All of these records and papers were moved back to the\n            Library where the bundles were cleaned and opened. The\n            contents of each were placed in a Hollinger storage box,\n            and all notes on the paper wrappings and on the gray\n            cardboard sheets were recorded.","The more than 1200 bound accounting records of the Low\n            Moor Iron Company were surveyed by the grant project staff.\n            The contents of each volume were noted on a mimeographed\n            form, and later typed on 3 x 5\" cards to create a\n            readily-accessible file for the Manuscripts Reading Room.\n            This information was also typed on pages to be added to\n            this guide."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n      ","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e\n    "],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSee the \n            \u003cextref type=\"simple\" href=\"https://www.library.virginia.edu/policies/use-of-materials\"\u003e\n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy.\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n      "],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["See the \n            \n            University of Virginia Library’s use policy."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-08-14T22:56:23.128Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c01_c11_c01"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","hits":1956},"links":{"remove":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}}]},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/facet/repository_ssim.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"type":"facet","id":"collection_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Collection","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"\"What are you Like?\" Victorian parlor game, 1870/1879","value":"\"What are you Like?\" Victorian parlor game, 1870/1879","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=%22What+are+you+Like%3F%22+Victorian+parlor+game%2C+1870%2F1879\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"A. E. Dick Howard papers, 1928/2017","value":"A. E. Dick Howard papers, 1928/2017","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=A.+E.+Dick+Howard+papers%2C+1928%2F2017\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900","value":"African American man tintype portrait, 1865/1900","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=African+American+man+tintype+portrait%2C+1865%2F1900\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albemarle County ledger book, 1871/1880","value":"Albemarle County ledger book, 1871/1880","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Albemarle+County+ledger+book%2C+1871%2F1880\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934","value":"Albert Frederick Wilson papers, 1840/1934","hits":3},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Albert+Frederick+Wilson+papers%2C+1840%2F1934\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albert R. Gallatin papers, 1795/1828","value":"Albert R. Gallatin papers, 1795/1828","hits":1},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Albert+R.+Gallatin+papers%2C+1795%2F1828\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Albert Taylor Bledsoe and Sophia Bledsoe Herrick letters, 1858/1908","value":"Albert Taylor Bledsoe and Sophia Bledsoe Herrick letters, 1858/1908","hits":3},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Albert+Taylor+Bledsoe+and+Sophia+Bledsoe+Herrick+letters%2C+1858%2F1908\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Alderman family papers, 1779/1961","value":"Alderman family papers, 1779/1961","hits":7},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Alderman+family+papers%2C+1779%2F1961\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Alexander Family Papers \n 1800-1890","value":"Alexander Family Papers \n 1800-1890","hits":7},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bcollection%5D%5B%5D=Alexander+Family+Papers+%0A+1800-1890\u0026f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Brepository%5D%5B%5D=University+of+Virginia%2C+Special+Collections+Dept."}},{"attributes":{"label":"Alfred C. 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