{"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=11","prev":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=10","next":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=12","last":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog.json?f%5Bdate_range%5D%5B%5D=1875\u0026f%5Blevel%5D%5B%5D=Item\u0026page=190"},"meta":{"pages":{"current_page":11,"next_page":12,"prev_page":10,"total_pages":190,"limit_value":10,"offset_value":100,"total_count":1898,"first_page?":false,"last_page?":false}},"data":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76_c04","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"[article; original] \"Blennerhassett's Island\" by W.B. Watkins (from 'Ladies' Repository,' February 1859); also includes a print of a sketch of Blennerhassett Island (by Lizzie Forbes?) and a page of typescript notes on the sketch (by C. RR. Rector?) dated February 1, 1926)","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76_c04#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76_c04","ref_ssm":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76_c04"],"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76_c04","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76","parent_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76","parent_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76"],"parent_ids_ssim":["wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08","wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers","Series 8. Bound Notebooks","Blennerhassett (includes index cards and a photograph in front of book"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers","Series 8. Bound Notebooks","Blennerhassett (includes index cards and a photograph in front of book"],"text":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers","Series 8. Bound Notebooks","Blennerhassett (includes index cards and a photograph in front of book","[article; original] \"Blennerhassett's Island\" by W.B. Watkins (from 'Ladies' Repository,' February 1859); also includes a print of a sketch of Blennerhassett Island (by Lizzie Forbes?) and a page of typescript notes on the sketch (by C. RR. Rector?) dated February 1, 1926)","Box 35","Volume Notebook 54"],"title_filing_ssi":"[article; original] \"Blennerhassett's Island\" by W.B. Watkins (from 'Ladies' Repository,' February 1859); also includes a print of a sketch of Blennerhassett Island (by Lizzie Forbes?) and a page of typescript notes on the sketch (by C. RR. Rector?) dated February 1, 1926)","title_ssm":["[article; original] \"Blennerhassett's Island\" by W.B. Watkins (from 'Ladies' Repository,' February 1859); also includes a print of a sketch of Blennerhassett Island (by Lizzie Forbes?) and a page of typescript notes on the sketch (by C. RR. Rector?) dated February 1, 1926)"],"title_tesim":["[article; original] \"Blennerhassett's Island\" by W.B. Watkins (from 'Ladies' Repository,' February 1859); also includes a print of a sketch of Blennerhassett Island (by Lizzie Forbes?) and a page of typescript notes on the sketch (by C. RR. Rector?) dated February 1, 1926)"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1859, 1926?"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1859/1926"],"normalized_title_ssm":["[article; original] \"Blennerhassett's Island\" by W.B. Watkins (from 'Ladies' Repository,' February 1859); also includes a print of a sketch of Blennerhassett Island (by Lizzie Forbes?) and a page of typescript notes on the sketch (by C. RR. Rector?) dated February 1, 1926)"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"collection_ssim":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":2658,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized materials by visiting the link attached to each item or by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the Permissions and Copyright page on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"date_range_isim":[1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926],"containers_ssim":["Box 35","Volume Notebook 54"],"_nest_path_":"/components#7/components#75/components#3","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:09:00.006Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","ead_ssi":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","_root_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","_nest_parent_":"wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/WVU/repositories_2_resources_6199.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.wvu.edu/ark:/99999/199148","title_ssm":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers"],"title_tesim":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1679-1984, undated","1840-1960"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["1840-1960"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1679-1984, undated"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["A\u0026M 1561","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6199"],"text":["A\u0026M 1561","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6199","Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers","Charleston (W. Va.)","Gilmer County (W. Va.)","Kanawha County (W. Va.)","Kanawha River Valley (W. Va.)","Lewis County (W. Va.)","Ohio River Valley -- History","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Military life","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Veterans","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865","Academies and Institutes.","Accounting","Bridges -- West Virginia","Fortification -- West Virginia","Genealogy","Pharmacy -- History","Philippi, Battle of, Philippi, W. Va., 1861","Railroads -- West Virginia","Rivers -- West Virginia","Roads -- West Virginia","Salt industry and trade - West Virginia.","Schools","Slavery -- West Virginia","Steamboats","Toll roads  -- West Virginia","Valleys -- West Virginia","West Virginia - Church history.","Women's history -- 1800-1849","Women's history -- 1850-1899","Women's history -- 1900-1929","Women's history -- 1929-1950","Women's history -- 1951-present","Women's history -- Pre-1800","Diaries","Special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized materials by visiting the link attached to each item or by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc.","Roy Bird Cook  (April 1, 1886 - November 21, 1961) was born in Lewis County, near Roanoke, WV. Cook was a pharmacist and prominent West Virginia historian. Cook wrote several books on the history of Lewis County and biographies of Stonewall Jackson and Alexander Scott Withers, and contributed historical articles to a wide variety of publications. He also collected Civil War and early West Virginia documents and memorabilia. More biographical information on Mr. Cook is available in the \"Records of the 31st Virginia Infantry Regiment, C.S.A.\" (see link in Instances).","The 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment  was formed in the early weeks of the Civil War when Confederate General Robert E. Lee ordered the recruitment of troops to protect railroad lines running through western Virginia's northern counties. On May 4, Lee appointed Colonel George Porterfield to assume command of these forces, which were being raised primarily in Taylor, Marion, Harrison, Monongalia, and Barbour Counties. In the next few weeks, these new recruits found themselves in the war's first arena, a tactical struggle for control of the Confederacy's northwestern flank--the hills, rails, and rivers of what would soon become the nation's 35th state, West Virginia.","Composed of some of the war's earliest recruits, the 31st Virginia Infantry would see action under General Garnett, William L. \"Mudwall\" Jackson, Jones and Imboden, Stonewall Jackson, Jubal Early, and many more legendary Confederate commanders, at battles including Corrick's Ford, Cross Keys, Cold Harbor, Gettysburg, New Market, and others. Approximately 57 of the 850 men who joined the regiment in 1861 witnessed Lee's surrender at Appomattox on April 9, 1865.","A detailed history of the 31st Virginia by James Dell Cooke is available online (see link in Instances).","Researchers are also referred to John M. Ashcraft's '31st Virginia Infantry' (Lynchburg, Va.: H.E. Howard, 1988).","Granville Davisson Hall  (September 17, 1837 - June 24, 1934) worked for the Wheeling 'Intelligencer' as a reporter and editor. He also recorded the proceedings of the Wheeling Conventions, which led to the creation of the state of West Virginia. His notes were later published as 'The Rending of Virginia.' Hall also served as secretary to Governor Francis H. Pierpont when the Reorganized Government of Virginia was set up by the Second Wheeling Convention in 1861. In the new state government, Hall was elected the first clerk of the House of Delegates on June 20, 1863. In 1865, he was elected Secretary of State and also served as private secretary to West Virginia's first governor, Arthur I. Boreman. After the Civil War, Hall held several positions in the railroad industry.","Congressman and Confederate General  Albert Gallatin Jenkins  (November 10, 1830 - May 21, 1864) was born at Green Bottom, Cabell County. He practiced law in (West) Virginia and served in the U.S. Congress from 1857 to 1861. At the beginning of the Civil War, he enlisted recruits for a Virginia unit called the Border Rangers and was elected their captain. In August of 1861, he formed the 8th Virginia Cavalry and became its colonel. In early 1862, Jenkins was elected to the First Confederate Congress. In August of 1862, he was appointed brigadier general. He went on to command a battalion of cavalry at the Battle of Gettysburg. Jenkins died of wounds he received at the Battle of Cloyd's Mountain. Jenkins' Green Bottom plantation house, maintained as an historic site by the West Virginia Division of Culture and History, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1978.","Jonathan McCally Bennett  (October 4, 1816 - October 28, 1887) was born in Lewis County, (West) Virginia. He married Margaret Elizabeth Jackson, daughter of Captain George W. Jackson, cousin of Stonewall Jackson. Bennett was law partner of Gideon D. Camden, and in 1846 became the first Mayor of Weston. He served as a member of the General Assembly in 1852-1853, was president of the Exchange Bank of Virginia at Weston in 1853, served as First Auditor of Virginia from 1857 to 1865, and served on the West Virginia Senate from 1872 to 1876. During the Civil War, he sided with the Confederacy. For additional collections related to J.M. Bennett and the Bennett family, see also A\u0026M 32, 35, 572, and others.","81, 858, 895, 1309, 1379, 1528, 1561","Papers collected by Roy Bird Cook, a Lewis County native and Charleston pharmacist, who in his role as historian, researcher, and author, was a pioneering and effective advocate for the preservation of West Virginia history. This collection includes the papers he collected in connection with his research, including documentation of the Civil War in West Virginia, Stonewall Jackson and his family, and genealogy of North Central West Virginia, among other topics.","Materials include letters and papers of the Hays family, including Samuel L. and Peregrine Hays of Gilmer County (1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated [includes facsimiles]); records of the Confederate 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, and later correspondence, clippings, and papers about the regiment and its members (ca. 1856-1955, undated [includes facsimiles]); correspondence, photographs, and scrapbook-style notebooks of Roy Bird Cook (1896-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]); various collections of individual and family papers and Civil War correspondence (1793-1974, undated [includes facsimiles]); original and copies of Stonewall Jackson letters and papers, as well as papers pertaining to Jackson family members (1801-1963, undated [includes facsimiles]) (the original letter by T.J. Jackson has been separated to A\u0026M 435); and materials related to the history of pharmacy and medicine, with a special focus on West Virginia (ca. 1832-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]).","There is also an extensive series of bound notebooks containing manuscripts, transcriptions, clippings, genealogies, pamphlets, and images regarding the following topics: Stonewall Jackson, Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, Colonel George Jackson, and Thomas Jackson Arnold; the Civil War, including historical sketches of battles as well as originals and copies of soldiers' diaries, journals, and letters; Lewis County; Charleston and the Kanawha Valley; Douglas S. Freeman; Granville Davisson Hall; Camden family; George Washington; and other topics.","Please note: Additional processing took place in spring and summer 2012. Box and folder numbers from previous citations may no longer be accurate.","Series 1. Hays Family Papers; 1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated (includes facsimiles); box 1.","Series 2. Records of the 31st Virginia Infantry; ca. 1856-1955, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 2-3.","\nSeries 3. Roy Bird Cook Personal Papers; 1896-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 4-5.","Series 4. Miscellaneous History; 1783-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 6-7b.","Series 5. Individual, Family, and Civil War History Papers; 1793-1974, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 8-9.","Series 6. Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson Papers; 1801-1963, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 10-14c.","Series 7. Historical Articles and Other Printed Papers; 1928-1962, undated (includes facsimiles); box 15.","Series 8. Bound Notebooks; 1679-1984, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 16-40.","Series 9. Miscellaneous; ca. 1850-1866, 1909-1958, undated; box 41, folders 1-4.","Series 10. History of Pharmacy and the West Virginia Pharmaceutical Association; ca. 1832-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); box 41, folder 5 - box 42, folder 3 (includes unfoldered material).","Series 11. West Virginia Medical History and Biography; 1870-1911, 1936-1958, undated (includes facsimiles); box 42, folders 4-7.","Series 12. American Pharmaceutical Association; 1868, 1939-1961, undated; box 43.","Series 13. A.J. Volck Confederate Sketches; ca. 1880, 1915-1954, 2012, undated (includes facsimiles); box 44.","Series 14. Glass Plate Negatives; undated; box 45.","Series 15. Oversize Material; 1774-1964, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 46-52 and map cabinet 1, drawer 19.","Many items were transferred to the Printed Ephemera Collection, including \"Mark Twain's Family in Early History of West Virginia,\" by Robert Harrison Ferguson, A.M. Superintendent Mason County Schools, Point Pleasant, West Virginia (see P8616 in the Printed Ephemera Collection).","\nAn original letter from T.J. Jackson to Laura Ann Jackson Arnold, 26 October 1847, from Mexico City, Mexico, has been separated to the rare signature collection, A\u0026M 435.","\nFive original letters have been separated from Series 5. Individual, Family, and Civil War History Papers to A\u0026M 435. These are original manuscript letters authored by William McKinley, Rutherford B. Hayes, George McClellan, John S. Mosby, and Louis Philippe, and an original typescript letter from Theodore Roosevelt.","\n\"Front Elevation of Lunatic Asylum, West of the Alleghany Mountains\", \"R. Snowden Andrews, Architect, Baltimore, MD\" (1859; 12 1/2 in. x 49 in.) separated to A\u0026M 4071, Weston State Hospital.","\nMost photographs in this collection have been separated and digitized -- see scope and content note for link to photographs in West Virginia History OnView. Two of the photos were separated to A\u0026M 4168, Panoramic Photos Collection: Sheltering Arms Hosptial and Kanawha Falls.","\nLists of separated materials in the following categories can be found in the control folder: Broadsides \u0026 Programs, Newspapers/Periodicals, Circulars \u0026 West Virginia Pamphlets, and Maps.","Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.","Papers collected by Roy Bird Cook, a Lewis County native and Charleston pharmacist, who in his role as historian, researcher, and author, was a pioneering and effective advocate for the preservation of West Virginia history. This collection includes the papers he collected in connection with his research, including documentation of the Civil War in West Virginia, Stonewall Jackson and his family, and genealogy of North Central West Virginia, among other topics. Materials include letters and papers of the Hays family, including Samuel L. and Peregrine Hays of Gilmer County (1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated [includes facsimiles]); records of the Confederate 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, and later correspondence, clippings, and papers about the regiment and its members (ca. 1856-1955, undated [includes facsimiles]); various collections of individual and family papers and Civil War correspondence (1793-1974, undated [includes facsimiles]); original and copies of Stonewall Jackson letters and papers, as well as papers pertaining to Jackson family members (1801-1963, undated [includes facsimiles]); and materials related to the history of pharmacy and medicine, with a special focus on West Virginia (ca. 1832-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]). There is also an extensive series of bound notebooks containing manuscripts, transcriptions, clippings, genealogies, pamphlets, and images regarding the following topics: Stonewall Jackson, Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, Colonel George Jackson, and Thomas Jackson Arnold; the Civil War, including historical sketches of battles as well as originals and copies of soldiers' diaries, journals, and letters; Lewis County; Charleston and the Kanawha Valley; Douglas S. Freeman; Granville Davisson Hall; Camden family; George Washington; and other topics.","West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/","West Virginia and Regional History Center","American Pharmaceutical Association","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 22nd. Company B","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 31st","West Virginia State Pharmaceutical Association","Bennett family","Camden family","Hayes family","Jackson family","Quarrier family","Ruffner family","Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961","Arnold, Thomas Jackson.","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bennett, Jonathan McCally, 1816-1887.","Boone, Daniel, 1734-1820","Boreman, Arthur Inghram, 1823-1896","Brown, John, 1800-1859","Camden, Mary Belt Sprigg.","Camden, Thomas Bland, 1829-1910","Cooke, John Esten, 1830-1886.","Cooper, William P.","Cox, Jacob D (Jacob Dolson), 1828-1900","Crook, George, 1828-1890","Davis, Henry Gassaway, 1823-1916","Early, Jubal Anderson, 1816-1894","Ellis, James F.","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Freeman, Douglas Southall, 1886-1953","Gallaher, D.C.","Hall, Granville Davisson, 1837-1934","Hayes, Rutherford B., 1822-1893","Hays, Peregrine.","Hays, Samuel L.","Hill, D. H. (Daniel Harvey), 1821-1889","Hubbard, C. D. (Chester Dorman), 1814-1891","Imboden, John D. (John Daniel), 1823-1895","Jackson, George.","Jackson, J.J.","Jackson, Mary Anna, 1831-1915","Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Jenkins, Albert Gallatin, 1830-1864","Kenna, John Edward, 1848-1893","Letcher, John, 1813-1884","Levi, Mordecai.","Lightburn, Joseph Andrew Jackson, 1824-1901.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mastin, John A.","McCausland, John, 1836-1927","McClellan, George B. (George Brinton), 1826-1885","McFarland, James C.","McKinley, William, 1843-1901","Mosby, John Singleton, 1833-1916","Pierpont, Francis Harrison, 1814-1899","Scott, Nathan Bay, 1842-1924","Volck, Adalbert John, 1828-1912","Washington, George, 1732-1799","Withers, Alexander Scott, 1792-1865","English"],"unitid_tesim":["A\u0026M 1561","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/2/resources/6199"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers"],"repository_ssm":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"repository_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center"],"geogname_ssm":["Charleston (W. Va.)","Gilmer County (W. Va.)","Kanawha County (W. Va.)","Kanawha River Valley (W. Va.)","Lewis County (W. Va.)","Ohio River Valley -- History","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Military life","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Veterans","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865"],"geogname_ssim":["Charleston (W. Va.)","Gilmer County (W. Va.)","Kanawha County (W. Va.)","Kanawha River Valley (W. Va.)","Lewis County (W. Va.)","Ohio River Valley -- History","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Military life","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Veterans","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865"],"creator_ssm":["Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961"],"creator_ssim":["Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961"],"creators_ssim":["Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961"],"places_ssim":["Charleston (W. Va.)","Gilmer County (W. Va.)","Kanawha County (W. Va.)","Kanawha River Valley (W. Va.)","Lewis County (W. Va.)","Ohio River Valley -- History","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Military life","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Veterans","United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865","West Virginia -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865"],"access_terms_ssm":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Academies and Institutes.","Accounting","Bridges -- West Virginia","Fortification -- West Virginia","Genealogy","Pharmacy -- History","Philippi, Battle of, Philippi, W. Va., 1861","Railroads -- West Virginia","Rivers -- West Virginia","Roads -- West Virginia","Salt industry and trade - West Virginia.","Schools","Slavery -- West Virginia","Steamboats","Toll roads  -- West Virginia","Valleys -- West Virginia","West Virginia - Church history.","Women's history -- 1800-1849","Women's history -- 1850-1899","Women's history -- 1900-1929","Women's history -- 1929-1950","Women's history -- 1951-present","Women's history -- Pre-1800","Diaries"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Academies and Institutes.","Accounting","Bridges -- West Virginia","Fortification -- West Virginia","Genealogy","Pharmacy -- History","Philippi, Battle of, Philippi, W. Va., 1861","Railroads -- West Virginia","Rivers -- West Virginia","Roads -- West Virginia","Salt industry and trade - West Virginia.","Schools","Slavery -- West Virginia","Steamboats","Toll roads  -- West Virginia","Valleys -- West Virginia","West Virginia - Church history.","Women's history -- 1800-1849","Women's history -- 1850-1899","Women's history -- 1900-1929","Women's history -- 1929-1950","Women's history -- 1951-present","Women's history -- Pre-1800","Diaries"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["20.6 Linear Feet 20 ft. 7 in. (33 document cases, 5 in. each); (12 document cases, 2 1/2 in. each); (2 small flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 medium flat storage box, 1 1/2 in.); (3 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (3 large flat storage boxes, 1 1/2 in. each); (10 oversize folders, 1 in.); (2 record cartons, 15 in. each)"],"extent_tesim":["20.6 Linear Feet 20 ft. 7 in. (33 document cases, 5 in. each); (12 document cases, 2 1/2 in. each); (2 small flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (1 medium flat storage box, 1 1/2 in.); (3 large flat storage boxes, 3 in. each); (3 large flat storage boxes, 1 1/2 in. each); (10 oversize folders, 1 in.); (2 record cartons, 15 in. each)"],"genreform_ssim":["Diaries"],"date_range_isim":[1679,1680,1681,1682,1683,1684,1685,1686,1687,1688,1689,1690,1691,1692,1693,1694,1695,1696,1697,1698,1699,1700,1701,1702,1703,1704,1705,1706,1707,1708,1709,1710,1711,1712,1713,1714,1715,1716,1717,1718,1719,1720,1721,1722,1723,1724,1725,1726,1727,1728,1729,1730,1731,1732,1733,1734,1735,1736,1737,1738,1739,1740,1741,1742,1743,1744,1745,1746,1747,1748,1749,1750,1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSpecial access restriction applies.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eResearchers may access digitized materials by visiting the link attached to each item or by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026amp; Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Special access restriction applies.","Researchers may access digitized materials by visiting the link attached to each item or by requesting to view the materials in person by appointment or remotely by contacting the West Virginia \u0026 Regional History Center reference department at https://westvirginia.libanswers.com/wvrhc."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eRoy Bird Cook\u003c/emph\u003e (April 1, 1886 - November 21, 1961) was born in Lewis County, near Roanoke, WV. Cook was a pharmacist and prominent West Virginia historian. Cook wrote several books on the history of Lewis County and biographies of Stonewall Jackson and Alexander Scott Withers, and contributed historical articles to a wide variety of publications. He also collected Civil War and early West Virginia documents and memorabilia. More biographical information on Mr. Cook is available in the \"Records of the 31st Virginia Infantry Regiment, C.S.A.\" (see link in Instances).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eThe 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment\u003c/emph\u003e was formed in the early weeks of the Civil War when Confederate General Robert E. Lee ordered the recruitment of troops to protect railroad lines running through western Virginia's northern counties. On May 4, Lee appointed Colonel George Porterfield to assume command of these forces, which were being raised primarily in Taylor, Marion, Harrison, Monongalia, and Barbour Counties. In the next few weeks, these new recruits found themselves in the war's first arena, a tactical struggle for control of the Confederacy's northwestern flank--the hills, rails, and rivers of what would soon become the nation's 35th state, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eComposed of some of the war's earliest recruits, the 31st Virginia Infantry would see action under General Garnett, William L. \"Mudwall\" Jackson, Jones and Imboden, Stonewall Jackson, Jubal Early, and many more legendary Confederate commanders, at battles including Corrick's Ford, Cross Keys, Cold Harbor, Gettysburg, New Market, and others. Approximately 57 of the 850 men who joined the regiment in 1861 witnessed Lee's surrender at Appomattox on April 9, 1865.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eA detailed history of the 31st Virginia by James Dell Cooke is available online (see link in Instances).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eResearchers are also referred to John M. Ashcraft's '31st Virginia Infantry' (Lynchburg, Va.: H.E. Howard, 1988).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eGranville Davisson Hall\u003c/emph\u003e (September 17, 1837 - June 24, 1934) worked for the Wheeling 'Intelligencer' as a reporter and editor. He also recorded the proceedings of the Wheeling Conventions, which led to the creation of the state of West Virginia. His notes were later published as 'The Rending of Virginia.' Hall also served as secretary to Governor Francis H. Pierpont when the Reorganized Government of Virginia was set up by the Second Wheeling Convention in 1861. In the new state government, Hall was elected the first clerk of the House of Delegates on June 20, 1863. In 1865, he was elected Secretary of State and also served as private secretary to West Virginia's first governor, Arthur I. Boreman. After the Civil War, Hall held several positions in the railroad industry.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eCongressman and Confederate General \u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eAlbert Gallatin Jenkins\u003c/emph\u003e (November 10, 1830 - May 21, 1864) was born at Green Bottom, Cabell County. He practiced law in (West) Virginia and served in the U.S. Congress from 1857 to 1861. At the beginning of the Civil War, he enlisted recruits for a Virginia unit called the Border Rangers and was elected their captain. In August of 1861, he formed the 8th Virginia Cavalry and became its colonel. In early 1862, Jenkins was elected to the First Confederate Congress. In August of 1862, he was appointed brigadier general. He went on to command a battalion of cavalry at the Battle of Gettysburg. Jenkins died of wounds he received at the Battle of Cloyd's Mountain. Jenkins' Green Bottom plantation house, maintained as an historic site by the West Virginia Division of Culture and History, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1978.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eJonathan McCally Bennett\u003c/emph\u003e (October 4, 1816 - October 28, 1887) was born in Lewis County, (West) Virginia. He married Margaret Elizabeth Jackson, daughter of Captain George W. Jackson, cousin of Stonewall Jackson. Bennett was law partner of Gideon D. Camden, and in 1846 became the first Mayor of Weston. He served as a member of the General Assembly in 1852-1853, was president of the Exchange Bank of Virginia at Weston in 1853, served as First Auditor of Virginia from 1857 to 1865, and served on the West Virginia Senate from 1872 to 1876. During the Civil War, he sided with the Confederacy. For additional collections related to J.M. Bennett and the Bennett family, see also A\u0026amp;M 32, 35, 572, and others.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Roy Bird Cook  (April 1, 1886 - November 21, 1961) was born in Lewis County, near Roanoke, WV. Cook was a pharmacist and prominent West Virginia historian. Cook wrote several books on the history of Lewis County and biographies of Stonewall Jackson and Alexander Scott Withers, and contributed historical articles to a wide variety of publications. He also collected Civil War and early West Virginia documents and memorabilia. More biographical information on Mr. Cook is available in the \"Records of the 31st Virginia Infantry Regiment, C.S.A.\" (see link in Instances).","The 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment  was formed in the early weeks of the Civil War when Confederate General Robert E. Lee ordered the recruitment of troops to protect railroad lines running through western Virginia's northern counties. On May 4, Lee appointed Colonel George Porterfield to assume command of these forces, which were being raised primarily in Taylor, Marion, Harrison, Monongalia, and Barbour Counties. In the next few weeks, these new recruits found themselves in the war's first arena, a tactical struggle for control of the Confederacy's northwestern flank--the hills, rails, and rivers of what would soon become the nation's 35th state, West Virginia.","Composed of some of the war's earliest recruits, the 31st Virginia Infantry would see action under General Garnett, William L. \"Mudwall\" Jackson, Jones and Imboden, Stonewall Jackson, Jubal Early, and many more legendary Confederate commanders, at battles including Corrick's Ford, Cross Keys, Cold Harbor, Gettysburg, New Market, and others. Approximately 57 of the 850 men who joined the regiment in 1861 witnessed Lee's surrender at Appomattox on April 9, 1865.","A detailed history of the 31st Virginia by James Dell Cooke is available online (see link in Instances).","Researchers are also referred to John M. Ashcraft's '31st Virginia Infantry' (Lynchburg, Va.: H.E. Howard, 1988).","Granville Davisson Hall  (September 17, 1837 - June 24, 1934) worked for the Wheeling 'Intelligencer' as a reporter and editor. He also recorded the proceedings of the Wheeling Conventions, which led to the creation of the state of West Virginia. His notes were later published as 'The Rending of Virginia.' Hall also served as secretary to Governor Francis H. Pierpont when the Reorganized Government of Virginia was set up by the Second Wheeling Convention in 1861. In the new state government, Hall was elected the first clerk of the House of Delegates on June 20, 1863. In 1865, he was elected Secretary of State and also served as private secretary to West Virginia's first governor, Arthur I. Boreman. After the Civil War, Hall held several positions in the railroad industry.","Congressman and Confederate General  Albert Gallatin Jenkins  (November 10, 1830 - May 21, 1864) was born at Green Bottom, Cabell County. He practiced law in (West) Virginia and served in the U.S. Congress from 1857 to 1861. At the beginning of the Civil War, he enlisted recruits for a Virginia unit called the Border Rangers and was elected their captain. In August of 1861, he formed the 8th Virginia Cavalry and became its colonel. In early 1862, Jenkins was elected to the First Confederate Congress. In August of 1862, he was appointed brigadier general. He went on to command a battalion of cavalry at the Battle of Gettysburg. Jenkins died of wounds he received at the Battle of Cloyd's Mountain. Jenkins' Green Bottom plantation house, maintained as an historic site by the West Virginia Division of Culture and History, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1978.","Jonathan McCally Bennett  (October 4, 1816 - October 28, 1887) was born in Lewis County, (West) Virginia. He married Margaret Elizabeth Jackson, daughter of Captain George W. Jackson, cousin of Stonewall Jackson. Bennett was law partner of Gideon D. Camden, and in 1846 became the first Mayor of Weston. He served as a member of the General Assembly in 1852-1853, was president of the Exchange Bank of Virginia at Weston in 1853, served as First Auditor of Virginia from 1857 to 1865, and served on the West Virginia Senate from 1872 to 1876. During the Civil War, he sided with the Confederacy. For additional collections related to J.M. Bennett and the Bennett family, see also A\u0026M 32, 35, 572, and others."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers, A\u0026amp;M 1561, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Description and date of item], [Box/folder number], Roy Bird Cook (1886-1961), Collector, Papers, A\u0026M 1561, West Virginia and Regional History Center, West Virginia University Libraries, Morgantown, West Virginia."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e81, 858, 895, 1309, 1379, 1528, 1561\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related A\u0026M Collections"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["81, 858, 895, 1309, 1379, 1528, 1561"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers collected by Roy Bird Cook, a Lewis County native and Charleston pharmacist, who in his role as historian, researcher, and author, was a pioneering and effective advocate for the preservation of West Virginia history. This collection includes the papers he collected in connection with his research, including documentation of the Civil War in West Virginia, Stonewall Jackson and his family, and genealogy of North Central West Virginia, among other topics.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMaterials include letters and papers of the Hays family, including Samuel L. and Peregrine Hays of Gilmer County (1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated [includes facsimiles]); records of the Confederate 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, and later correspondence, clippings, and papers about the regiment and its members (ca. 1856-1955, undated [includes facsimiles]); correspondence, photographs, and scrapbook-style notebooks of Roy Bird Cook (1896-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]); various collections of individual and family papers and Civil War correspondence (1793-1974, undated [includes facsimiles]); original and copies of Stonewall Jackson letters and papers, as well as papers pertaining to Jackson family members (1801-1963, undated [includes facsimiles]) (the original letter by T.J. Jackson has been separated to A\u0026amp;M 435); and materials related to the history of pharmacy and medicine, with a special focus on West Virginia (ca. 1832-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThere is also an extensive series of bound notebooks containing manuscripts, transcriptions, clippings, genealogies, pamphlets, and images regarding the following topics: Stonewall Jackson, Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, Colonel George Jackson, and Thomas Jackson Arnold; the Civil War, including historical sketches of battles as well as originals and copies of soldiers' diaries, journals, and letters; Lewis County; Charleston and the Kanawha Valley; Douglas S. Freeman; Granville Davisson Hall; Camden family; George Washington; and other topics.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003ePlease note: Additional processing took place in spring and summer 2012. Box and folder numbers from previous citations may no longer be accurate.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 1. Hays Family Papers; 1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated (includes facsimiles); box 1.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 2. Records of the 31st Virginia Infantry; ca. 1856-1955, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 2-3.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nSeries 3. Roy Bird Cook Personal Papers; 1896-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 4-5.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 4. Miscellaneous History; 1783-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 6-7b.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 5. Individual, Family, and Civil War History Papers; 1793-1974, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 8-9.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 6. Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson Papers; 1801-1963, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 10-14c.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 7. Historical Articles and Other Printed Papers; 1928-1962, undated (includes facsimiles); box 15.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 8. Bound Notebooks; 1679-1984, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 16-40.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 9. Miscellaneous; ca. 1850-1866, 1909-1958, undated; box 41, folders 1-4.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 10. History of Pharmacy and the West Virginia Pharmaceutical Association; ca. 1832-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); box 41, folder 5 - box 42, folder 3 (includes unfoldered material).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 11. West Virginia Medical History and Biography; 1870-1911, 1936-1958, undated (includes facsimiles); box 42, folders 4-7.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 12. American Pharmaceutical Association; 1868, 1939-1961, undated; box 43.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 13. A.J. Volck Confederate Sketches; ca. 1880, 1915-1954, 2012, undated (includes facsimiles); box 44.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 14. Glass Plate Negatives; undated; box 45.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 15. Oversize Material; 1774-1964, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 46-52 and map cabinet 1, drawer 19.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Papers collected by Roy Bird Cook, a Lewis County native and Charleston pharmacist, who in his role as historian, researcher, and author, was a pioneering and effective advocate for the preservation of West Virginia history. This collection includes the papers he collected in connection with his research, including documentation of the Civil War in West Virginia, Stonewall Jackson and his family, and genealogy of North Central West Virginia, among other topics.","Materials include letters and papers of the Hays family, including Samuel L. and Peregrine Hays of Gilmer County (1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated [includes facsimiles]); records of the Confederate 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, and later correspondence, clippings, and papers about the regiment and its members (ca. 1856-1955, undated [includes facsimiles]); correspondence, photographs, and scrapbook-style notebooks of Roy Bird Cook (1896-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]); various collections of individual and family papers and Civil War correspondence (1793-1974, undated [includes facsimiles]); original and copies of Stonewall Jackson letters and papers, as well as papers pertaining to Jackson family members (1801-1963, undated [includes facsimiles]) (the original letter by T.J. Jackson has been separated to A\u0026M 435); and materials related to the history of pharmacy and medicine, with a special focus on West Virginia (ca. 1832-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]).","There is also an extensive series of bound notebooks containing manuscripts, transcriptions, clippings, genealogies, pamphlets, and images regarding the following topics: Stonewall Jackson, Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, Colonel George Jackson, and Thomas Jackson Arnold; the Civil War, including historical sketches of battles as well as originals and copies of soldiers' diaries, journals, and letters; Lewis County; Charleston and the Kanawha Valley; Douglas S. Freeman; Granville Davisson Hall; Camden family; George Washington; and other topics.","Please note: Additional processing took place in spring and summer 2012. Box and folder numbers from previous citations may no longer be accurate.","Series 1. Hays Family Papers; 1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated (includes facsimiles); box 1.","Series 2. Records of the 31st Virginia Infantry; ca. 1856-1955, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 2-3.","\nSeries 3. Roy Bird Cook Personal Papers; 1896-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 4-5.","Series 4. Miscellaneous History; 1783-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 6-7b.","Series 5. Individual, Family, and Civil War History Papers; 1793-1974, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 8-9.","Series 6. Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson Papers; 1801-1963, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 10-14c.","Series 7. Historical Articles and Other Printed Papers; 1928-1962, undated (includes facsimiles); box 15.","Series 8. Bound Notebooks; 1679-1984, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 16-40.","Series 9. Miscellaneous; ca. 1850-1866, 1909-1958, undated; box 41, folders 1-4.","Series 10. History of Pharmacy and the West Virginia Pharmaceutical Association; ca. 1832-1961, undated (includes facsimiles); box 41, folder 5 - box 42, folder 3 (includes unfoldered material).","Series 11. West Virginia Medical History and Biography; 1870-1911, 1936-1958, undated (includes facsimiles); box 42, folders 4-7.","Series 12. American Pharmaceutical Association; 1868, 1939-1961, undated; box 43.","Series 13. A.J. Volck Confederate Sketches; ca. 1880, 1915-1954, 2012, undated (includes facsimiles); box 44.","Series 14. Glass Plate Negatives; undated; box 45.","Series 15. Oversize Material; 1774-1964, undated (includes facsimiles); boxes 46-52 and map cabinet 1, drawer 19."],"separatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMany items were transferred to the Printed Ephemera Collection, including \"Mark Twain's Family in Early History of West Virginia,\" by Robert Harrison Ferguson, A.M. Superintendent Mason County Schools, Point Pleasant, West Virginia (see P8616 in the Printed Ephemera Collection).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nAn original letter from T.J. Jackson to Laura Ann Jackson Arnold, 26 October 1847, from Mexico City, Mexico, has been separated to the rare signature collection, A\u0026amp;M 435.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nFive original letters have been separated from Series 5. Individual, Family, and Civil War History Papers to A\u0026amp;M 435. These are original manuscript letters authored by William McKinley, Rutherford B. Hayes, George McClellan, John S. Mosby, and Louis Philippe, and an original typescript letter from Theodore Roosevelt.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\n\"Front Elevation of Lunatic Asylum, West of the Alleghany Mountains\", \"R. Snowden Andrews, Architect, Baltimore, MD\" (1859; 12 1/2 in. x 49 in.) separated to A\u0026amp;M 4071, Weston State Hospital.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nMost photographs in this collection have been separated and digitized -- see scope and content note for link to photographs in West Virginia History OnView. Two of the photos were separated to A\u0026amp;M 4168, Panoramic Photos Collection: Sheltering Arms Hosptial and Kanawha Falls.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\nLists of separated materials in the following categories can be found in the control folder: Broadsides \u0026amp; Programs, Newspapers/Periodicals, Circulars \u0026amp; West Virginia Pamphlets, and Maps.\u003c/p\u003e"],"separatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Separated Materials"],"separatedmaterial_tesim":["Many items were transferred to the Printed Ephemera Collection, including \"Mark Twain's Family in Early History of West Virginia,\" by Robert Harrison Ferguson, A.M. Superintendent Mason County Schools, Point Pleasant, West Virginia (see P8616 in the Printed Ephemera Collection).","\nAn original letter from T.J. Jackson to Laura Ann Jackson Arnold, 26 October 1847, from Mexico City, Mexico, has been separated to the rare signature collection, A\u0026M 435.","\nFive original letters have been separated from Series 5. Individual, Family, and Civil War History Papers to A\u0026M 435. These are original manuscript letters authored by William McKinley, Rutherford B. Hayes, George McClellan, John S. Mosby, and Louis Philippe, and an original typescript letter from Theodore Roosevelt.","\n\"Front Elevation of Lunatic Asylum, West of the Alleghany Mountains\", \"R. Snowden Andrews, Architect, Baltimore, MD\" (1859; 12 1/2 in. x 49 in.) separated to A\u0026M 4071, Weston State Hospital.","\nMost photographs in this collection have been separated and digitized -- see scope and content note for link to photographs in West Virginia History OnView. Two of the photos were separated to A\u0026M 4168, Panoramic Photos Collection: Sheltering Arms Hosptial and Kanawha Falls.","\nLists of separated materials in the following categories can be found in the control folder: Broadsides \u0026 Programs, Newspapers/Periodicals, Circulars \u0026 West Virginia Pamphlets, and Maps."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePermission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the \u003ca href=\"https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/visit/permissions-and-copyright\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ePermissions and Copyright page\u003c/a\u003e on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Permission to publish or reproduce is required from the copyright holder. For more information, please see the  Permissions and Copyright page  on the West Virginia and Regional History Center website."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_3ccc07af556ba9d4c7990eed73312fc9\"\u003ePapers collected by Roy Bird Cook, a Lewis County native and Charleston pharmacist, who in his role as historian, researcher, and author, was a pioneering and effective advocate for the preservation of West Virginia history. This collection includes the papers he collected in connection with his research, including documentation of the Civil War in West Virginia, Stonewall Jackson and his family, and genealogy of North Central West Virginia, among other topics. Materials include letters and papers of the Hays family, including Samuel L. and Peregrine Hays of Gilmer County (1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated [includes facsimiles]); records of the Confederate 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, and later correspondence, clippings, and papers about the regiment and its members (ca. 1856-1955, undated [includes facsimiles]); various collections of individual and family papers and Civil War correspondence (1793-1974, undated [includes facsimiles]); original and copies of Stonewall Jackson letters and papers, as well as papers pertaining to Jackson family members (1801-1963, undated [includes facsimiles]); and materials related to the history of pharmacy and medicine, with a special focus on West Virginia (ca. 1832-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]). There is also an extensive series of bound notebooks containing manuscripts, transcriptions, clippings, genealogies, pamphlets, and images regarding the following topics: Stonewall Jackson, Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, Colonel George Jackson, and Thomas Jackson Arnold; the Civil War, including historical sketches of battles as well as originals and copies of soldiers' diaries, journals, and letters; Lewis County; Charleston and the Kanawha Valley; Douglas S. Freeman; Granville Davisson Hall; Camden family; George Washington; and other topics.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["Papers collected by Roy Bird Cook, a Lewis County native and Charleston pharmacist, who in his role as historian, researcher, and author, was a pioneering and effective advocate for the preservation of West Virginia history. This collection includes the papers he collected in connection with his research, including documentation of the Civil War in West Virginia, Stonewall Jackson and his family, and genealogy of North Central West Virginia, among other topics. Materials include letters and papers of the Hays family, including Samuel L. and Peregrine Hays of Gilmer County (1836-1884, 1952-1962, undated [includes facsimiles]); records of the Confederate 31st Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment, and later correspondence, clippings, and papers about the regiment and its members (ca. 1856-1955, undated [includes facsimiles]); various collections of individual and family papers and Civil War correspondence (1793-1974, undated [includes facsimiles]); original and copies of Stonewall Jackson letters and papers, as well as papers pertaining to Jackson family members (1801-1963, undated [includes facsimiles]); and materials related to the history of pharmacy and medicine, with a special focus on West Virginia (ca. 1832-1961, undated [includes facsimiles]). There is also an extensive series of bound notebooks containing manuscripts, transcriptions, clippings, genealogies, pamphlets, and images regarding the following topics: Stonewall Jackson, Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, Colonel George Jackson, and Thomas Jackson Arnold; the Civil War, including historical sketches of battles as well as originals and copies of soldiers' diaries, journals, and letters; Lewis County; Charleston and the Kanawha Valley; Douglas S. Freeman; Granville Davisson Hall; Camden family; George Washington; and other topics."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc id=\"aspace_e37bcc605bdcccbb7485ff3cacdfccb0\"\u003eWest Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/\u003c/physloc\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center / West Virginia University / 1549 University Avenue / P.O. Box 6069 / Morgantown, WV 26506-6069 / Phone: 304-293-3536  / URL: https://wvrhc.lib.wvu.edu/"],"names_coll_ssim":["American Pharmaceutical Association","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 22nd. Company B","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 31st","West Virginia State Pharmaceutical Association","Bennett family","Camden family","Hayes family","Jackson family","Quarrier family","Ruffner family","Arnold, Thomas Jackson.","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bennett, Jonathan McCally, 1816-1887.","Boone, Daniel, 1734-1820","Boreman, Arthur Inghram, 1823-1896","Brown, John, 1800-1859","Camden, Mary Belt Sprigg.","Camden, Thomas Bland, 1829-1910","Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961","Cooke, John Esten, 1830-1886.","Cooper, William P.","Cox, Jacob D (Jacob Dolson), 1828-1900","Crook, George, 1828-1890","Davis, Henry Gassaway, 1823-1916","Early, Jubal Anderson, 1816-1894","Ellis, James F.","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Freeman, Douglas Southall, 1886-1953","Gallaher, D.C.","Hall, Granville Davisson, 1837-1934","Hayes, Rutherford B., 1822-1893","Hays, Peregrine.","Hays, Samuel L.","Hill, D. H. (Daniel Harvey), 1821-1889","Hubbard, C. D. (Chester Dorman), 1814-1891","Imboden, John D. (John Daniel), 1823-1895","Jackson, George.","Jackson, J.J.","Jackson, Mary Anna, 1831-1915","Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Jenkins, Albert Gallatin, 1830-1864","Kenna, John Edward, 1848-1893","Letcher, John, 1813-1884","Levi, Mordecai.","Lightburn, Joseph Andrew Jackson, 1824-1901.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mastin, John A.","McCausland, John, 1836-1927","McClellan, George B. (George Brinton), 1826-1885","McFarland, James C.","McKinley, William, 1843-1901","Mosby, John Singleton, 1833-1916","Pierpont, Francis Harrison, 1814-1899","Scott, Nathan Bay, 1842-1924","Volck, Adalbert John, 1828-1912","Washington, George, 1732-1799","Withers, Alexander Scott, 1792-1865"],"names_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","American Pharmaceutical Association","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 22nd. Company B","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 31st","West Virginia State Pharmaceutical Association","Bennett family","Camden family","Hayes family","Jackson family","Quarrier family","Ruffner family","Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961","Arnold, Thomas Jackson.","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bennett, Jonathan McCally, 1816-1887.","Boone, Daniel, 1734-1820","Boreman, Arthur Inghram, 1823-1896","Brown, John, 1800-1859","Camden, Mary Belt Sprigg.","Camden, Thomas Bland, 1829-1910","Cooke, John Esten, 1830-1886.","Cooper, William P.","Cox, Jacob D (Jacob Dolson), 1828-1900","Crook, George, 1828-1890","Davis, Henry Gassaway, 1823-1916","Early, Jubal Anderson, 1816-1894","Ellis, James F.","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Freeman, Douglas Southall, 1886-1953","Gallaher, D.C.","Hall, Granville Davisson, 1837-1934","Hayes, Rutherford B., 1822-1893","Hays, Peregrine.","Hays, Samuel L.","Hill, D. H. (Daniel Harvey), 1821-1889","Hubbard, C. D. (Chester Dorman), 1814-1891","Imboden, John D. (John Daniel), 1823-1895","Jackson, George.","Jackson, J.J.","Jackson, Mary Anna, 1831-1915","Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Jenkins, Albert Gallatin, 1830-1864","Kenna, John Edward, 1848-1893","Letcher, John, 1813-1884","Levi, Mordecai.","Lightburn, Joseph Andrew Jackson, 1824-1901.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mastin, John A.","McCausland, John, 1836-1927","McClellan, George B. (George Brinton), 1826-1885","McFarland, James C.","McKinley, William, 1843-1901","Mosby, John Singleton, 1833-1916","Pierpont, Francis Harrison, 1814-1899","Scott, Nathan Bay, 1842-1924","Volck, Adalbert John, 1828-1912","Washington, George, 1732-1799","Withers, Alexander Scott, 1792-1865"],"corpname_ssim":["West Virginia and Regional History Center","American Pharmaceutical Association","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 22nd. Company B","Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Infantry Regiment, 31st","West Virginia State Pharmaceutical Association"],"famname_ssim":["Bennett family","Camden family","Hayes family","Jackson family","Quarrier family","Ruffner family"],"persname_ssim":["Cook, Roy Bird, 1886-1961","Arnold, Thomas Jackson.","Atkinson, Geo. W. (George Wesley), 1845-1925","Bennett, Jonathan McCally, 1816-1887.","Boone, Daniel, 1734-1820","Boreman, Arthur Inghram, 1823-1896","Brown, John, 1800-1859","Camden, Mary Belt Sprigg.","Camden, Thomas Bland, 1829-1910","Cooke, John Esten, 1830-1886.","Cooper, William P.","Cox, Jacob D (Jacob Dolson), 1828-1900","Crook, George, 1828-1890","Davis, Henry Gassaway, 1823-1916","Early, Jubal Anderson, 1816-1894","Ellis, James F.","Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884","Freeman, Douglas Southall, 1886-1953","Gallaher, D.C.","Hall, Granville Davisson, 1837-1934","Hayes, Rutherford B., 1822-1893","Hays, Peregrine.","Hays, Samuel L.","Hill, D. H. (Daniel Harvey), 1821-1889","Hubbard, C. D. (Chester Dorman), 1814-1891","Imboden, John D. (John Daniel), 1823-1895","Jackson, George.","Jackson, J.J.","Jackson, Mary Anna, 1831-1915","Jackson, Stonewall, 1824-1863","Jenkins, Albert Gallatin, 1830-1864","Kenna, John Edward, 1848-1893","Letcher, John, 1813-1884","Levi, Mordecai.","Lightburn, Joseph Andrew Jackson, 1824-1901.","MacCorkle, William Alexander, 1857-1930","Mastin, John A.","McCausland, John, 1836-1927","McClellan, George B. (George Brinton), 1826-1885","McFarland, James C.","McKinley, William, 1843-1901","Mosby, John Singleton, 1833-1916","Pierpont, Francis Harrison, 1814-1899","Scott, Nathan Bay, 1842-1924","Volck, Adalbert John, 1828-1912","Washington, George, 1732-1799","Withers, Alexander Scott, 1792-1865"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3461,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:09:00.006Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/wvmturhc_repositories_2_resources_6199_c08_c76_c04"}},{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10_c07","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Art Reproductions and Illustrations, [5 folders],","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10_c07#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10_c07","ref_ssm":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10_c07"],"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10_c07","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10","parent_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10","parent_ssim":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14","vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14","vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers","Series XIV: Art","Subseries J: Artwork"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers","Series XIV: Art","Subseries J: Artwork"],"text":["Adele Goodman Clark papers","Series XIV: Art","Subseries J: Artwork","Art Reproductions and Illustrations, [5 folders],","box 191"],"title_filing_ssi":"Art Reproductions and Illustrations, [5 folders],","title_ssm":["Art Reproductions and Illustrations, [5 folders],"],"title_tesim":["Art Reproductions and Illustrations, [5 folders],"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["undated, 1850(?), 1935"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1850/1935"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Art Reproductions and Illustrations, [5 folders],"],"component_level_isim":[3],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"collection_ssim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":2863,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Collection is open to research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["There are no restrictions."],"date_range_isim":[1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935],"containers_ssim":["box 191"],"_nest_path_":"/components#13/components#9/components#6","timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:15:37.796Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","ead_ssi":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_root_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","_nest_parent_":"vircu_repositories_5_resources_279","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VCU/repositories_5_resources_279.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Clark, Adele Goodman, papers","title_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"title_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1849-1978"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1849-1978"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279"],"text":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279","Adele Goodman Clark papers","Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond","Collection is open to research.","Series I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)","A founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.","The second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*","Clark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.","After passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.","Selected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.","In addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.","Clark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.","During the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.","In the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.","Clark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.","Clark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"","Adèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.","[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]","The Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.","The collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman","Willoughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).","The collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.","While the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.","The suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.","The bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.","The records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.","Documentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.","Clark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.","The collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.","The fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.","The final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.","The collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.","Significant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.","Special Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items.","There are no restrictions.","VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives","English"],"unitid_tesim":["M 9","/repositories/5/resources/279"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"collection_ssim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Commonwealth University, Cabell Library"],"creator_ssm":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creator_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"creators_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983"],"access_terms_ssm":["There are no restrictions."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Women -- Suffrage -- Virginia -- Richmond","Art -- 20th century -- Virginia -- Richmond","Women civic leaders -- Virginia -- Richmond"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["128 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["128 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCollection is open to research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Restrictions on Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Collection is open to research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eSeries I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["Series I--Correspondence and Family Materials (n.d., 1849-1971) ; Series II--Business/Civic Organization Correspondence (n.d., 1903-1971) ; Series III--Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV) (n.d., 1892-1926) ; Series IV: Richmond League of Women Voters (n.d., 1920- 1978) ; Series V--Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) (n.d., 1915-1967) ; Series VI--The League of Women Voters of Virginia (n.d., 1945-1970) ; Series VII--The National League of Women Voters (n.d., 1919-1947) ; Series VIII--League of Women Voters (n.d., 1946-1976) ; Series IX--Commission on Simplification of State and Local Government (n.d., 1921- 1927) ; Series X--Liberal Arts College for Women Commission (n.d., 1918-1938) ; Series XI--National Reemployment Service (n.d., 1925-1938) ; Series XII--Lila Meade Valentine memorial Association (n.d., 1921-1936) ; Series XIII--Religious Materials ; Series XIV--Art (n.d., 1850-1971) ; Series XV--Ephemera and Photographs (n.d., ca. 1850 - ca. 1970)"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAfter passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSelected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDuring the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAdèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["A founding member of the Virginia suffrage movement and a prominent supporter of the arts in Virginia, Adèle Goodman Clark (1882-1983) exemplified the influential role civically active women played in the major social reform movements of the twentieth century. Calling politics and art her \"creative spirits\", Clark was involved in a number of reform initiatives throughout her century of life that championed the rights of women and promoted the arts.","The second oldest daughter of Robert Clark (1832?-1906) and Estelle Goodman Clark (1847-1937), Adèle was born in Montgomery, Alabama on September 27, 1882. Before moving permanently to Richmond, the Clark family lived in New Orleans, LA, as well as the small town of Pass Christian, MS. It was in a one room school house in the latter town that Adèle developed a fondness for the arts. After her family moved to Richmond in 1894, Adèle enrolled in the Virginia Randolph Ellett School (now St. Catherine's). Adèle also studied art with Lilly M. Logan, who ran the art school at the Art Club of Richmond. In 1906 she was awarded a scholarship to the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts (the Chase School of Art), where she studied under Kenneth Hays Miller, Douglas Cannal, William M. Chase, and Robert Henri, leader of the \"Ash Can\" school of painting. Upon her return to Richmond, Clark began a teaching career at the Art Club of Richmond. It was here that Adèle began her long association and friendship with acclaimed Virginia artist, Nora Houston. When the Art Club of Richmond was dissolved in 1917, the women went on to establish The Atelier. Under their direction this private art studio, located adjacent to Clark's Chamberlayne Avenue residence, became a training ground for such noted Virginia artists as Edmund Archer, Eleanor Fry and Theresa Pollack (founder of the VCU School of the Arts). Two years later they founded the Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, where they both held the title of artistic director. During this period, they participated in a fundraising campaign for the resurrection of the old Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts. Their goal became a reality in 1930 when the new Richmond Academy of Arts, forerunner to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, was established on Capitol Street.*","Clark's interest in the suffrage movement began in 1909 when she was asked by novelist Ellen Glasgow to sign a petition calling for Virginia women to gain voting privileges. On November 27th of that year Clark, along with eighteen other civic-minded women, held a preliminary meeting to discuss the establishment of a state-wide suffrage organization. At this first meeting of what would become the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Clark was elected secretary, a position she held for one year. She later helped direct legislative initiatives, organized suffrage rallies and went on speaking tours that helped establish new League chapters throughout the state. Clark also served for several years as chair of the ratification committee and head of the Equal Suffrage League lobby to the Virginia General Assembly.","After passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 (which was ratified by Virginia in 1952), the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia was transformed into the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV). For nearly two decades Clark played a major role in the VLWV.","Selected as the VLWV's first chair in 1920, Clark became president one year later. She held this position for eighteen years (nonconsecutively). Her work in the VLWV involved constant study of legislation involving social issues and governmental efficiency and administration. In 1924, Clark was elected to the board of the National League of Women Voters (NLWV) as Director of the Third Region. The region included Washington, D.C., Virginia, and six other southern states. The following year she was elected Second Vice President of the NLWV, in which capacity she served until the Spring of 1928. During that period Clark traveled to conventions in twenty-four states on speaking tours. Along with other officers of the NLWV she helped resolve league organizational problems.","In addition to her work for the VLWV and NLWV, Clark also served on two important state government commissions. In 1922, Governor E. Lee Trinkle appointed her to the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government, on which she served for two years as secretary of the Commission. In addition to performing the editorial and clerical work of the Commission, Clark also authored several of the chapters of the Commission's final report (January 1924) to the Virginia General Assembly. Four years later, Governor Harry F. Byrd, Jr. appointed Clark to the Liberal Arts College for Women Commission, on which she also served as secretary. The nine member Commission studied the feasibility of establishing a new liberal arts college for women in Virginia. The second report of the Commission (January 1930), which contained the \"set-up\" of the proposed college [now Mary Washington College?], was the product of research conducted by Clark with the assistance of Commission advisors.","Clark's strong commitment to higher education was exemplified in several other ways. From March - September, 1926, she served as the Social Director of women students at the College of William and Mary. She was also instrumental in the establishment of citizenship courses for women through the University of Virginia's Extension Division. The courses were designed to educate women about the intricacies of governmental institutions.","During the New Deal era, Clark distinguished herself in two important agencies. In 1933, she was selected as a field supervisor for the National Reemployment Service (NRS). Along with the state reemployment director and other field staff, she assisted in the organization of local reemployment offices throughout Virginia. After stepping down as field supervisor for the NRS, Clark became the Virginia Arts Project Director of the Work Projects Administration (WPA). This particular branch of the WPA was created to provide employment opportunities for artists in Virginia. In addition to producing murals for public buildings, artists employed by the WPA executed hundreds of paintings that were then distributed to local and state tax-supported institutions for display. One major accomplishment during Clark's tenure at the WPA was the establishment of new art galleries, such as the Southwest Virginia Museum at Big Stone Gap.","In the later years of her life, Adèle Clark remained active in the Richmond community. After converting to Roman Catholicism in 1942, Clark utilized her political experience as a member of the Richmond Diocesan Council of Catholic Women (RDCCW). From 1949 to 1959 she served as the chair of the RDCCW's Legislative Committee. Clark also continued to speak out against a number of issues affecting women, such as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion.","Clark remained an active supporter of the Richmond art community. From 1941 to 1964 she was a member of the Virginia Arts Commission. The Commission helped to produce many of the murals and portraits displayed in state government buildings that depict the history of Virginia. Moreover, Clark's dedication to the teaching of art did not wane in these later years. She taught art to both the young and old in hospitals, schools and church classrooms. She also continued to enjoy creating her own artworks. Clark's paintings, mostly portraits and landscapes, have been exhibited in several states. One of her paintings, \"The Cherry Tree\", is in the permanent collection of the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts.","Clark had a unique perspective on the influence of art on her political ideology. She once stated, \"I've always tried to combine my interest in art with my interest in government. I think we ought to have more of the creative and imaginative in politics.\"","Adèle Clark died at the age of 100 on June 5, 1983.","[Information from newspaper accounts and the Adèle Goodman Clark Papers.]"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAdele Goodman Clark papers, Collection # M 9, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Adele Goodman Clark papers, Collection # M 9, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWilloughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eWhile the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDocumentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eClark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eThe collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSignificant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSpecial Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Adèle Goodman Clark papers document the life and activities of Miss Clark (1882-1983) throughout her adult life, as well as those of her closest friends and relatives. Miss Clark was a member of a small group of civically active Richmond women whose names appear throughout the collection. Of particular note are members of Clark's family, Edith Clark Cowles, Willoughby Ions, and friends Roberta Wellford, Lila Meade Valentine, Lucy Randolph Mason, Ida Mae Thompson, Eudora W. Ramsay Richardson, Nora Houston and Josephine Houston. A list and chart describing the family relationships follows the Series Description and Arrangement, which specifically details the arrangement of the collection and highlights areas of particular significance within each series.","The collection is comprised of five major components, each with its own depth of coverage, usually dependent upon the length of Clark's involvement. The first major component of the collection contains materials pertaining to the Clark and Houston families with their multiple activities, responsibilities and affiliations. The documents in this section include the personal correspondence of Adèle Clark, Nora Houston, and members of both the Clark and Houston families. Correspondence from Estelle Goodman Clark, Cely \"Nainaine\" Ions, and Estelle Adèle Goodman","Willoughby Ions provide a richly detailed account of the more significant events within the Clark-Ions family. Also included is personal, business, and legal correspondence between members of the Goodman family, predating the Civil War, and personal correspondence to Clark and Nora Houston from close friends and associates such as Cornelia Adair, T. Bowyer Campbell, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon and Roberta Wellford. Additional family information is provided by legal and real estate correspondence, biographical sketches, family and genealogical histories, composition books, diaries, journals, and poetry by various members of the Clark and Houston families. Some items of significance include handwritten memoranda and notes, poems, short stories and other fictional material written by Adèle Clark during her lifetime. The Virginia Historical Society holds additional Clark family materials (see Appendices).","The collection also includes correspondence from businesses and civic organizations with which Clark, Edith Clark Cowles, and the Dooley/Houston family were affiliated during their lifetimes. A list of the more significant organizations includes the Virginia Society for Crippled Children and Handicapped Adults, Commission of Inter-Racial (or Interracial) Cooperation, Woodrow Wilson Foundation, National Consumers League, and Social Science Research Council-Committee on Public Administration. There is also correspondence from prominent local and state government officials that further document the political activities and biases of these women. Brochures, memoranda and publications from these organizations are scattered throughout the collection.","While the family correspondence provides information about Clark's early years, the greatest significance of the collection lies in its documentation of the activities of the suffrage movement, both locally and nationally. The collection is particularly strong in its representation of correspondence, reports, memoranda and publications reflecting the sentiments and political positions of both the pro- and anti- suffrage movement from 1913 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A large portion of this segment also documents the actions of the post-suffragists in their work through the national, state and local chapters of the League of Women Voters (LWV). Clark's considerable role of participation in the Virginia League of Women Voters (VLWV) in the first two decades of the organization provides an abundant amount of material chronicling the many social and political issues in which local and national LWV members were engaged. Although the documentation of the activities of the LWV continues well into the 1970s, the collection is not as strong for the later years as it is for the earlier period.","The suffrage materials, the second and largest component in the collection, are composed of documentation of the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia (ESLV), Richmond League of Women Voters, the VLWV, and the reorganized League of Women Voters of Virginia (LWVV). The ESLV materials includes correspondence, committee and financial memoranda, convention material, notes, reports and miscellaneous literature. There is a large quantity of outgoing correspondence created by the corresponding secretaries of the ESLV which pertains to the efforts of organizing local suffrage chapters throughout the state and between officers of the ESLV, state and national government officials. Also included is correspondence between ESLV President, Lila Meade Valentine, and women of significance within the suffrage movement including Carrie Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Maud Wood Park and Kate Gordon. While there is a substantial amount of correspondence generated by the central office of the ESLV, between 1909-1912 there are some major gaps. A portion of this documentation for the early history of the ESLV can be found at the Library of Virginia (see Appendices). Throughout its eleven year existence, the ESLV compiled an enormous amount of literature on the suffrage movement published by the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), and other organizations. Materials generated by the movement and represented in this portion of the collection include petitions, photographs, enrollment cards, posters, suffrage maps, sashes and other ephemeral items. Additional publications have not been indexed but are available for research.","The bulk of the materials of the remaining suffrage organizations represented in the collection fall within a fourteen year time frame, 1920-1934, and includes President/Executive Secretary correspondence, bulletins, circulars, committee memoranda, and financial statements as well as records relating to the Virginia Cookery Book, the Governor's Ball and the citizenship courses sponsored by the VLWV. Clark also corresponded with the President of the NLWV and other officers in the national organization. The significant correspondents include Maud Wood Park, Belle Sherwin, Katherine Ludington, and Gertrude Ely. Incoming correspondence from prominent Virginia women such as Faith Morgan, Roberta Wellford, Mary Elizabeth Pidgeon, Kate Waller Barrett, Mrs. John L. Lewis of Lynchburg, Mrs. John H. Lewis of Ashland, and Mrs C.E. [Jessie] Townsend of Norfolk can be found in both the President/Executive Correspondence files and the Board of Directors/Executive Committee/Standing Committees file of the VLWV.","The records of the VLWV document in great detail the legislative agenda over a fourteen year period. The VLWV materials contain correspondence, circulars, memoranda questionnaires and reports pertaining to the Children's Code Commission, Virginia Women's Council Legislative Chairman of State Organizations and other major committees of the VLWV; revealing which major pieces of legislation were of utmost concern to Clark and the VLWV. Like its predecessor, the VLWV collected a wide variety of literature from state, national and international organizations which championed a spectrum of causes of interest to Clark and her associates. These organizations include the League of Nations Association, National Council for the Prevention of War, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and Southern Council of Women and Children in Industry.","Documentation of the NLWV (1920-1945) and the later reorganized League of Woman Voters of Virginia (1946-presents) includes correspondence and memoranda produced by Clark as Second Vice President in charge of Legislation and Law Enforcement and Third Regional Director for the NLWV. In addition to correspondence, memoranda, minutes, notes and reports there are materials detailing her involvement in nationally sponsored speaking tours throughout several regions of the United States. Items from the national office consist of mimeographed Adèle Goodman Clark correspondence and memoranda, reports, press releases and various publications created by the major standing committees and departments of the NLWV. Clark's activity in both the state and national leagues diminished to a great extent after 1934. Records of the latter local, state and national organizations primarily consists of bulletins, newsletters, and other literature published and distributed by the organizations.","Clark was very involved in the commemoration of the contributions of Lila Meade Valentine to the suffrage movement. The collection contains the organizational records of the Lila Meade Valentine Memorial Association (1921-1937), which was established to raise money for a memorial tablet dedicated to Mrs. Valentine to be placed in the Capitol Building in Richmond. Much of the material consists of correspondence and memoranda between the association's chairperson, Adèle Clark and the individuals who contributed to the memorial fund. There is also correspondence between Clark and the sculptor chosen to produce the memorial tablet. Other material includes financial data, contributors lists, minutes, notes and reports documenting the association's fundraising activities.","The collection of materials related to state and national politics comprises the third major section of the Clark Papers. These materials include correspondence, memoranda, minutes, reports, statistical data, and literature generated by or related to the work of the Commission on the Simplification of State and Local Government (1921-1927) and the Liberal Arts College Commission (1918, 1929-1933). Material pertaining to both of these government commissions highlight the research and information gathering work undertaken by Clark and the members of these commissions before presentation of the final reports to the Virginia General Assembly. The collection also contains the annotated drafts and proofs of the reports in various stages of development. Correspondence, notes, reports and travel vouchers highlight Clark's duties as a NRS Field Supervisor and her involvement with the National Reemployment Service (1925-1937). Correspondence between Clark and the State Reemployment Director reveal the types of reemployment projects in which the NRS was actively engaged throughout the state. In addition, correspondence between Clark and other field staff demonstrate the extent to which Clark participated in managing local reemployment offices during her tenure with the NRS. Published reports, speeches, manuals, newspaper clippings and other ephemeral materials are also included.","The fourth area of interest of Adèle's, as reflected in the collection, was religion. Included here are the organizational records and personal items documenting the religious activities of Clark, Nora Houston, and several members of the Houston family. It should be noted that Clark was baptized and confirmed in the Episcopal Church and later became a devout Roman Catholic after Nora Houston's death in 1942. Included is correspondence between both women and various religious organizations, church leaflets, pamphlets and prayerbooks, periodicals and other items of a religious nature. Some of the organizations with which Clark and Houston corresponded include the Catholic Woman's Club, National Council of Catholic Women, National Conference on Christians and Jews, and Catholic Daughters of America. Beth Ahabah Museum and Archives holds other materials of a religious nature relating to the Goodman family.","The final component of the collection, second in size only to that of the suffrage and voting rights material, is that of art, particularly art in Virginia. An artist by training, Adèle Clark worked ceaselessly for increased public awareness of the traditions and richness of art within the Commonwealth. To this end, the collection documents the contributions of Clark and her colleagues in the following endeavors: the Art Club of Richmond, Atelier, Virginia League of Fine Arts and Handicrafts, Richmond Academy of Arts, Virginia Arts Commission, and Works Project Administration-Federal Arts Project. In addition to containing the correspondence relating to the operations of these organizations, the records also contain memoranda, minutes and reports of committees, and materials on exhibitions sponsored by these organizations. Of particular significance are the records of the Academy Committee of the Art Club that document the committee's role in attempting to resurrect the arts academy. Materials relating to the WPA and the Virginia Arts Commission emphasize Clark's substantial role in making the public a more active player in the promotion of the arts. Clark's monthly and narrative reports on several WPA art galleries, as well as data on the Index of American Design, provide a detailed account of the variety of art projects the WPA underwrote in Virginia.","The collection also contains a range of art and art school publications, art supply advertisements, catalogs, exhibition bulletins and notices from local and national art institutions. A small number of drawings, sketches and miscellaneous artwork created by Adèle Clark, Nora Houston and other artists are also represented. Some of the more notable pieces include Clark's original lithograph \"Richmond Market at Christmas\", copies of Nora Houston's house sketches and artwork produced by children of various ages. Lastly there are numerous kinds of illustrations and reproductions that Clark and Houston utilized in their art classes.","Significant portions of the collection are in fragile condition, particularly newspaper clippings and photographs. Reference copies of the photographs are available for use. A large portion of the clippings have been photocopied and the process will continue as time and staff permit.","Special Collections has also purchased suffrage and related materials. Please ask a staffmember for information about these supporting items."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Use Restrictions"],"userestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions."],"names_coll_ssim":["League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"names_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"corpname_ssim":["VCU James Branch Cabell Library","League of Women Voters of the Richmond Metropolitan Area (Va.) -- Archives","Equal Suffrage League of Virginia -- Archives"],"persname_ssim":["Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983","Clark, Adèle, 1882-1983 -- Archives"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3079,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:15:37.796Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vircu_repositories_5_resources_279_c14_c10_c07"}},{"id":"viu_viu00220_c04_c157","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"\"A TRIBUTE TO GENIUS,\"\n                  unsigned","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c157#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eProgram of the exercises held at the dedication of the Poe monument. Article includes texts of poems by William Winter, E. Norman Gunnison, and Sarah J. Bolton and letters from Alfred, Lord Tennyson, Longfellow, Sylvanus D. Lewis, James Russell Lowell, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sarah Helen Whitman, Walt Whitman, and John G. Whittier.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c157#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c04_c157","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00220_c04_c157"],"id":"viu_viu00220_c04_c157","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220_c04","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c04","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00220","viu_viu00220_c04"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00220","viu_viu00220_c04"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines,\n               Newspapers, and Books"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines,\n               Newspapers, and Books"],"text":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","Part Four: Printed Matter from Magazines,\n               Newspapers, and Books","\"A TRIBUTE TO GENIUS,\"\n                  unsigned","2 1/4 columns clipped from the Baltimore\n                  Daily Gazette","Box 11","Program of the exercises held at the dedication of\n                  the Poe monument. Article includes texts of poems by \n                   William Winter, \n                   E. Norman Gunnison, and \n                   Sarah J. Bolton and letters from \n                   Alfred, Lord Tennyson,\n                  Longfellow, \n                   Sylvanus D. Lewis, \n                   James Russell Lowell, \n                   Oliver Wendell Holmes, \n                   Sarah Helen Whitman, \n                   Walt Whitman, and \n                   John G. Whittier."],"title_filing_ssi":"\"A TRIBUTE TO GENIUS,\"\n                  unsigned","title_ssm":["\"A TRIBUTE TO GENIUS,\"\n                  unsigned"],"title_tesim":["\"A TRIBUTE TO GENIUS,\"\n                  unsigned"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1875 November 17. "],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875"],"normalized_title_ssm":["\"A TRIBUTE TO GENIUS,\"\n                  unsigned"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"physdesc_tesim":["2 1/4 columns clipped from the Baltimore\n                  Daily Gazette"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":649,"date_range_isim":[1875],"containers_ssim":["Box 11"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eProgram of the exercises held at the dedication of\n                  the Poe monument. Article includes texts of poems by \n                   William Winter, \n                   E. Norman Gunnison, and \n                   Sarah J. Bolton and letters from \n                   Alfred, Lord Tennyson,\n                  Longfellow, \n                   Sylvanus D. Lewis, \n                   James Russell Lowell, \n                   Oliver Wendell Holmes, \n                   Sarah Helen Whitman, \n                   Walt Whitman, and \n                   John G. Whittier.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Program of the exercises held at the dedication of\n                  the Poe monument. Article includes texts of poems by \n                   William Winter, \n                   E. Norman Gunnison, and \n                   Sarah J. Bolton and letters from \n                   Alfred, Lord Tennyson,\n                  Longfellow, \n                   Sylvanus D. Lewis, \n                   James Russell Lowell, \n                   Oliver Wendell Holmes, \n                   Sarah Helen Whitman, \n                   Walt Whitman, and \n                   John G. Whittier."],"_nest_path_":"/components#3/components#156","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:44:20.390Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00220","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00220.xml","title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915. "],"title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915. "],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["38-135"],"text":["38-135","John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","This collection consists of ca. 1000\n         items.","\n          JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n         AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n          John Carl Miller ","When \n          John Ingram died in \n          Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n         he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n         scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n         Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n         had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n         works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n         its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n         of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n         important information. So impressed was the \n          New England editor and critic \n          Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n         addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n         l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n         have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n         either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n         country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n         more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n         fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n          America, to the \n          Alderman Library at the University of\n         Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n          Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n         in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n         spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n         materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n         he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n         imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n         he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n         about Dr. Bransby's school at \n          Stoke Newington. He filled the\n         intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n         wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n         magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n         writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n         Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n         During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n         almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n         if the writer was an American, for \n          John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n         the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n         as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n         literary reputation.","II","\n          John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n         1842, at 29 City Road, \n          Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n         childhood in \n          Stoke Newington, the \n          London suburb where young Poe had himself\n         lived. The \n          Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n         Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n         youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n         between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n         an autobiographical account to \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n         acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n               looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n               interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n               could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n               in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n               my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n               read out of Routledge's little volume of \n                Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n               something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n               excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n               brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n               pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n               poet!\"","But \n          John Ingram was not destined to become a\n         poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n         suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n         pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n         was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n          John Ingram's formal education during his\n         childhood, until he entered \n          Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n         at the \n          City of London College, his father died,\n         and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n         supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n         January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n         an appointment to the \n          Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n         Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n         followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n         working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n         writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n         invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n         routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n          John Ingram in the \n          Reading Room of the British Museum\n         Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n         German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n         knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n         literary articles to leading reviews in \n          England, \n          France, and \n          America, and he lectured frequently, for\n         pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n         even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n         business trips through \n          Ireland and \n          Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n         to the \n          Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n         search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n         which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n         author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n         difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n         Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n         the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n         symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n         garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n         and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n         anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n         bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n         clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n         condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n         predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n         always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n         sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n         characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n         have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n         followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n         traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n         the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n         too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n         epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n         His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n         whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n         produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n         completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n         maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n         later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n         actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n         abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n         this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n         rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n         work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n         matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n          John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n         writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n         and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n         had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n         and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n         possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n         been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n          Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n         published in l850. And so, \n          John Ingram found his work: he determined\n         to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n         liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n         would present to the world \n          Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n         these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n         examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n         been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n         learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n         the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n         be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n         stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n         demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n         the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n         editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n         recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n         darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n         assembling materials for a defense of \n          Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n         by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n         to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n         where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n         explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n         confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n         that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n         sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n         either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n         as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n         curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n         affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n         taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n         is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n         became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n         of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n         genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n         tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n         forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n         minority group of Poe's friends in \n          America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n         been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n         the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n         necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n         Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n         These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n         to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n         war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n         Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n         it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n         not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n         friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n         doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n         someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n          John Henry Ingram of \n          Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n         world his theory that \n          Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n          Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n         maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n         had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n         reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n         used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n         purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n         step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n         Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n         not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n         which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n         and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n         gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n         imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n         and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n         the \n          British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n         researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n         scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n         the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n         soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n         for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n         been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n          America in the hope of finding there\n         friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n         enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n         felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n         difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n         his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n         delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n         distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n         championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n         for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n         hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n         to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n         recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n         sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n         and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n         prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n         Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n         personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n         newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n         from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n         of information about what others had written and said about\n         Poe. \n          Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n         only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n         Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n         Poe's trunk after he died. \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n         and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n         and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n          Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n         \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n         given to her in l848. \n          Edward V. Valentine of \n          Richmond, \n          William Hand Browne of \n          Johns Hopkins University, \n          John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n          Poe family in \n          Baltimore, including \n          Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n         many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n         store of information about Poe. And when \n          William Fearing Gill and \n          Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n         same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n         these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n         withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n         activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n         and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n         American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n         encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n         vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n         Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n         letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n          America to \n          England, with a few of them, but very\n         few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n         correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n         that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n         these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n         everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the  Broadway Journal  that\n         Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n         important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n         published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n         volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n         Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n         \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n         offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n         time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n         him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n         injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n         seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n          John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n         engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n         that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n         there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n         dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n         Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n         understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n         scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n         popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n         writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n         particularly in \n          America, that he had rather to increase\n         sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n         statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n         encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n         rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n         begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n         publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n         often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n         embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n         property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n         life was beginning in \n          America, an era brought about principally\n         by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n         published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n         the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n         authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n         the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n         puerile indeed. \n          George W. Woodberry, \n          Edmund C. Stedman, and \n          R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n         biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n         the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n         his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n         thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n         of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n         as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n         as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n         the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n         new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n         them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n         him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n         been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n         repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n         achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n         vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n         Tales and Poems of \n          Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n         and for the \n          Tauchnitz Press in \n          Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n         Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n         \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n         two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n         he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n         these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n         market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n         Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n         important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n          John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n         His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n         correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n         had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n          Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n         inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n         results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n         their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n         Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n         publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n         close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n         But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n         everywhere.","\n          John Ingram was retired with a pension\n         from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n         General Post Office. He continued living in \n          London with his only remaining sister,\n         Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n         Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n         the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n         another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n         Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n          Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n         years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n         definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n         in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n         materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n         wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n         as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n         1912 Ingram moved his household from \n          London to \n          Brighton. There for a few years he\n         enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n         February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n         sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n         death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n         arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n         collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n         strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n         for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n         to personal and literary fame, and \n          John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n         judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n         all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n         items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n         copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n         actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n         health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n         continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n         Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n         longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n         very important, and \n          John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n         published had brought his name before the world as had his\n         publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n         collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n          Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n         the scholarly worlds of \n          England and \n          America by advertising for sale her\n         brother's entire library. Although \n          John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n         out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n         the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n          James A. Harrison and \n          Killis Campbell, the number of important\n         \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n         the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n         declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n         and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n         before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n         While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n         papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n         materials from which he had written it would be. More\n         important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n         original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n         forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n         biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n          University of Virginia early in the summer\n         of 1916. Librarian \n          John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n         Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n          London, asking what books and papers\n         about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n          Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n         inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n         and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n         the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n         buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n         the entire collection to \n          Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n         for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n         University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n          England to \n          America, and back again, if need be.\n         Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n         in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n         accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n         Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n         shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n         collection. \n          England was at war with \n          Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n         taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n         months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n         and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n         papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n          James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n         of English from \n          William and Mary came to join the \n          University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n         course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n         at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n         Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n         specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n         long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n         his arrival, \n          John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n         conversation that he had a partial list of \n          John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n         been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n         his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n         what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n         to enlist President \n          Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n         accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n         with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n         brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n         fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n         dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n         library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n          University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n         since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n         mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n         from \n          Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n         own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n         the papers to the \n          University of Texas.","Professor \n          Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n         and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n          Department of English at the University of\n         Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n         only after the \n          University of Virginia had definitely\n         refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n         then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n         England, came to \n          Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n         with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n         request to ship the papers on approval to \n          Virginia. She did not want this\n         indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n         furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n         Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n          John Ingram's once enviable collections\n         of materials about \n          Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n          Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n          Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n         interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n         offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n         from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n         of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n         acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n         professor, or by the \n          University of Texas would have changed the\n         fate of the Poe papers.","The \n          University of Virginia's correspondence\n         about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n         and ended by personal letters between \n          John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n         Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n          John Ingram's Poe papers to \n          America reached numerous scholars,\n         authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n         requests to the \n          University of Virginia for permission to\n         examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n         first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n         the Poe Collection came from \n          J. H. Whitty, \n          Richmond book collector and editor of\n         Poe's poems, who wrote \n          John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n         the papers were even then enroute from \n          England to the University. This\n         information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n         through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n          United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n         Miller, which docked at \n          Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n          John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n         passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n         been in \n          England for a decade, resolutely refused\n         to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n         household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n         official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n         released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n         in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n         room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n         Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n         duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n         interesting, and at times very exciting. \n          John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n         varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n         the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n         given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n          John Ingram in l880. And among the\n         hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n         were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n         later, than those from \n          Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n         charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n         of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n         of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n          John Ingram the fullest account there is\n         of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n         Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n          Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n         known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n         her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n         include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n         authorities decide whether or not they should be\n         destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n          Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n         generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n         wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n         herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n         and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n         for \n          John Ingram, found in this collection,\n         are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n         disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n         nursed \n          Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n          Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n         suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n         Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n         copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n         from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n         account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n         that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n         letters and items of importance. There was the original\n         drawing of Poe that \n          Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n          Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n         it to \n          John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n          Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n         hand; letters from \n          Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n         died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n         himself to \n          Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n         manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n         documents from \n          Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n         sculptor who first persuaded \n          Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n         Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n          Arthur Conan Doyle, \n          John Neal, \n          Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n         letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n         collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n         letters from Miss \n          Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n         too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n         interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n         Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n         certain the University would already have them. \n          Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n          Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n          Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n         many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n          Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n         Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n         to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n         These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n         and in time they were received and restored to the\n         collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n         decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n         been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n         collection, \n          John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n         shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n         officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n         believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n         his Poe collection was at home in \n          America, and in \n          Virginia, where she was sure he would\n         have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n         University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n         packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n         across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n         In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n         near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n         manuscript, \"The True Story of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n         been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n         delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n         however, the publisher had himself died, and \n          Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n         place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n         her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n         with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n          John Ingram considered this last\n         biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n         that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n         foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n         as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n         this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n         fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n         questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n         judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n         especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n         his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n         writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n         the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n         he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n         manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n         word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n         detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n         more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n         subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n         deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n         left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n         collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n          John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n          University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n          John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n         with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n         have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n         activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n         possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n         and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n         information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n         achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n         to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n         it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n         this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n         memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n         these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n         view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n         recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n         records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n         dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n         papers, making almost all the more important items and\n         clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n         The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n         study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n         of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n         shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n         Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n         demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n         he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n         Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n         since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n         it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n         mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n         nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n         the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n         been directly and heavily indebted.","A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n         photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n         concerning \n          Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n          John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n         by \n          John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n         and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n          University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n          John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n         $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n         biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n         acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n         manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n         newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n         totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n         University made the Collection available to serious students\n         of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n          Alderman Library until, in the late\n         1940's, \n          John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n         student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n         mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n         more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n         of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n         Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n         his 1954 doctoral dissertation,  Poe's English Biographer,\n          John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n         and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.  Six\n         years later the University published the first edition of\n         Professor Miller's  John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n            of Virginia.  This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n         checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n         the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n         calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n         Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n         calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n         served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n         entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n         same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n         to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n         Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n         edition. The first of these volumes,  Building Poe Biography,  was published by Louisiana State University Press\n         in 1977, and the second volume,  Poe's Helen Remembers,  appeared two years later from the \n          University Press of Virginia. In\n         declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n         in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n         prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n         only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n         but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n         the \n          University of Virginia almost two decades\n         earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n         that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n         unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n         a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n         manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n         a brief account of its content.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["38-135"],"normalized_title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"collection_title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Laura Ingram"],"creator_ssim":["Laura Ingram"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased by the Library in\n            1922."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 1000\n         items."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n          JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n         AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eby \n          John Carl Miller \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen \n          John Ingram died in \n          Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n         he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n         scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n         Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n         had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n         works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n         its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n         of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n         important information. So impressed was the \n          New England editor and critic \n          Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n         addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n         l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n         have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n         either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n         country.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n         more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n         fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n          America, to the \n          Alderman Library at the University of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis is the curious story of how it happened.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInterest in the life and work of \n          Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n         in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n         spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n         materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n         he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n         imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n         he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n         about Dr. Bransby's school at \n          Stoke Newington. He filled the\n         intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n         wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n         magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n         writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n         Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n         During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n         almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n         if the writer was an American, for \n          John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n         the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n         as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n         literary reputation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eII\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n          John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n         1842, at 29 City Road, \n          Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n         childhood in \n          Stoke Newington, the \n          London suburb where young Poe had himself\n         lived. The \n          Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n         Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n         youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n         between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n         an autobiographical account to \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n         acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n        \u003cblockquote\u003e\n          \u003cp\u003e\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n               looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n               interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n               could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n               in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n               my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n               read out of Routledge's little volume of \n                Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n               something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n               excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n               brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n               pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n               poet!\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBut \n          John Ingram was not destined to become a\n         poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n         suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n         pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n         was then the dearest hope of his life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePrivate tutors and private schools furnished \n          John Ingram's formal education during his\n         childhood, until he entered \n          Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n         at the \n          City of London College, his father died,\n         and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n         supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n         January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n         an appointment to the \n          Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n         Office.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n         followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n         working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n         writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n         invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n         routine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n          John Ingram in the \n          Reading Room of the British Museum\n         Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n         German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n         knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n         literary articles to leading reviews in \n          England, \n          France, and \n          America, and he lectured frequently, for\n         pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n         even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n         business trips through \n          Ireland and \n          Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n         to the \n          Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n         search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n         which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n         author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n         difficulties, he made a beginning.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n         Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n         the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n         symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n         garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n         and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n         anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n         bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n         clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n         condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n         predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n         always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n         sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n         characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n         have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n         followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n         traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n         the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n         too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n         epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n         His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n         whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n         produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n         completeness.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n         maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n         later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n         actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n         abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n         this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n         rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n         work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n         matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHaving served his literary apprenticeship, \n          John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n         writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n         and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n         had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n         and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n         possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n         been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n          Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n         published in l850. And so, \n          John Ingram found his work: he determined\n         to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n         liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n         would present to the world \n          Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n         these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n         examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n         been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n         learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n         the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n         be.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n         stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n         demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n         the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n         editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n         recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n         darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n         assembling materials for a defense of \n          Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n         by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n         to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n         where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n         explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n         confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n         that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n         sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n         either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n         as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n         curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n         affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n         taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n         is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n         became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n         of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBy 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n         genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n         tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n         forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n         minority group of Poe's friends in \n          America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n         been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n         the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n         necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n         Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n         These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n         to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n         war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n         Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n         it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n         not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n         friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n         doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n         someone else do it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSuch, in brief, was the situation when \n          John Henry Ingram of \n          Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n         world his theory that \n          Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n          Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n         maligned.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n         had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n         reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n         used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n         purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n         step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n         Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n         not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n         which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n         and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n         gentleman he really was.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n         imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n         and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n         the \n          British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n         researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n         scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n         the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n         soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n         for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n         been done to Poe.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHaving exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n          America in the hope of finding there\n         friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n         enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n         felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n         difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n         his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n         delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n         distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n         championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n         for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n         hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n         to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n         recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n         sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n         and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n         prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n         Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n         personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n         newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n         from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n         of information about what others had written and said about\n         Poe. \n          Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n         only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n         Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n         Poe's trunk after he died. \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n         and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n         and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n          Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n         \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n         given to her in l848. \n          Edward V. Valentine of \n          Richmond, \n          William Hand Browne of \n          Johns Hopkins University, \n          John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n          Poe family in \n          Baltimore, including \n          Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n         many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n         store of information about Poe. And when \n          William Fearing Gill and \n          Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n         same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n         these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n         withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n         activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n         and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n         American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n         encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n         vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n         Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n         letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n          America to \n          England, with a few of them, but very\n         few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n         correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n         that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n         these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n         everyday job at the General Post Office.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFrom the two bound volumes of the \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBroadway Journal\u003c/title\u003e that\n         Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n         important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n         published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n         volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n         Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n         \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n         offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n         time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n         him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n         injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n         seventh seal.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n          John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n         engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n         that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n         there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n         dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n         Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBut Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n         understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n         scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n         popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n         writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n         particularly in \n          America, that he had rather to increase\n         sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n         statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n         encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n         rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n         begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n         publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n         often than not without acknowledgment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n         embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n         property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n         life was beginning in \n          America, an era brought about principally\n         by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n         published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n         the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n         authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n         the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n         puerile indeed. \n          George W. Woodberry, \n          Edmund C. Stedman, and \n          R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n         biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n         the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n         his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n         thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n         of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n         as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n         as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n         the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n         new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n         them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n         him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n         been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n         repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n         achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n         vociferous enemies.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n         Tales and Poems of \n          Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n         and for the \n          Tauchnitz Press in \n          Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n         Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n         \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n         two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n         he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n         these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n         market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n         Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n         important work on Poe.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn still another sense \n          John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n         His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n         correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n         had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n          Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n         inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n         results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n         their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n         Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n         publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n         close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n         But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n         everywhere.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n          John Ingram was retired with a pension\n         from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n         General Post Office. He continued living in \n          London with his only remaining sister,\n         Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n         Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n         the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n         another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n         Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n          Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n         years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n         definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n         in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n         materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n         wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n         as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n         1912 Ingram moved his household from \n          London to \n          Brighton. There for a few years he\n         enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n         February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n         sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n         death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n         arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n         collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n         strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n         for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n         to personal and literary fame, and \n          John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n         judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n         all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n         items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n         copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n         actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n         health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n         continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n         Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n         longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n         very important, and \n          John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n         published had brought his name before the world as had his\n         publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n         collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIII\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eShortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n          Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n         the scholarly worlds of \n          England and \n          America by advertising for sale her\n         brother's entire library. Although \n          John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n         out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n         the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n          James A. Harrison and \n          Killis Campbell, the number of important\n         \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n         the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n         declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n         and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n         before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n         While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n         papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n         materials from which he had written it would be. More\n         important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n         original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n         forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n         biography.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWord of the proposed sale reached the \n          University of Virginia early in the summer\n         of 1916. Librarian \n          John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n         Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n          London, asking what books and papers\n         about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n          Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n         inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n         and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n         the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n         buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n         the entire collection to \n          Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n         for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n         University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n          England to \n          America, and back again, if need be.\n         Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n         in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n         accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n         Ingram had listed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n         shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n         collection. \n          England was at war with \n          Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n         taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n         months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n         and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n         papers was dropped.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1919, \n          James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n         of English from \n          William and Mary came to join the \n          University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n         course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n         at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n         Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n         specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n         long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n         his arrival, \n          John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n         conversation that he had a partial list of \n          John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n         been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n         his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n         what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n         to enlist President \n          Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n         accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n         with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n         brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n         fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n         dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n         library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n          University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n         since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n         mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n         from \n          Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n         own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n         the papers to the \n          University of Texas.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eProfessor \n          Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n         and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n          Department of English at the University of\n         Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n         only after the \n          University of Virginia had definitely\n         refused their purchase.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStill another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n         then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n         England, came to \n          Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n         with the idea of buying it for his university.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n         request to ship the papers on approval to \n          Virginia. She did not want this\n         indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n         furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n         Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n          John Ingram's once enviable collections\n         of materials about \n          Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n          Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n          Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n         interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n         offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n         from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n         of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n         acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n         professor, or by the \n          University of Texas would have changed the\n         fate of the Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe \n          University of Virginia's correspondence\n         about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n         and ended by personal letters between \n          John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n         Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n          John Ingram's Poe papers to \n          America reached numerous scholars,\n         authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n         requests to the \n          University of Virginia for permission to\n         examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n         first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n         the Poe Collection came from \n          J. H. Whitty, \n          Richmond book collector and editor of\n         Poe's poems, who wrote \n          John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n         the papers were even then enroute from \n          England to the University. This\n         information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n         through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n          United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n         Miller, which docked at \n          Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n          John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n         passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n         been in \n          England for a decade, resolutely refused\n         to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n         household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n         official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n         released.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe two great packing cases actually reached the University\n         in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n         room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n         Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n         duties.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n         interesting, and at times very exciting. \n          John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n         varied and rich.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIV\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n         the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n         given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n          John Ingram in l880. And among the\n         hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n         were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n         later, than those from \n          Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n         charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n         of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n         of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n          John Ingram the fullest account there is\n         of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n         Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n          Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n         known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n         her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n         include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n         authorities decide whether or not they should be\n         destroyed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram's letters to \n          Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n         generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n         wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n         herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n         and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n         for \n          John Ingram, found in this collection,\n         are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n         disappeared.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n         nursed \n          Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n          Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n         suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n         Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n         copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n         from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n         account of Poe's family life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLetters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n         that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n         letters and items of importance. There was the original\n         drawing of Poe that \n          Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n          Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n         it to \n          John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n          Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n         hand; letters from \n          Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n         died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n         himself to \n          Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n         manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n         documents from \n          Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n         sculptor who first persuaded \n          Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n         Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n          Arthur Conan Doyle, \n          John Neal, \n          Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n         letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n         collection of Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n         letters from Miss \n          Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n         too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n         interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n         Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n         certain the University would already have them. \n          Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n          Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n          Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n         many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n          Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n         Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n         to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n         These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n         and in time they were received and restored to the\n         collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n         decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n         been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n         collection, \n          John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n         shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n         officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n         believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n         his Poe collection was at home in \n          America, and in \n          Virginia, where she was sure he would\n         have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n         University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n         packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n         across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n         In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n         near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n         manuscript, \"The True Story of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n         been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n         delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n         however, the publisher had himself died, and \n          Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n         place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n         her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n         with it as they saw fit?\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n          John Ingram considered this last\n         biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n         that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n         foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n         as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n         this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n         fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n         questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n         judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n         especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n         his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n         writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n         the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n         he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n         manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n         word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n         detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n         more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n         subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n         deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n         left except futile anger.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eV\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n         collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n          John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n          University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOne can safely say that had it not been for \n          John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n         with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n         have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n         activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n         possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n         and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n         information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n         achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n         to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n         it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n         this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n         memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n         these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n         view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n         recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n         records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n         dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n         papers, making almost all the more important items and\n         clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n         The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n         study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n         of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n         shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n         Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n         demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n         he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n         Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n         since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n         it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n         mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n         nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n         the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n         been directly and heavily indebted.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biography"],"bioghist_tesim":["\n          JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n         AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n          John Carl Miller ","When \n          John Ingram died in \n          Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n         he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n         scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n         Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n         had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n         works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n         its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n         of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n         important information. So impressed was the \n          New England editor and critic \n          Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n         addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n         l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n         have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n         either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n         country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n         more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n         fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n          America, to the \n          Alderman Library at the University of\n         Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n          Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n         in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n         spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n         materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n         he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n         imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n         he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n         about Dr. Bransby's school at \n          Stoke Newington. He filled the\n         intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n         wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n         magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n         writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n         Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n         During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n         almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n         if the writer was an American, for \n          John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n         the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n         as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n         literary reputation.","II","\n          John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n         1842, at 29 City Road, \n          Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n         childhood in \n          Stoke Newington, the \n          London suburb where young Poe had himself\n         lived. The \n          Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n         Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n         youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n         between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n         an autobiographical account to \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n         acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n               looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n               interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n               could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n               in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n               my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n               read out of Routledge's little volume of \n                Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n               something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n               excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n               brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n               pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n               poet!\"","But \n          John Ingram was not destined to become a\n         poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n         suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n         pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n         was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n          John Ingram's formal education during his\n         childhood, until he entered \n          Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n         at the \n          City of London College, his father died,\n         and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n         supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n         January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n         an appointment to the \n          Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n         Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n         followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n         working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n         writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n         invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n         routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n          John Ingram in the \n          Reading Room of the British Museum\n         Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n         German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n         knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n         literary articles to leading reviews in \n          England, \n          France, and \n          America, and he lectured frequently, for\n         pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n         even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n         business trips through \n          Ireland and \n          Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n         to the \n          Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n         search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n         which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n         author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n         difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n         Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n         the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n         symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n         garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n         and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n         anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n         bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n         clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n         condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n         predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n         always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n         sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n         characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n         have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n         followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n         traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n         the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n         too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n         epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n         His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n         whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n         produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n         completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n         maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n         later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n         actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n         abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n         this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n         rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n         work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n         matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n          John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n         writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n         and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n         had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n         and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n         possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n         been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n          Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n         published in l850. And so, \n          John Ingram found his work: he determined\n         to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n         liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n         would present to the world \n          Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n         these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n         examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n         been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n         learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n         the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n         be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n         stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n         demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n         the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n         editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n         recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n         darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n         assembling materials for a defense of \n          Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n         by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n         to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n         where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n         explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n         confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n         that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n         sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n         either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n         as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n         curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n         affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n         taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n         is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n         became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n         of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n         genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n         tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n         forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n         minority group of Poe's friends in \n          America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n         been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n         the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n         necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n         Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n         These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n         to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n         war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n         Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n         it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n         not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n         friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n         doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n         someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n          John Henry Ingram of \n          Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n         world his theory that \n          Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n          Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n         maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n         had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n         reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n         used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n         purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n         step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n         Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n         not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n         which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n         and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n         gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n         imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n         and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n         the \n          British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n         researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n         scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n         the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n         soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n         for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n         been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n          America in the hope of finding there\n         friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n         enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n         felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n         difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n         his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n         delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n         distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n         championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n         for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n         hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n         to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n         recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n         sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n         and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n         prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n         Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n         personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n         newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n         from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n         of information about what others had written and said about\n         Poe. \n          Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n         only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n         Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n         Poe's trunk after he died. \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n         and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n         and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n          Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n         \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n         given to her in l848. \n          Edward V. Valentine of \n          Richmond, \n          William Hand Browne of \n          Johns Hopkins University, \n          John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n          Poe family in \n          Baltimore, including \n          Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n         many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n         store of information about Poe. And when \n          William Fearing Gill and \n          Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n         same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n         these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n         withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n         activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n         and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n         American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n         encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n         vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n         Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n         letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n          America to \n          England, with a few of them, but very\n         few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n         correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n         that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n         these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n         everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the  Broadway Journal  that\n         Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n         important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n         published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n         volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n         Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n         \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n         offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n         time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n         him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n         injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n         seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n          John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n         engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n         that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n         there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n         dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n         Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n         understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n         scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n         popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n         writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n         particularly in \n          America, that he had rather to increase\n         sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n         statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n         encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n         rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n         begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n         publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n         often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n         embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n         property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n         life was beginning in \n          America, an era brought about principally\n         by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n         published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n         the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n         authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n         the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n         puerile indeed. \n          George W. Woodberry, \n          Edmund C. Stedman, and \n          R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n         biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n         the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n         his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n         thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n         of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n         as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n         as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n         the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n         new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n         them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n         him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n         been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n         repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n         achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n         vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n         Tales and Poems of \n          Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n         and for the \n          Tauchnitz Press in \n          Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n         Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n         \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n         two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n         he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n         these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n         market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n         Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n         important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n          John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n         His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n         correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n         had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n          Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n         inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n         results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n         their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n         Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n         publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n         close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n         But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n         everywhere.","\n          John Ingram was retired with a pension\n         from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n         General Post Office. He continued living in \n          London with his only remaining sister,\n         Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n         Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n         the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n         another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n         Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n          Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n         years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n         definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n         in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n         materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n         wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n         as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n         1912 Ingram moved his household from \n          London to \n          Brighton. There for a few years he\n         enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n         February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n         sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n         death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n         arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n         collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n         strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n         for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n         to personal and literary fame, and \n          John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n         judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n         all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n         items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n         copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n         actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n         health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n         continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n         Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n         longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n         very important, and \n          John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n         published had brought his name before the world as had his\n         publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n         collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n          Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n         the scholarly worlds of \n          England and \n          America by advertising for sale her\n         brother's entire library. Although \n          John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n         out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n         the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n          James A. Harrison and \n          Killis Campbell, the number of important\n         \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n         the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n         declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n         and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n         before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n         While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n         papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n         materials from which he had written it would be. More\n         important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n         original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n         forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n         biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n          University of Virginia early in the summer\n         of 1916. Librarian \n          John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n         Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n          London, asking what books and papers\n         about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n          Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n         inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n         and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n         the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n         buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n         the entire collection to \n          Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n         for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n         University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n          England to \n          America, and back again, if need be.\n         Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n         in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n         accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n         Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n         shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n         collection. \n          England was at war with \n          Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n         taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n         months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n         and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n         papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n          James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n         of English from \n          William and Mary came to join the \n          University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n         course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n         at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n         Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n         specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n         long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n         his arrival, \n          John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n         conversation that he had a partial list of \n          John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n         been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n         his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n         what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n         to enlist President \n          Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n         accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n         with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n         brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n         fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n         dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n         library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n          University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n         since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n         mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n         from \n          Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n         own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n         the papers to the \n          University of Texas.","Professor \n          Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n         and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n          Department of English at the University of\n         Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n         only after the \n          University of Virginia had definitely\n         refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n         then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n         England, came to \n          Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n         with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n         request to ship the papers on approval to \n          Virginia. She did not want this\n         indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n         furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n         Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n          John Ingram's once enviable collections\n         of materials about \n          Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n          Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n          Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n         interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n         offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n         from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n         of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n         acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n         professor, or by the \n          University of Texas would have changed the\n         fate of the Poe papers.","The \n          University of Virginia's correspondence\n         about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n         and ended by personal letters between \n          John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n         Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n          John Ingram's Poe papers to \n          America reached numerous scholars,\n         authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n         requests to the \n          University of Virginia for permission to\n         examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n         first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n         the Poe Collection came from \n          J. H. Whitty, \n          Richmond book collector and editor of\n         Poe's poems, who wrote \n          John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n         the papers were even then enroute from \n          England to the University. This\n         information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n         through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n          United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n         Miller, which docked at \n          Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n          John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n         passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n         been in \n          England for a decade, resolutely refused\n         to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n         household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n         official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n         released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n         in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n         room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n         Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n         duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n         interesting, and at times very exciting. \n          John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n         varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n         the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n         given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n          John Ingram in l880. And among the\n         hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n         were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n         later, than those from \n          Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n         charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n         of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n         of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n          John Ingram the fullest account there is\n         of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n         Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n          Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n         known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n         her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n         include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n         authorities decide whether or not they should be\n         destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n          Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n         generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n         wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n         herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n         and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n         for \n          John Ingram, found in this collection,\n         are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n         disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n         nursed \n          Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n          Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n         suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n         Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n         copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n         from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n         account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n         that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n         letters and items of importance. There was the original\n         drawing of Poe that \n          Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n          Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n         it to \n          John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n          Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n         hand; letters from \n          Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n         died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n         himself to \n          Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n         manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n         documents from \n          Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n         sculptor who first persuaded \n          Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n         Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n          Arthur Conan Doyle, \n          John Neal, \n          Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n         letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n         collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n         letters from Miss \n          Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n         too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n         interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n         Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n         certain the University would already have them. \n          Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n          Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n          Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n         many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n          Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n         Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n         to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n         These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n         and in time they were received and restored to the\n         collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n         decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n         been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n         collection, \n          John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n         shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n         officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n         believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n         his Poe collection was at home in \n          America, and in \n          Virginia, where she was sure he would\n         have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n         University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n         packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n         across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n         In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n         near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n         manuscript, \"The True Story of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n         been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n         delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n         however, the publisher had himself died, and \n          Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n         place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n         her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n         with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n          John Ingram considered this last\n         biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n         that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n         foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n         as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n         this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n         fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n         questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n         judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n         especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n         his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n         writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n         the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n         he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n         manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n         word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n         detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n         more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n         subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n         deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n         left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n         collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n          John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n          University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n          John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n         with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n         have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n         activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n         possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n         and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n         information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n         achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n         to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n         it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n         this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n         memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n         these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n         view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n         recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n         records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n         dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n         papers, making almost all the more important items and\n         clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n         The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n         study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n         of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n         shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n         Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n         demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n         he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n         Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n         since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n         it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n         mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n         nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n         the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n         been directly and heavily indebted."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n         photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n         concerning \n          Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n          John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n         by \n          John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n         and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSecond Edition by John E. Reilly\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTo the Memory of John Carl Miller\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIntroduction:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1922 the \n          University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n          John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n         $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n         biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n         acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n         manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n         newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n         totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n         University made the Collection available to serious students\n         of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n          Alderman Library until, in the late\n         1940's, \n          John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n         student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n         mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n         more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n         of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n         Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n         his 1954 doctoral dissertation, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's English Biographer,\n          John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n         and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.\u003c/title\u003e Six\n         years later the University published the first edition of\n         Professor Miller's \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eJohn Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n            of Virginia.\u003c/title\u003e This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n         checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n         the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n         calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n         Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n         calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n         served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n         entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n         same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n         to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n         Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n         edition. The first of these volumes, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBuilding Poe Biography,\u003c/title\u003e was published by Louisiana State University Press\n         in 1977, and the second volume, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's Helen Remembers,\u003c/title\u003e appeared two years later from the \n          University Press of Virginia. In\n         declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n         in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n         prepared.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n         only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n         but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n         the \n          University of Virginia almost two decades\n         earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n         that the present volume carries to its conclusion.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n         unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n         a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n         manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n         a brief account of its content.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n         photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n         concerning \n          Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n          John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n         by \n          John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n         and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n          University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n          John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n         $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n         biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n         acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n         manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n         newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n         totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n         University made the Collection available to serious students\n         of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n          Alderman Library until, in the late\n         1940's, \n          John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n         student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n         mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n         more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n         of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n         Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n         his 1954 doctoral dissertation,  Poe's English Biographer,\n          John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n         and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.  Six\n         years later the University published the first edition of\n         Professor Miller's  John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n            of Virginia.  This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n         checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n         the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n         calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n         Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n         calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n         served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n         entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n         same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n         to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n         Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n         edition. The first of these volumes,  Building Poe Biography,  was published by Louisiana State University Press\n         in 1977, and the second volume,  Poe's Helen Remembers,  appeared two years later from the \n          University Press of Virginia. In\n         declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n         in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n         prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n         only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n         but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n         the \n          University of Virginia almost two decades\n         earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n         that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n         unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n         a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n         manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n         a brief account of its content."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1053,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:44:20.390Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c04_c157"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Attorney's Ledger, Boston","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_704_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704_c01","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_4_resources_704_c01"],"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704_c01","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_704"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_4_resources_704"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Attorney's ledger"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Attorney's ledger"],"text":["Attorney's ledger","Attorney's Ledger, Boston","MSS 97-8"],"title_filing_ssi":"Attorney's Ledger, Boston","title_ssm":["Attorney's Ledger, Boston"],"title_tesim":["Attorney's Ledger, Boston"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1871-1875"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1871/1875"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Attorney's Ledger, Boston"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Attorney's ledger"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":1,"date_range_isim":[1871,1872,1873,1874,1875],"containers_ssim":["MSS 97-8"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0","timestamp":"2026-05-09T07:09:08.542Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","_root_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_4_resources_704","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_4_resources_704.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/131421","title_ssm":["Attorney's ledger"],"title_tesim":["Attorney's ledger"],"unitdate_ssm":["1871-1875"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1871-1875"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS.97.8","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/704"],"text":["MSS.97.8","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/704","Attorney's ledger","lawyers -- Massachusetts -- Boston","Ledgers (account books)","Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS.97.8","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/4/resources/704"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Attorney's ledger"],"collection_title_tesim":["Attorney's ledger"],"collection_ssim":["Attorney's ledger"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_subjects_ssim":["lawyers -- Massachusetts -- Boston","Ledgers (account books)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["lawyers -- Massachusetts -- Boston","Ledgers (account books)"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["1 items"],"extent_tesim":["1 items"],"genreform_ssim":["Ledgers (account books)"],"date_range_isim":[1871,1872,1873,1874,1875],"names_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"corpname_ssim":["Arthur J. Morris Law Library Special Collections"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":1,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-09T07:09:08.542Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_4_resources_704_c01"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c16","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Autobiography of Walter Reed","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c16#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c16","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c16"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c16","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series III. Walter Reed"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series III. Walter Reed"],"text":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series III. Walter Reed","Autobiography of Walter Reed","biographies (documents)","box 16","folder 16"],"title_filing_ssi":"Autobiography of Walter Reed","title_ssm":["Autobiography of Walter Reed"],"title_tesim":["Autobiography of Walter Reed"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["February 8, 1875"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Autobiography of Walter Reed"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":1942,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"date_range_isim":[1875],"access_subjects_ssim":["biographies (documents)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["biographies (documents)"],"containers_ssim":["box 16","folder 16"],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#15","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_1710.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202324","title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998","bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"text":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710","Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever","There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions","The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.","Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.","Processed by: Historical Collections Staff","Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.","Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"unitid_tesim":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Materials from the following series were donated to the University of Virginia's Alderman Library in the fall of 1966 and the summer of 1970 by Philip Showalter Hench's widow, Mary Kahler Hench, with the approval of his estate:","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were donated to the HAM/TMC by Philip Showalter Hench as a small part of a larger collection of materials."," Materials from Series XIII. Reed family additions were donated by various individuals to Alderman Library between 1947 and 1972. Box 139, Folder 1 contains a list that describes each of these donations in detail."," Materials from Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, in 1988 and 1989."," Materials from Series XV. Laura Wood were most likely donated to Alderman Library between 1972 and 1982."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library as a part of the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eI. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eII. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIII. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eV. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eX. Photographic negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXVI. Edward Hook additions\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization of the Collection"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Information for the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission","Biographical Information for Walter Reed","Biographical Information for Jesse W. Lazear","Biographical Information for Henry Rose Carter","Biographical Information for Jefferson Randolph Kean","Biographical Information for Philip Showalter Hench"],"bioghist_tesim":["The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries I. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries V. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries X. Negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMaterials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e"],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by: Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePhilip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing History"],"processinfo_tesim":["Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003elegal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecertificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eobituaries;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ejournal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eresearch notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003econdolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWalter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emedical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003erecords relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFinally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ematerials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edrafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emeeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHavana and its environs;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003esites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand military installations in the United States.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother correspondence;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper and magazine clippings;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical and autobiographical accounts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003etranscripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003einformed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ediplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emanuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephysicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003efamily members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCamp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe U.S.S.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMaine\u003c/emph\u003eand the Spanish-American War;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eaerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003estill scenes from the movies,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003eand\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJezebel\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edocuments and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench and his family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe correspondence of experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003epress clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eoral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's research notes.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea journal article by George Sternberg;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand exhibition materials.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Copyright Status"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_98fe81a152b4be0b7388b1814ffaf4bd\"\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission."],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":10452,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ewas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003etheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eicteroides\u003c/emph\u003eproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ein tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e(later called\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e, and later still\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti\u003c/emph\u003e) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHow could a building become infected?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWhen does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOver what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex pungens\u003c/emph\u003efailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003e, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e, published immediately in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e. [16]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eBacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical News\u003c/title\u003e(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association\u003c/title\u003eIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[9] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[10] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[11]\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas reclassified shortly after the experiments as\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia\u003c/emph\u003eand later became\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti.\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[13] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[14] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[15] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[16] Please see note [7].\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eExperimental Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note)\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWalter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eArmy Register\u003c/title\u003e, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAnopheles\u003c/emph\u003emosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,\u003c/title\u003e \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal\u003c/title\u003e, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e[5]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eHenry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSouthern Medical Journal\u003c/title\u003e32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Carter, Henry Rose.\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003eBaltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Military Surgeon\u003c/title\u003e, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c16"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c17","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Autobiography of Walter Reed","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c17#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eReed writes an autobiography for the Army Examination Board.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c17#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c17","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c17"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c17","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series III. Walter Reed"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series III. Walter Reed"],"text":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Series III. Walter Reed","Autobiography of Walter Reed","Health boards","Education","biographies (documents)","English","box 16","folder 17","Reed writes an autobiography for the Army Examination Board."],"title_filing_ssi":"Autobiography of Walter Reed","title_ssm":["Autobiography of Walter Reed"],"title_tesim":["Autobiography of Walter Reed"],"unitdate_other_ssim":[" February 8, 1875"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Autobiography of Walter Reed"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"extent_ssm":["3 pages"],"extent_tesim":["3 pages"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":1943,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"date_range_isim":[1875],"access_subjects_ssim":["Health boards","Education","biographies (documents)"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Health boards","Education","biographies (documents)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"containers_ssim":["box 16","folder 17"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eReed writes an autobiography for the Army Examination Board.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Reed writes an autobiography for the Army Examination Board."],"_nest_path_":"/components#2/components#16","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_1710","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_1710.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/202324","title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998","bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_bulk_ssim":["bulk 1863-1974"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1800-circa 1998"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"text":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710","Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection","Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever","There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions","The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.","Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.","Processed by: Historical Collections Staff","Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.","Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.","The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"unitid_tesim":["MS.1","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/1710"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_title_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"collection_ssim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever collection"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Materials from the following series were donated to the University of Virginia's Alderman Library in the fall of 1966 and the summer of 1970 by Philip Showalter Hench's widow, Mary Kahler Hench, with the approval of his estate:","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were donated to the HAM/TMC by Philip Showalter Hench as a small part of a larger collection of materials."," Materials from Series XIII. Reed family additions were donated by various individuals to Alderman Library between 1947 and 1972. Box 139, Folder 1 contains a list that describes each of these donations in detail."," Materials from Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, in 1988 and 1989."," Materials from Series XV. Laura Wood were most likely donated to Alderman Library between 1972 and 1982."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were donated to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library as a part of the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Human Experimentation","Military Medicine","Physicians","Public health","Tropical medicine","Yellow Fever"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"extent_tesim":["67 Linear Feet 154 boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,1954,1955,1956,1957,1958,1959,1960,1961,1962,1963,1964,1965,1966,1967,1968,1969,1970,1971,1972,1973,1974,1975,1976,1977,1978,1979,1980,1981,1982,1983,1984,1985,1986,1987,1988,1989,1990,1991,1992,1993,1994,1995,1996,1997,1998],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThere are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["There are no restrictions on user access to any of the materials in the collection except where noted in the container list."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eI. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eII. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIII. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eV. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eVIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eIX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eX. Photographic negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXIV. P. Kahler Hench additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eXVI. Edward Hook additions\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization of the Collection"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection is organized in 16 series:","I. Jesse W. Lazear II. Henry Rose Carter III. Walter Reed IV. Philip Showalter Hench V. Maps VI. Alphabetical files VII. Truby-Kean-Hench VIII. Miscellany IX. Photographs X. Photographic negatives XI. Reprints XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions XIII. Reed family additions XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions XV. Laura Wood XVI. Edward Hook additions"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Historical Information for the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission","Biographical Information for Walter Reed","Biographical Information for Jesse W. Lazear","Biographical Information for Henry Rose Carter","Biographical Information for Jefferson Randolph Kean","Biographical Information for Philip Showalter Hench"],"bioghist_tesim":["The U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe."," When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever."," The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences."," In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881."," Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that Bacillus icteroides was the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical."," Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the B. icteroides theory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the icteroides proposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the B. icteroides question once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases."," Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified B. icteroides in tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results."," What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission. Bacillus icteroides and other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause."," \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900."," Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites."," On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used."," These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful."," Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health."," Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever."," The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata (later called Stegomyia fasciata , and later still Aedes aegypti ) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:","How could a building become infected? When does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease? Over what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?","The second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant."," The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination."," The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease."," Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]"," A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. icteroides , conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim."," Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery."," Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:"," \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\""," \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]"," The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed."," That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate."," The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion."," For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever."," Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , published immediately in the Journal of the American Medical Association . [16]"," Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory."," Sources:","[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll, Bacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note , Medical News (29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55. [2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001. [3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822, Yellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note , Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection. [7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note , Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84. [8] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [9] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [10] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101. [11] Culex fasciata was reclassified shortly after the experiments as Stegomyia and later became Aedes aegypti. [12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001. [13] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97. [14] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98. [15] Walter Reed, The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches , in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99. [16] Please see note [7]. [17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Experimental Yellow Fever , American Medicine II (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23. [18] Walter Reed, James Carroll, The Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note) , American Medicine III (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.","Walter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research."," Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school."," At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor."," Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom."," Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier."," Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General."," Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register , and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001. [2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly, Walter Reed and Yellow Fever (New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.","Jesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century."," \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined."," Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]"," These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever."," The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin."," The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects."," Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him."," [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001."," Sources:","[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001. [5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note, Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900. [6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001. [7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002. [8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.","Henry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru."," Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915."," Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations."," Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]"," Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal , and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]"," Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. [5]"," Sources:","[1] T. H. D. Griffitts, Henry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man , Southern Medical Journal 32 (August 1939) 8: 842. [2] Henry Rose Carter, A Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation , Medical Record 59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937. [3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1. [4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001. [5] Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.","Jefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I."," \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend."," Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909."," Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work."," In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon , and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950."," Sources:","[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173. [2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022. [3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.","Philip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject."," Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone."," The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history."," For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping."," In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever."," Sources:","[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001. [2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001."],"custodhist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMaterials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries I. Jesse W. Lazear\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries V. Maps\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VI. Alphabetical files\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VII. Truby-Kean-Hench\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries IX. Photographs\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries X. Negatives\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XI. Reprints\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eSeries XV. Laura Wood\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMaterials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s.\u003c/p\u003e"],"custodhist_heading_ssm":["Custodial History"],"custodhist_tesim":["Materials from the following series were initially deposited at the University of Virginia's Alderman Library. In 1982, they were moved to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library under the terms of a gift agreement that required the transferral of Mary K. Hench's donation to the library when adequate storage space for the collection could be found there.","Series I. Jesse W. Lazear Series II. Henry Rose Carter Series III. Walter Reed Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench Series V. Maps Series VI. Alphabetical files Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench Series VIII. Miscellany Series IX. Photographs Series X. Negatives Series XI. Reprints Series XIII. Reed family additions Series XV. Laura Wood","Materials from Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center (HAM/TMC) were initially deposited in the HAM/TMC and were a part of the Philip S. Hench papers. In 1991, the materials were transferred from HAM/TMC to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library after both repositories agreed that it would be more appropriate to include them in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection."," Materials from Series XVI. Edward Hook additions were transferred from the Papers of Dr. Edward Watson Hook, Jr. to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection around the late 1990s and early 2000s."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by: Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePhilip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, 1800-1998, MS-1, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eMary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing History"],"processinfo_tesim":["Mary K. Hench's donation arrived in Charlottesville in a number of large crates which were packed much as the collection had been found in Philip Showalter Hench's home in Rochester, Minnesota. Some confusion about Dr. Hench's filing order had been created while the collection was packed for shipping, and thus the Manuscripts Department of the University of Virginia Library found it necessary to perform some sorting and arrangement to make the collection more accessible."," Around 1968, William Bennett Bean was hired by the University of Virginia as a visiting scholar in residence to begin work on a new biography of Walter Reed. Dr. Bean found that the order of the collection was not such that he could readily use it for biographical purposes. He employed a former assistant in the Manuscripts Department, sought and received permission to refile the collection, and had his assistant perform this task. The refiling of the collection had been finished by the fall of 1969, but Bean and his assistant had no time to prepare a finding aid."," In the fall of 1969 Donna L. Purvis of the Manuscripts Department staff began writing the first edition of the collection's finding aid. During this project, Mrs. Purvis found some problems with Dr. Bean's description and arrangement of the collection and felt that it was necessary to reprocess parts of it."," Around 1990 staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions to the collection donated by Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench."," Between 1999 and 2004, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library digitized a significant portion of the collection and made the digitized files available to users in an online exhibit. During this project, over 8,000 items from the collection were scanned, transcribed, and described at the item level. Metadata for the digitized items was recorded in XML files using the TEI 2 standard."," In 2001, the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed additions that had been made to the collection since 1982, excepting the materials donated by P. Kahler Hench. Staff members also processed significant portions of Mary K. Hench's original donation that had not been described in the first edition of the collection finding aid. This work led to the development of a second edition finding aid that was coded in EAD and ingested into the Virginia Heritage database. This finding aid contained both new metadata and metadata that had been migrated from a Microsoft Access file."," In the 2000s the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed the materials in Series XV. Edward Hook additions."," In 2009, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library processed Box 154 of the collection."," In 2013, staff members in the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library produced a third edition of the finding aid using EAD that merged collection description from four sources (the first edition finding aid, the second edition finding aid, the online exhibit, and the physical collection). When possible, metadata from the existing online exhibit's TEI files and metadata from the second edition finding aid were transformed with XSL and included in the EAD file. However, staff members sometimes found it necessary to create new metadata for the collection. The new finding aid was structured in such a way to facilitate the migration of the collection's digital files and metadata into the University of Virginia's digital repository and make it available to users via the library's online catalog."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003elegal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecertificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eobituaries;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ejournal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eresearch notes written by Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003econdolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emilitary records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWalter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emedical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles announcing the death of Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003erecords relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists);\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFinally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ematerials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edrafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emeeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHavana and its environs;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003esites associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand military installations in the United States.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother correspondence;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper and magazine clippings;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical and autobiographical accounts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003etranscripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMemoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea short biography of Lemuel S. Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003einformed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ediplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003emanuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003earticles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eitems that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enotes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephysicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003efamily members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eCamp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe U.S.S.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eMaine\u003c/emph\u003eand the Spanish-American War;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eaerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eConquerors of Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003estill scenes from the movies,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Jack\u003c/title\u003eand\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJezebel\u003c/title\u003e;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eother events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003edocuments and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand Philip Showalter Hench and his family.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ebiographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea flag that was flown over Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003enewspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ean inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ethe correspondence of experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecorrespondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003epress clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eoral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003escientific articles related to the study of yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003egenealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eautobiographical accounts written by experiment participants;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eunpublished manuscripts;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eartifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench's research notes.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSeries XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ea journal article by George Sternberg;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ephotographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003ecopies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever;\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eand exhibition materials.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eItems in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audio cassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). All of these materials are arranged in 16 series: I. Jesse W. Lazear, II. Henry Rose Carter, III. Walter Reed, IV. Philip Showalter Hench, V. Maps, VI. Alphabetical files, VII. Truby-Kean-Hench, VIII. Miscellany, IX. Photographs, X. Photographic negatives, XI. Reprints, XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions, XIII. Reed family additions, XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions, XV. Laura Wood, and XVI. Edward Hook additions."," Series I. Jesse W. Lazear consists of materials relating to Lazear that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1800 to 1956 with the bulk of the items dating from 1863 to 1943. Much of the series consists of the correspondence of Jesse W. Lazear and his wife Mabel H. Lazear. Jesse's correspondence dates from his time as a student at Johns Hopkins University to his death in 1900. Researchers can learn a great deal about Jesse from these letters, including his relationships with friends and family, his educational background, and his professional life. Mabel's correspondence dates from the time she met Jesse to her death in 1946. This correspondence primarily concern her husband's historical legacy and a campaign to secure a pension from the U.S. government for herself and her family."," In addition to Jesse and Mabel's correspondence, the series contains other materials relating to them and their families including, but not limited to the following:","the diaries documenting the travels of Jesse and Mabel's mothers in Europe; correspondence of other Lazear family members (e.g. Jesse's parents); genealogical summaries and tables relating to the Lazear family; legal documents (e.g. wills, certificates, deeds); military records relating to Jesse; certificates, reports, and other materials documenting Jesse's educational background and achievements; obituaries; copies of congressional bills and reports concerning the provision of a federal pension for Mabel H. Lazear; newspaper articles; a microscope and sets of microscope slides owned by Jesse; and a medical chart that shows the progression of the yellow fever infection that killed Jesse.","Series II. Henry Rose Carter consists of materials relating to Henry Rose Carter that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1880 to 1932 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1883 to 1932. The series is particularly rich in materials that document Henry Rose Carter's professional activities in the last eleven years of his life (1914-1925). These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence with colleagues in the medical and scientific community including Rupert E. Blue, Hideyo Noguchi, Henry Hanson, Joseph A. LePrince, Frederick F. Russell, T.H.D. Griffitts, and Lunsford D. Fricks; scientific, medical, and government reports relating to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria in North America, South America, and Africa; journal articles concerning the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; research notes written by Henry Rose Carter; and photographs of Henry Rose Carter at work and with professional colleagues.","Series II. also contains correspondence between Henry Rose Carter and members of his family that date from 1880 to 1925. The family members with whom Henry corresponds most frequently in this series are his mother, Emma Coleman Carter; his wife, Laura Eugenia Hook Carter; his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter; and his son, Henry Rose Carter, Jr. These letters are not only a rich source of information about Carter's personal views and family life, they also provide valuable insights into his professional activities such as his experiences aboard vessels and in ports while working for the U.S. Marine Hospital Service and his public health work in Cuba, Panama, and Peru."," In addition to the materials that were produced during Henry Rose Carter's lifetime, the Series II. contains materials that were produced between 1925 and 1940 (after Henry Rose Carter's death) including, but not limited to the following:","copies of obituaries for Henry Rose Carter; condolence letters for Henry Rose Carter's family after Henry's death; and the correspondence of Laura Armistead Carter relating to her father and other members of the Carter family.","Series III. Walter Reed consists of materials that document the life of Walter Reed as well as the work and legacy of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in the series date from 1806 to around 1955 with the bulk of the items dating from 1874 to 1936. The series is particularly rich in materials that document the professional and personal life of Walter Reed from 1874 to his death in 1902. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Walter Reed and members of his immediate family that cover a wide range of topics including Reed's courtship of Emilie Lawrence Reed, family life, Walter Reed's work in the Western United States, and Walter Reed's work in Cuba; military records relating to Walter Reed including military orders for Reed, Reed's performance reviews, and reports of Reed's work for army officials; Walter Reed's correspondence with professional colleagues including members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, military doctors, and medical researchers interested in the study of yellow fever; medical records (e.g. fever charts of experiment participants), military orders, administrative records, reports, and publications documenting the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's experiments in Cuba; articles announcing the death of Walter Reed; and the shoulder boards from Walter Reed's U.S. Army uniform.","In addition to the above items, Series III. contains materials that document campaigns, spanning from 1902 to 1937, to publicly honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","articles and editorials relating to efforts to memorialize and provide pensions for members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and those who participated in the commission's experiments; biographical sketches of members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; records relating to the Walter Reed Memorial Association (e.g. correspondence, donor lists); copies of Congressional bills and resolutions to honor members of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and experiment participants; and letters, reviews, and other materials relating to the production of Sidney Coe Howard's play, Yellow Jack .","Finally, Series III. also consists of materials that document the history of yellow fever during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","items (e.g. correspondence, reports, reviews, and articles) relating to U.S. efforts to eradicate yellow fever in the Panama Canal Zone; materials (e.g. correspondence, reports, and articles) documenting early twentieth century efforts to eradicate yellow fever in Peru; scientific reports and publications related to the study and eradication of yellow fever and malaria; and newspaper articles describing various outbreaks of yellow fever epidemics.","Series IV. Philip Showalter Hench primarily consists of materials that Hench created or collected while researching the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission. Items in this series date from around 1850 to around 1865 with the bulk of the items dating from 1937 to 1960. Researchers who are studying the yellow fever experiments will be particularly interested in the materials (e.g. interviews, autobiographies) that document first-hand accounts of the events surrounding the experiments. Other researchers may be interested in items that document Hench's role in shaping public memory of the commission and its experiments. The materials in this series include, but are not limited to the following:","Hench's correspondence and interviews with participants in the yellow fever experiments and their families including: Emilie Lawrence Reed, Emilie M. (Blossom) Reed, Walter Lawrence Reed, John J. Moran, Albert E. Truby, Jefferson Randolph Kean, John H. Andrus, and John R. Kissinger; autobiographical accounts of the experiment's participants and their families; notes, reports, correspondence and other materials relating to Hench's search for the original site of Camp Lazear in Cuba; correspondence with Cuban government officials and members of the scientific community relating to Hench's campaign to build a Camp Lazear memorial; correspondence and other materials relating to ceremonies honoring Jesse W. Lazear at Washington and Jefferson College; newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other printed matter concerning the yellow fever experiments and its participants; drafts of speeches and presentations Hench gave on the history of the yellow fever experiments to various audiences; meeting minutes and other materials that document Hench's relationship with and participation in the Walter Reed Memorial Association; scripts for radio programs relating to the yellow fever experiments; notes, outlines, lists, correspondence, and other materials that document Hench's research about the yellow fever experiments and a book he had planned to write on the subject; and the gold medal that Congress posthumously awarded to Walter Reed for his work with yellow fever.","Series V. Maps primarily consists of maps and floor plans that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1899 to 1951. The maps and floor plans often include annotations and illustrate a wide range of locations including, but not limited to the following:","Havana and its environs; Cuba; sites associated with the yellow fever experiments; and military installations in the United States.","In addition to the maps and floor plans, Series V. also consists of a few newspaper and magazine clippings that contain information relating to the yellow fever experiments."," Series VI. Alphabetical files primarily consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1860 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from 1940 to 1956. All of these items have been arranged thematically into biographical files. Each file contains materials created by or relating to people who were either involved with the yellow fever experiments or aided Philip Showalter Hench in his research of the subject. These people include, but are not limited to: John J. Moran, Carlos E. Finlay, Laura Wood Roper, Mabel Lazear, Clara Maas, John R. Kissinger, Roger Post Ames, James C. Carroll, and Carlos J. Finlay. The files are arranged alphabetically by the last names of the individuals listed on the files and it is unclear whether the overall arrangement was made by Hench or by staff members at the University of Virginia. The biographical files contain a wide range of different materials that pertain to the individuals listed on the files. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the individuals; other correspondence; newspaper and magazine clippings; unpublished manuscripts; biographical and autobiographical accounts; transcripts of oral history interviews that were conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; and copies of medical charts for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments that shows the progression of the disease.","In addition to the materials that Hench created or collected during his lifetime, the biographical files in Series VI. also contain items that were added by staff at the University of Virginia Library during the late 1960s and early 1970s."," Series VII. Truby-Kean-Hench primarily consists of materials relating to Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1879 to around 1960 with the bulk of the items dating from 1900 to 1954. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence of Jefferson Randolph Kean dating from 1900 to 1950 that relates to his personal life, the yellow fever experiments, public health initiatives, his publications, the legacy of the yellow fever experiments, Kean's work in World War I, and other topics; Philip Showalter Hench's correspondence with people related to the yellow fever experiments, particularly Albert E. Truby and Jefferson Randolph Kean primarily from between 1940 and 1955; a scrapbook and other materials that relate to Truby's book, Memoir of Walter Reed: the Yellow Fever Episode ; and Philip Showalter Hench's interviews and questionnaires for Kean and Truby from the 1940s.","In addition to the materials relating to Kean and Truby, Series VII. also includes the following:","notes from Philip Showalter Hench's research of the yellow fever experiments; the recollections, autobiographies, and reports of other people involved with the yellow fever experiments including John Andrus and A.S. Pinto; articles and clippings related to the yellow fever experiments; a short biography of Lemuel S. Reed; and a sketch Philip Showalter Hench made of a proposed museum at the Camp Lazear site.","Series VIII. Miscellany consists of oversize and miscellaneous materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection that were, for various reasons, not included in any of the other series in the collection. Items in this series date from around 1849 to 1982 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1885 to 1974. These materials include, but are not limited to the following:","informed consent agreements for volunteers in the yellow fever experiments; diplomas and certificates for Walter Reed and Jesse W. Lazear; copies and sketches of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; artifacts, including a wooden board from Camp Lazear and a U.S. flag; copies of correspondence, reports, medical records, and military orders from the U.S. National Archives relating to the yellow fever experiments; manuscripts and related notes for published works and research relating to Walter Reed and the yellow fever experiments; correspondence of Philip Showalter Hench from circa 1940 to 1966; articles and clippings relating to the yellow fever experiments, the experiments' participants, and the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; correspondence of Atcheson Laughlin Hench and members of the University of Virginia community relating to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; items that document the provenance and custodial history of some materials in the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed yellow fever collection; photographs relating to Cuba and the yellow fever experiments; notes for photographs and photographic negatives housed in Series IX. and Series X. of this collection.","Series IX. Photographs consists primarily of photographs that Philip Showalter Hench created and collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1846 to around 1966 with the bulk of the items dating from around 1870 to around 1960. The subjects shown in the photographs include, but are not limited to the following:","physicians, military personnel, nurses, and volunteers associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Jefferson Randolph Kean, and Aristides Agramonte; family members of people associated with the yellow fever experiments including their spouses, children, and grandchildren. Camp Lazear, Camp Columbia, and other locations in Cuba related to the yellow fever experiments between 1900 and 1960; the U.S.S. Maine and the Spanish-American War; aerial views of Havana, Cuba and its environs from the 1940s and 1950s; scenes of daily life in Cuba generally from between 1898 and 1960; the 1952 dedication of the Camp Lazear National Monument in Cuba; the creation and unveiling of Dean Cornwell's painting, Conquerors of Yellow Fever ; still scenes from the movies, Yellow Jack and Jezebel ; other events and works of art commemorating the work of the participants in the yellow fever experiments; documents and maps that Philip Showalter Hench copied for his research; and Philip Showalter Hench and his family.","Series IX. also includes a watercolor that was painted by Emilie Lawrence Reed."," Series X. Photographic negatives consists of a mix of original and copy negatives that Philip Showalter Hench collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Although the original images recorded on the negatives date from between the 1860s and the 1960s, it appears that the negatives themselves were produced during a narrower time frame, most likely between 1930 and 1966."," The negatives in Series X. record images associated with the yellow fever experiments and many of them are related to photographic prints found in Series VIII. Where a match between a negative and a print from these series has been made, the negative number has been written on the folder of the print in the physical collection. Finally, the negatives are generally arranged in numerical order by identification numbers that were most likely assigned by Philip Showalter Hench."," Series XI. Reprints consists of reprints and photocopies of journal articles, book extracts, book reviews and other published works that were primarily collected by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from 1856 to 1971 and cover a wide range of topics related to the study and eradication of yellow fever, including, but not limited to the following:","the results of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work in Cuba; biographical accounts of various people who had an association with the yellow fever experiments; the research of people associated with the experiments including Walter Reed, Jesse W. Lazear, Aristides Agramonte, and James Carroll; scientific and medical research related to yellow fever and malaria; and events honoring the work of those involved with the yellow fever experiments.","Series XII. Houston Academy of Medicine/Texas Medical Center additions consists of materials that Philip Showalter Hench created or collected while researching the yellow fever experiments. Items in this series date from around 1901 to around 1966. These materials were originally a part of the Philip S. Hench papers in the John P. McGovern Historical Collections and Research Center at the Texas Medical Center Library, but they were transferred to the University of Virginia in 1991. These items include, but are not limited to the following:","correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and people connected with the yellow fever experiments including John J. Moran and Walter Reed's children; newspaper clippings relating to the death or commemoration of individuals associated with the yellow fever experiments; photographs of the Camp Lazear Memorial, everyday scenes in Cuba, and John J. Moran; and journal articles, booklets, and other printed matter relating to the yellow fever experiments and its participants.","Series XIII. Reed family additions consists of materials relating to the yellow fever experiments that several different donors gave to the University of Virginia. Items in the series date from around 1850 to 1967 with the bulk of the items dating from 1868 to 1949. The largest portion of the series is comprised of correspondence written by Walter Reed and his family between 1877 and 1902 that provide insights into their relationships and personal lives."," In addition to the Reed family's correspondence, the series also contains other materials relating to the Reed family and the yellow fever experiments including, but not limited to the following:","a flag that was flown over Camp Lazear; newspaper clippings and articles relating to the yellow fever experiments; a chemistry notebook that was owned by Walter Reed; correspondence of and works by Philip Showalter Hench; an inventory of materials in Series XIII. and information about their accession into the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library; and materials from an exhibit on the yellow fever experiments that was hosted in Alderman Library at the University of Virginia.","Series XIV. P. Kahler Hench additions consists of original and photocopied materials that Philip Showalter Hench's son, P. Kahler Hench, donated to the University of Virginia in 1988 and 1989. Items in the series date from around 1860 to 1965 with the bulk of the materials dating from 1898 to 1965. Most of these items were collected or created by Philip Showalter Hench while researching the yellow fever experiments. These items include the following:","the correspondence of experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and the experiment participants; correspondence between Philip Showalter Hench and families of the experiment participants; press clippings relating to the experiments and the experiment participants; oral history interviews conducted by Philip Showalter Hench; scientific articles related to the study of yellow fever; photographs of Havana, Camp Columbia, and Camp Lazear; genealogical tables and summaries for the family of Jesse W. Lazear; autobiographical accounts written by experiment participants; unpublished manuscripts; artifacts (e.g. a wooden board) from Camp Lazear; Philip Showalter Hench's research notes.","Series XIV. also contains correspondence and financial records that record the transfer of collection items from the Reed family to Philip Showalter Hench and later from the Hench family to the University of Virginia."," Series XV. Laura Wood primarily consists of Laura Wood's correspondence relating to her research for a Walter Reed biography that she wrote. The series also includes, but is not limited to the following materials:","photocopies of two letters written by Walter Reed; a journal article by George Sternberg; and a short work that Laura Wood wrote about Walter Reed entitled, Walter Reed and yellow Fever .","Items in Series XV. date from 1875 to 1946 with the bulk of the items dating from 1941 to 1946."," Series XVI. Edward Hook additions consists of copies of letters, articles, and photographs relating to the yellow fever experiments that had been collected by Edward W. Hook, Jr, a professor of medicine at the University of Virginia. The bulk of this series is comprised of copies of a small collection of James Carroll's correspondence. The original versions of Carroll's correspondence are not housed at the University of Virginia. In addition to the Carroll letters, this series also includes, but is not limited to the following:","photographs of Walter Reed and others related to the yellow fever experiments; copies of some of Theodore E. Woodward's works relating to James Carroll and yellow fever; and exhibition materials.","Items in Series XVI. date from around 1880 to around 1998 with the bulk of the items dating from 1898 to 1901."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eCopyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Copyright Status"],"userestrict_tesim":["Copyright restrictions may apply for some materials in the collection."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_98fe81a152b4be0b7388b1814ffaf4bd\"\u003eThe Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection documents the work of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission, the legacy of the commission's discoveries, the lives of individuals who were connected to the commission, and twentieth century campaigns to shape public memory of the commission. Items in the collection date from 1800 to 1998, with the bulk of the items dating from 1864 to 1974. A wide range of formats are represented in the collection including, but not limited to the following: articles, artifacts, audiocassettes, bills (legislative records), biographies, charts (graphic documents), correspondence, diaries, editorials, interviews, journals (periodicals), magazines, maps, medical records, military records, negatives (photographic), notes, photographs, reports, reprints, scrapbooks, and speeches. Unique materials in the collection are supplemented with copies of original documents and photographs housed in other institutions (e.g. the U.S. National Archives). Most of the materials in the collection were collected or created by Nobel laureate Philip Showalter Hench while researching the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission."],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["Collection is predominantly in English; other materials in the collection are in Spanish, French, and Portuguese."],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":10452,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:55:29.350Z","bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission (1900-1901) was a board of physicians that the U.S. government formed in order to determine how yellow fever was transmitted between hosts. Ultimately, the commission's experiments in Cuba proved that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever--a discovery that would spur successful campaigns to control and eradicate yellow fever throughout much of the globe.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e When Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse Lazear gathered on the porch of the Columbia Barracks Hospital in June of 1900, they became the fourth successive board of U.S. medical officers to grapple with the appalling plague that was yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The persistence of this disease across the Cuban archipelago and its periodic re-emergence along the coastlines and great river drainages of the Americas was taking countless thousands of lives. Lack of precise knowledge as to its cause and transmission had augmented yellow fever's extraordinarily high mortality rate and had given rise to quarantine regulations which constituted substantial impediments to efficient regional trade. Endemic in the tropics, yellow fever imposed high humanitarian and economic costs upon the entire region. Specialists regarded Cuba as one of the principal foci of the disease, and the island consequently attracted considerable attention from the medical sciences.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In 1879, one year after a devastating epidemic swept up the Mississippi valley from New Orleans, Tulane University Professor Stanford E. Chaille led the first investigatory commission to Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and the West Indies. The Chaille Commission remained in Havana three months, and its members -- including George Miller Sternberg, who became Surgeon General of the Army, and Juan Guiteras, later Director of Public Health for Havana -- consulted with Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay. They concluded that the causal agent for yellow fever was possibly a living entity in the atmosphere, an assertion which set Finlay on the path to the mosquito theory he developed in 1881.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Louis Pasteur's foundational and highly successful work in modern immunology in 1880 and 1881 gave a renewed impetus to investigations aimed at discovering the \"yellow fever germ.\" Over the middle years of the 1880s several scientists advanced different theories, all readily refuted by bacteriological work Sternberg undertook in Brazil and Mexico in 1887 and again in Havana in 1888 and 1889. In 1897, Italian scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli argued that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ewas the culprit, and the following year a third scientific team sailed to Cuba for additional tests. Eugene Wasdin and Henry D. Geddings appeared to confirm Sanarelli's assertion, though Sternberg, by then Surgeon General, remained skeptical.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Despite Wasdin and Geddings' insistence, the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003etheory garnered significant opposition. In fact, a few months before the third commission's report reached the public, Walter Reed and James Carroll -- Reed's assistant at the Columbian University (later George Washington University) bacteriology laboratories in Washington, D.C. -- published a thorough refutation of the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eicteroides\u003c/emph\u003eproposal: the bacteria was not a unique cause of yellow fever, but a variety of the hog cholera bacillus, \"a secondary invader in yellow fever,\" Reed determined, unrelated to its etiology. [1] Dispute continued, however, and when Sternberg organized the fourth investigatory board, he charged Reed and his associates to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion once and for all, then to proceed with analysis of other blood cultures and intestinal flora from yellow fever cases.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed and Carroll had considerable experience in bacteriological analysis, and, Sternberg reasoned, might well be able to find the specific agent of the disease. Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban scientist who had worked in Reed's lab at the Columbian University in 1898, was also an accomplished bacteriologist; he had identified\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003ein tissue samples from cases other than yellow fever, providing further evidence opposed to Sanarelli's thesis. Jesse Lazear, a scientist from Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, had joined the Army Medical Corps to study tropical diseases at their point of origin; he received orders for Cuba in February 1900. Lazear impressed Reed with his abilities when the two men became acquainted in March. No doubt with Reed's advice, Sternberg assembled a crack team -- all experienced in scientific research, but each with interests as diverse as their temperaments. The mix of talent and personalities generated spectacular results.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e What causes yellow fever? This simple, even obvious question had dictated yellow fever research for over two decades, and so it guided Reed in organizing the work of the commission.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eand other bacteriological sampling dominated their work for the first months. \"Reed and Carroll have been at that for a long time,\" Lazear wrote with some impatience to his wife on August 23, \". . . I would rather try to find the germ without bothering about Sanarelli.\" [2] Again and again, tests for the bacteria proved negative, and at the same time, perplexing cases of yellow fever were developing in the region. Agramonte and Reed investigated an epidemic at Pinar del Rio, 110 miles southwest of Havana; Lazear followed later to collect more specimens, and he also assessed the situation at Guanjay thirty miles southwest. To \"my very great surprise,\" Reed admitted, the specific circumstances of the appearance and development of these cases gave strong evidence against the widely-accepted notion that the excreta of patients spread the disease. The theory of fomites -- infection from contaminated clothing and bedding -- and indeed even infection from airborne particles seemed altogether untrue. \"At this stage of our investigation,\" Reed concluded, \". . . the time had arrived when the plan of our work should be radically changed.\" [3] The fundamental question underwent a subtle but critical transformation: from what causes yellow fever to what transmits it. A clear and accurate understanding of how the disease was spread would open a new avenue to its specific cause.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"Personally, I feel that only can experimentation on human beings serve to clear the field for further effective work,\" Reed stated to Surgeon General Sternberg, who concurred. [4] Evidence gathering around them pointed strongly to an intermediate host, and the Commission resolved to test Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory -- then not generally accepted -- on human volunteers. Nine times from August 11 to August 25, 1900, mosquitoes landed on the arms of volunteers and proceeded to feed. Nine times the results were negative. On August 27, Lazear placed a mosquito on the doubting Dr. Carroll, and four days later on William J. Dean, a soldier designated XY in the \"Preliminary Note.\" [5] Both promptly developed yellow fever. Significantly, their mosquitoes had fed on cases within the initial three days of an attack and had been allowed to ripen for at least twelve days before the inoculations. Carroll vitiated the results of his experimental sickness by traveling off the post to Havana, a contaminated zone, even as Reed, ecstatic, wrote from Washington in a confidential letter: \"Did the Mosquito do it?\" [6] Dean's case seemed to prove it, since he claimed not to have left the garrison before becoming ill. Lazear also developed a case of yellow fever, almost certainly experimental in origin, though he never revealed the actual circumstances of his inoculation. His severe bout of fever took a fatal turn on September 25, 1900.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, these results could not have been more dramatic or convincing for the Commission. Reed quickly assembled a \"Preliminary Note,\" which he presented to the annual meeting of the American Public Health Association in Indianapolis, Indiana, October 23, 1900. After initial consultations in Cuba with General Leonard Wood, military governor of the island, and with Surgeon General Sternberg in Washington, he returned to Cuba with authorization and funding to design and carry forward a fully defensible series of experiments. His aim was confirmation of the mosquito theory and invalidation of the long-held belief in fomites.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e On open terrain beyond the precincts of Columbia Barracks -- the American military base just west of Havana near the adjacent suburban towns of Quemados and Marianao (also called Quemados de Marianao) -- Reed established the quarantined experimental station. Camp Lazear, as the Commission dedicated it, took form in the rolling fields of the Finca San Jose, on the farm of Dr. Ignacio Rojas, who leased the land to the Americans. Here Reed designed two small wood-frame buildings, each 14 by 20 feet, for the experimental work, and nearby raised a group of seven tents for the accommodation and support of the volunteers. The buildings faced each other across a small swale, about 80 yards apart, and stood 75 yards from the tent encampment. Building Number One, called the Infected Clothing Building, was a single room tightly constructed to contain as much foul air as possible. A small stove kept the temperature and humidity at tropical levels, and carefully attached screening secured the pair of doorways in a vestibule against intrusion by mosquitoes. Wooden blinds on two small sealed windows shielded the room from direct sun. Building Number Two, the Infected Mosquito Building, contained a principal room, divided into two sections by a floor-to-ceiling wire mesh screen. A door direct to the exterior let into one section, while a vestibule with a solid exterior door and pair of successive screened doors opened to the other, so configured to keep infected mosquitoes inside that section alone. The spare furnishings in both sections -- cots with bedding -- were steam sterilized. Windows exposed the entire room to the clean, steady ocean breezes and to sunlight. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents. Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, 1900, with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U.S. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible. As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere. The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers \"retreated from the house,\" Reed stated. \"They pluckily returned, however, within a short time, and spent the night as usual.\" [7] In two succeeding trials the protocol became progressively more daring , as the volunteers then wore the clothing and slept on the mattresses used by yellow fever patients, and finally put towels on their bedding smeared with blood drawn from cases in the early stages of an attack. Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series. First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e(later called\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia fasciata\u003c/emph\u003e, and later still\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti\u003c/emph\u003e) could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eHow could a building become infected?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eWhen does a mosquito develop the ability to transmit the disease?\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003eOver what length of time can a mosquito retain this capacity to infect?\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe second series consequently employed the specialized \"Infected Mosquito Building\" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. \"Loaded\" mosquitoes, as the men called them, were released into the screened section of Building Two -- on the side with the protected vestibule entry. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls. The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights. As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed \"that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes,\" and nothing more. [8] The degree of sanitation, so long considered critical, was utterly irrelevant.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U.S. Public Health Service, called the \"period of extrinsic incubation,\" [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days. In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The duration of time over which these \"fully ripened\" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, \"deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood\" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito.\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex pungens\u003c/emph\u003efailed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. [11]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes. Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003equestion. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eB. icteroides\u003c/emph\u003e, conclusively invalidating Sanarelli's claim.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever. All made a full recovery.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, \"aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century\" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, \"the results obtained at this station were not encouraging.\" [13] The first inoculations of four volunteers over a period of two weeks proved disconcertingly negative each time. Then, on December 5, 1900, private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of \"a well-marked attack of yellow fever.\" [14] Three more men in rapid succession fell victim to the insects -- Spanish volunteers Antonio Benigno, Nicanor Fernandez, and Vicente Presedo. The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"It can readily be imagined,\" Reed empathetically and wryly described in his first presentation of the experiments, \"that the concurrence of 4 cases of yellow fever in our small command of 12 non-immunes within the space of 1 week, while giving rise to feelings of exultation in the hearts of the experimenters, in view of the vast importance attaching to these results, might inspire quite other sentiments in the bosoms of those who had previously consented to submit themselves to the mosquito's bite. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear. Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment.\"\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"In striking contrast,\" Reed continued, the anxiety of the fomites volunteers began to melt into relief. \"[T]he countenances of these men, which had before borne the serious aspect of those who were bravely facing an unseen foe, suddenly took on the glad expression of 'schoolboys let out for a holiday,' and from this time their contempt for 'fomites' could not find sufficient expression. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt.\" [15]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves. Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Shakespeare. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal. Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, 1900. The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent. Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym \"XY\" in the \"Preliminary Note.\" No such potentially troublesome problems arose for the experimental series at Camp Lazear; Reed obtained prior support from all of the appropriate authorities in the military and the administration, even including the Spanish Consul to Cuba. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. The volunteers agreed to remain at Camp Lazear for the duration of the experiments, and as a reward for participation would receive $100 \"in American gold,\" with an additional hundred-dollar supplement for contracting yellow fever. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Volunteers who participated in the fomites tests and in addition the later series of blood injections and the single trial of an alternative species of mosquito also earned $100 each plus the $100 supplement if yellow fever developed. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J. Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Hench. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in 1940 -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February 1901. A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Three days later he set sail for the United States, and once landed, drafted the Congress paper as\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e, published immediately in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e. [16]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague. Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. [17] The Medical Corps retained the lease on Camp Lazear against the possibility of continuing experiments another season, and Carroll, in fact, returned to Havana in August 1901 for a final experimental series, though he did not make use of Camp Lazear. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters. In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. [18] In Cuba, J. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, 1901, and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Walter Reed and James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eBacillus Icteroides and Bacillus Cholerae Suis -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical News\u003c/title\u003e(29 April 1899), reprinted in: United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever, A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 55.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 23 August 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00341001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Walter Reed, \"The Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches,\" in United States Senate Document No. 822,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever A Compilation of Various Publications\u003c/title\u003e(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911), p. 94.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to George M. Sternberg, 24 July 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02064001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association\u003c/title\u003eIndianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to James Carroll, 7 September 1900, Edward Hook Additions to the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection: James Carroll Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 15312004. The originals of these letters remain in a private collection.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- An Additional Note\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eJournal of the American Medical Association\u003c/title\u003e36 (16 February 1901): 431-440, reprinted in: Senate Document No. 822, p. 84.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[9] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[10] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 101.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[11]\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eCulex fasciata\u003c/emph\u003ewas reclassified shortly after the experiments as\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eStegomyia\u003c/emph\u003eand later became\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAedes aegypti.\u003c/emph\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[12] Letter to from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 9 December 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02231001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[13] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 97.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[14] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 98.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[15] Walter Reed,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Propagation of Yellow Fever -- Observations Based on Recent Researches\u003c/title\u003e, in Senate Document No. 822, p. 99.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[16] Please see note [7].\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[17] The Commission reported these concluding experiments in: Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eExperimental Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eII (6 July 1901) 1: 15-23.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[18] Walter Reed, James Carroll,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever (A Supplemental Note)\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eAmerican Medicine\u003c/title\u003eIII (22 February 1902) 8: 301-305.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWalter Reed (September 13, 1851 - November 22, 1902) was a U.S. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission 1900 and 1901. Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe. Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in 1902, he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.  Lemuel Sutton Reed and Pharaba White Reed welcomed young Walter into the family on September 13, 1851;  he was the youngest of their five children.  The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville.  That move in 1866 placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.  Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M.D. degree on July 1, 1869, as one of the youngest students to graduate in the history of the medical school.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.  There he obtained a second M.D. degree in 1870.  Reed interned at a number of hospitals in the New York metropolitan area, including the Infants' Hospital on Randall's Island and the Brooklyn City Hospital.  In 1873, he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health.  The large and diverse population of New York, with its many immigrant communities and dense, tenement housing, provided countless medical cases to treat and study;  these served to expose Reed to the vital importance of public health, and developed in him a lifelong interest in the field.  Yet the frenetic life of the great cities began to pall after a few years: \"Here the ever bustling day is crowded into the busy night; nor can we draw the line of separation between the two,\"[1] he wrote to Emilie Lawrence, of Murfreesboro, North Carolina, later to become Mrs. Walter Reed.  Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life.  Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.  He passed the qualifying examinations in January 1875 and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West.  The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of 1876, and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.  She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama.  During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the 1890-1891 academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.  When he returned from his last western appointment in 1893, Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D.C., where he held the professorship of Bacteriology and Clinical Microscopy.  He also became curator of the Army Medical Museum and joined the faculty of the Columbian University in Washington (later the George Washington University).  In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects.  A bibliography of his publications finds entries from 1892 to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others.[2]   In 1896, a research trip to investigate an outbreak of smallpox took him to Key West, and there he developed a close friendship with Jefferson Randolph Kean, a fellow Virginian and colleague in the Medical Corps ten years his junior.  When Reed traveled to Cuba in 1899 to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U.S. forces, Kean was already there, and Kean was still in Cuba when Reed returned as the head of the Army board charged by Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg to examine tropical diseases including yellow fever.  Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.  After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in 1901, receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work.  In November 1902, Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.  This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed.  He died on November 23, 1902, almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there.  Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever.  He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.  In 1929, Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eArmy Register\u003c/title\u003e, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence, 18 July 1874, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 01605001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] The bibliography of Reed's scientific papers may be found in: Howard Atwood Kelly,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eWalter Reed and Yellow Fever\u003c/title\u003e(New York: McClure, Phillips and Co., 1906), pp. 281-283. Kelly's complete biography of Reed is contained on this Web site.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJesse William Lazear (May 2, 1866 - September 26, 1900) was a physician who was a member of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission in 1900. Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"I rather think I am on the track of the real germ,\" Jesse W. Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, 1900.[1] Seventeen days later, the fulminating case of yellow fever Lazear had contracted just over a week after writing Mabel H. Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February 1900 for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. S. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with \"pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e These orders placed him officially in the company of Walter Reed, James Carroll, and Aristides Agramonte -- the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast. While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eAnopheles\u003c/emph\u003emosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S. Thayer. Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.[3] Not long after arriving in Cuba Lazear met Carter, whose own observations on yellow fever strongly suggested an intermediate host in the spread of the disease. However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of\u003cemph render=\"italic\"\u003eBacillus icteroides\u003c/emph\u003eto yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. \"Dr. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject,\" Lazear wrote his wife in July, \"I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.\"[4] Soon he would have the opportunity. The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The project started in earnest on August 1, 1900. In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever. These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported. Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note\u003c/title\u003e[5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in 1902. Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: \"He was a splendid, brave fellow,\" Reed said of his young colleague, \" and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.\" [6] \"His death was a sacrifice to scientific research of the highest character,\" stated General Leonard Wood, military Governor of Cuba.[7] \"Your husband was a martyr in the noblest of causes,\" Dr. L. O. Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, \"and I am proud to have known him. . . . His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind.\"[8] And so they were. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e [1] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 8 September 1900, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 00344001.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Military Orders for Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, and Jesse W. Lazear, 24 May 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number 02019001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter fragment from Jesse W. Lazear to Mabel Houston Lazear, 15 July 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00334001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Walter Reed, James Carroll, Aristides Agramonte, Jesse W. Lazear,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eThe Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note,\u003c/title\u003e \u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eProceedings of the Twenty-eighth Annual Meeting of the American Public Health Association Indianapolis, Indiana, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26 October 1900.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[6] Letter from Walter Reed to Emilie Lawrence Reed, 6 October 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 02135001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[7] Letter from Leonard Wood to the Adjutant-General, United States Army, November 1900, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00375002.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[8] Letter from Leland Ossian Howard to Mabel Houston Lazear, 7 February 1901, Hench Reed Collection, accession number: 00388001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter (August 25, 1852 - September 14, 1925) was a prominent physician in the U.S. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria. During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Jefferson Randolph Kean, Henry Rose Carter was a native Virginian and a graduate of the University of Virginia. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in 1873 and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year. Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in 1879. The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom. In 1879 he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. H. D. Griffitts observed, Carter's \"lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever.\"[1] After several years of clinical practice in various Marine hospitals, Carter resumed a direct confrontation with yellow fever when his orders for duty with the Gulf Coast Maritime Quarantine assigned him to Ship Island, Mississippi, in 1888. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce. Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions. In conjunction with this sanitary work for the 1898 season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person. Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases \"the period of extrinsic incubation,\" and he defined its \"usual limits . . . [as ranging] from ten to seventeen days.\"[2]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in 1900, he met U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission member Jesse Lazear. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eNew Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal\u003c/title\u003e, and gave a draft to Lazear. \"If these dates are correct,\" Carter later recalled Lazear saying, \"it spells a living host.\"[3] The theory of mosquito transmission long advanced by Cuban scientist Carlos J. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in 1900-1901 irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days. Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, \"I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether.\"[4]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921. Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in 1931:\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e[5]\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] T. H. D. Griffitts,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eHenry Rose Carter: The Scientist and the Man\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eSouthern Medical Journal\u003c/title\u003e32 (August 1939) 8: 842.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Henry Rose Carter,\u003ctitle render=\"doublequote\"\u003eA Note on the Spread of Yellow Fever in Houses, Extrinsic Incubation\u003c/title\u003e,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eMedical Record\u003c/title\u003e59 (15 June 1901) 24: 937.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] \"Conversation between Drs. Carter, Thayer, and Parker,\" 1924, Henry Rose Carter Papers, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, Box 1.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[4] Letter from Walter Reed to Henry Rose Carter, 26 February 1901, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 02447001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[5] Carter, Henry Rose.\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eYellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003eBaltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003eJefferson Randolph Kean (June 27, 1860 - September 4, 1950) was a U.S. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.S. armed forces during World War I.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e \"He possessed one of the keenest, most scholarly minds I've ever encountered,\" recalled Nobel Prize winner Philip S. Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean. [1] Kean and Hench shared an abiding interest in the work of the United States Army Yellow Fever Commission -- Kean, as a contemporary and supporter, and Hench, as a scholar and scientist intent on accurate historical documentation. On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in 1939. From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Like Walter Reed and Henry Rose Carter before him, Jefferson Randolph Kean was an alumnus of the University of Virginia, completing the medical program there in 1883. Kean joined the U.S. Army Medical Corps in 1884, and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in 1930. The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in 1896. Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba. During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. S. occupation of Cuba, Kean was Chief Surgeon for the Department of Havana, then Superintendent of the Department of Charities -- from 1898 to 1902. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D.C., Kean again returned to Cuba as an advisor to the Department of Sanitation from 1906-1909.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Kean himself stated: \"Reed and I were good friends before the Yellow Fever Board came to Cuba in June 1900, and [Reed] located himself at Marianao, 8 miles S. W. of Havana,\" to be within the medical and administrative jurisdiction overseen by Kean. [2] The Chief Surgeon did indeed offer significant assistance, and was an early convert to Carlos Finlay's mosquito theory of transmission, which the Yellow Fever Board's experiments ultimately proved true in the late autumn and winter of 1900-1901. As early as October 13, 1900 -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued \"Circular No. 8,\" concerning the latest scholarship on the mosquito vector for disease. [3] The circular contained a set of instructions for the entire command on mosquito eradication. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions. He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. S. Ambulance Service with the French Army and Deputy Chief Surgeon of the American forces. France named him an Officier de la Légion d'Honneur in recognition for these services. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. Finlay, and he received both a Distinguished Service Medal from the United States government and the Gorgas Medal from the Association of Military Surgeons. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal,\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003eThe Military Surgeon\u003c/title\u003e, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One. A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in 1950.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Telegram from Philip Showalter Hench and Mary Hench to Cornelia Knox Kean, September 5, 1950, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 06501173.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from Jefferson Randolph Kean to Philip Showalter Hench, October 31, 1939, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 06282022.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[3] Military Orders to Commanding Officers, October 15, 1900, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 02140001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePhilip Showalter Hench (February 28, 1896 - March 30, 1965) was a U.S. physician who in 1950 was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine for his role in the discovery of the hormone cortisone. In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U.S. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Philip Showalter Hench was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the son of Jacob Bixler Hench and Clara Showalter. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school 1916 with a Bachelor of Arts. Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in 1920, and subsequently entered a residency program at St. Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in 1921 as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in 1926, he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in 1928-1929, Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in 1931, and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in 1940. Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950, which he shared with Edward C. Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. S. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. \"As a physician particularly interested in medical history,\" he stated to experiment volunteer John J. Moran in 1937, \"I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J. Moran, Ralph C. Hutchison, Havana.\" [1] So began a remarkable odyssey. At the request of his friend Ralph Cooper Hutchison, then president of Washington and Jefferson College, Hench had written Moran to gather information for the dedication of the College's new chemistry building, named for Commission member and former Washington and Jefferson student Jesse W. Lazear. Hench also began a correspondence with another of the yellow fever experiment's original volunteers, John R. Kissinger. Moran's and Kissinger's recollections proved so intriguing that Hench initially offered to edit and publish them. However, in the course of his research Hench discovered that much general information on the topic was inaccurate. Conflicting assertions concerning the participants and unverified claims by medical and governmental authorities in the United States and Cuba -- often politically motivated -- clouded interpretation of the facts. \"May I suggest,\" Moran consequently urged in 1938, \"that a clearing up of the REED-FINLAY-CONQUEST-OF-YELLOW-FEVER, or an effort to do so, on your part, is a task far more pressing than publishing the Kissinger-Moran stories or memoirs.\" [2] Hench resolved to document every aspect of the \"Conquest of Yellow-Fever\" and to write a much needed accurate and comprehensive history.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e For the next two decades, Hench tirelessly combed through public archive collections and personal papers in the United States and Cuba. He met and interviewed surviving participants of the experiments and others associated with the project, as well as family members of the Yellow Fever Commission. He sought out physicians and scientists who had worked with the principal players or who had applied the results in the campaign to eradicate yellow fever. He identified and photographed sites associated with the yellow fever story, and he successfully petitioned politicians in the United States and Cuba to commemorate the work. In the process, Hench became the trusted friend and advisor of many of these same individuals, and they, in turn, presented him with much of the surviving original material for safekeeping.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e In short, Hench came to be the world's expert on the yellow fever story and the steward of thousands of original letters and documents. His premature death at age 69 found him still hoping to uncover important missing evidence, his book unwritten. Hench's widow Mary Kahler Hench gave his yellow fever collection to the University of Virginia, Walter Reed's alma mater, and this extensive personal archive forms the most detailed and accurate record available on the Conquest of Yellow Fever.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e Sources:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003clist type=\"ordered\"\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[1] Letter from Philip S. Hench to John J. Moran, 6 July 1937, Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, accession number: 03419001.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003citem\u003e[2] Letter from John J. Moran to Philip S. Hench, 30 October 1938, Hench Reed Yellow Fever Collection, accession number: 03476001.\u003c/item\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"]}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_1710_c03_c17"}},{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Autograph","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600_c01","ref_ssm":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600_c01"],"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600_c01","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","parent_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","parent_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"text":["George Washington Morgan Autograph","Autograph","folder 1"],"title_filing_ssi":"Autograph","title_ssm":["Autograph"],"title_tesim":["Autograph"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["c.1840-1890"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1840/1890"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Autograph"],"component_level_isim":[1],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"collection_ssim":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":1,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["The collection is open for research."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: http://bit.ly/scuareproduction. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: http://bit.ly/scuapublication. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"date_range_isim":[1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890],"containers_ssim":["folder 1"],"_nest_path_":"/components#0","timestamp":"2026-04-30T23:39:54.031Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","ead_ssi":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","_root_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","_nest_parent_":"viblbv_repositories_2_resources_2600","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/VT/repositories_2_resources_2600.xml","title_filing_ssi":"Morgan, George Washington, Autograph","title_ssm":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"title_tesim":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"unitdate_ssm":["c.1840-1890, n.d."],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["c.1840-1890, n.d."],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["Ms.2010.047"],"text":["Ms.2010.047","George Washington Morgan Autograph","Local/Regional History and Appalachian South","The collection is open for research.","The collection is arranged by material type.","George Washington Morgan was born in Washington County, Pennsylvania, in 1820. At the age of sixteen, Morgan left Washington College where he was studying to enlist for Houston in the War for Texan Independence. He entered as a lieutenant and was quickly appointed to captain. After his service, Morgan enrolled in the United States Military Academy. He stayed only two years, however, and began studying law under his future partner, J. K. Miller, in Mount Vernon, Ohio. Morgan was admitted to the bar and became the prosecutor for Knox County. Morgan held his position until he resigned to enlist as colonel of the 2nd Ohio Volunteers in the U.S.-Mexico War. At only twenty-seven years old, Morgan was commissioned Colonel of the 15th United States Infantry. Morgan was wounded at the battles of Contreras and Churubusco, and was named brigadier-general for his \"gallant and meritorious conduct.\" ","In 1848, Morgan returned to civilian life in Mount Vernon, Ohio, where he farmed and practiced law. President Pierce appointed him consul at Marseilles in 1856, and he became minister to Lisbon two years later. Morgan resigned this post to take up arms for the Union in the American Civil War. He was appointed brigadier-general and given command of the 7th Division of Buell's Army of the Ohio, then a division in the Vicksburg campaign, and finally the XIII Corps. After battling illness and discontent with the policy of using African American troops, Morgan resigned from the service in 1863. ","Morgan was elected to Congress in 1866, serving until he was unseated in 1868. He was elected the following year, and served until 1873. After leaving Congress, Morgan returned to his law practice in Mount Vernon. Morgan was married to Sarah H. Hall and fathered two daughters. He died in Fortress Monroe, Virginia, in 1893.","The guide to the George Washington Morgan Autograph by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ ).","The processing, arrangement, and description of the George Washington Morgan Autograph commenced and was completed in June 2010.","The collection contains the signature of George Washington Morgan. Morgan signed his name, \"G. W. Morgan\", on a list of subscribers' names and requested 2000 copies of an item. Included in this collection is a brief biography of Morgan. Signatures of three other people are included in the collection. One signature appears to belong to Abram O. Miller, but the other two are unidentified.","The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.","The collection contains the signature and brief biographical note of George Washington Morgan. Three other unknown signatures are included.","Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Morgan, G. W.  (George Washington)","The material in the collection is in English."],"unitid_tesim":["Ms.2010.047"],"normalized_title_ssm":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"collection_title_tesim":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"collection_ssim":["George Washington Morgan Autograph"],"repository_ssm":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"repository_ssim":["Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University"],"creator_ssm":["Morgan, G. W.  (George Washington)"],"creator_ssim":["Morgan, G. W.  (George Washington)"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Morgan, G. W.  (George Washington)"],"creators_ssim":["Morgan, G. W.  (George Washington)"],"access_terms_ssm":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"acqinfo_ssim":["The George Washington Morgan Autograph was obtained Special Collections prior to 2009."],"access_subjects_ssim":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Local/Regional History and Appalachian South"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.1 Cubic Feet 1 folder"],"extent_tesim":["0.1 Cubic Feet 1 folder"],"date_range_isim":[1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is open for research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["The collection is open for research."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection is arranged by material type.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection is arranged by material type."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eGeorge Washington Morgan was born in Washington County, Pennsylvania, in 1820. At the age of sixteen, Morgan left Washington College where he was studying to enlist for Houston in the War for Texan Independence. He entered as a lieutenant and was quickly appointed to captain. After his service, Morgan enrolled in the United States Military Academy. He stayed only two years, however, and began studying law under his future partner, J. K. Miller, in Mount Vernon, Ohio. Morgan was admitted to the bar and became the prosecutor for Knox County. Morgan held his position until he resigned to enlist as colonel of the 2nd Ohio Volunteers in the U.S.-Mexico War. At only twenty-seven years old, Morgan was commissioned Colonel of the 15th United States Infantry. Morgan was wounded at the battles of Contreras and Churubusco, and was named brigadier-general for his \"gallant and meritorious conduct.\" \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eIn 1848, Morgan returned to civilian life in Mount Vernon, Ohio, where he farmed and practiced law. President Pierce appointed him consul at Marseilles in 1856, and he became minister to Lisbon two years later. Morgan resigned this post to take up arms for the Union in the American Civil War. He was appointed brigadier-general and given command of the 7th Division of Buell's Army of the Ohio, then a division in the Vicksburg campaign, and finally the XIII Corps. After battling illness and discontent with the policy of using African American troops, Morgan resigned from the service in 1863. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eMorgan was elected to Congress in 1866, serving until he was unseated in 1868. He was elected the following year, and served until 1873. After leaving Congress, Morgan returned to his law practice in Mount Vernon. Morgan was married to Sarah H. Hall and fathered two daughters. He died in Fortress Monroe, Virginia, in 1893.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical Note"],"bioghist_tesim":["George Washington Morgan was born in Washington County, Pennsylvania, in 1820. At the age of sixteen, Morgan left Washington College where he was studying to enlist for Houston in the War for Texan Independence. He entered as a lieutenant and was quickly appointed to captain. After his service, Morgan enrolled in the United States Military Academy. He stayed only two years, however, and began studying law under his future partner, J. K. Miller, in Mount Vernon, Ohio. Morgan was admitted to the bar and became the prosecutor for Knox County. Morgan held his position until he resigned to enlist as colonel of the 2nd Ohio Volunteers in the U.S.-Mexico War. At only twenty-seven years old, Morgan was commissioned Colonel of the 15th United States Infantry. Morgan was wounded at the battles of Contreras and Churubusco, and was named brigadier-general for his \"gallant and meritorious conduct.\" ","In 1848, Morgan returned to civilian life in Mount Vernon, Ohio, where he farmed and practiced law. President Pierce appointed him consul at Marseilles in 1856, and he became minister to Lisbon two years later. Morgan resigned this post to take up arms for the Union in the American Civil War. He was appointed brigadier-general and given command of the 7th Division of Buell's Army of the Ohio, then a division in the Vicksburg campaign, and finally the XIII Corps. After battling illness and discontent with the policy of using African American troops, Morgan resigned from the service in 1863. ","Morgan was elected to Congress in 1866, serving until he was unseated in 1868. He was elected the following year, and served until 1873. After leaving Congress, Morgan returned to his law practice in Mount Vernon. Morgan was married to Sarah H. Hall and fathered two daughters. He died in Fortress Monroe, Virginia, in 1893."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe guide to the George Washington Morgan Autograph by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 (\u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\"\u003ehttps://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/\u003c/a\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["Rights Statement for Archival Description"],"odd_tesim":["The guide to the George Washington Morgan Autograph by Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, is licensed under a CC0 ( https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/public-domain/cc0/ )."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eResearchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], George Washington Morgan Autograph, Ms2010-047, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Researchers wishing to cite this collection should include the following information: [identification of item], [box], [folder], George Washington Morgan Autograph, Ms2010-047, Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Va."],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe processing, arrangement, and description of the George Washington Morgan Autograph commenced and was completed in June 2010.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The processing, arrangement, and description of the George Washington Morgan Autograph commenced and was completed in June 2010."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection contains the signature of George Washington Morgan. Morgan signed his name, \"G. W. Morgan\", on a list of subscribers' names and requested 2000 copies of an item. Included in this collection is a brief biography of Morgan. Signatures of three other people are included in the collection. One signature appears to belong to Abram O. Miller, but the other two are unidentified.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection contains the signature of George Washington Morgan. Morgan signed his name, \"G. W. Morgan\", on a list of subscribers' names and requested 2000 copies of an item. Included in this collection is a brief biography of Morgan. Signatures of three other people are included in the collection. One signature appears to belong to Abram O. Miller, but the other two are unidentified."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eReproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuareproduction\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuareproduction\u003c/a\u003e. Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form: \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/scuapublication\"\u003ehttp://bit.ly/scuapublication\u003c/a\u003e. Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Reproduction and Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["The copyright status of this collection is unknown. Copyright restrictions may apply. Contact Special Collections and University Archives for assistance in determining the use of these materials. ","Reproduction or digitization of materials for personal or research use can be requested using our reproduction/digitization form:  http://bit.ly/scuareproduction . Reproduction or digitization of materials for publication or exhibit use can be requested using our publication/exhibition form:  http://bit.ly/scuapublication . Please contact Special Collections and University Archives (specref@vt.edu or 540-231-6308) if you need assistance with forms or to submit a completed form."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_21a678cd10792a32cd88c07a6b8d7ea1\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eThe collection contains the signature and brief biographical note of George Washington Morgan. Three other unknown signatures are included.\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["The collection contains the signature and brief biographical note of George Washington Morgan. Three other unknown signatures are included."],"names_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech","Morgan, G. W.  (George Washington)"],"corpname_ssim":["Special Collections and University Archives, Virginia Tech"],"persname_ssim":["Morgan, G. W.  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Hayes, Benjamin Harrison and Caroline Scott Harrison\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01_c37#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01_c37","ref_ssm":["vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01_c37"],"id":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01_c37","ead_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58","_root_":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58","_nest_parent_":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01","parent_ssi":"vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01","parent_ssim":["vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58","vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58","vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Harrison H. Dodge Papers","Series 1. Papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Harrison H. Dodge Papers","Series 1. Papers"],"text":["Harrison H. 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Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes.","This collection has been divided by format into five series. There was no pre-existing original order for the papers, so this was done mainly to facilitate housing and storage of like material. The records are described in alphabetical order by folder title. The series are:","Series 1. Papers\nSeries 2. Photographs\nSeries 3. Books\nSeries 4. Objects","Harrison Howell Dodge was born on March 31, 1852 in Washington, D.C. He graduated from Columbian College, now George Washington University, in 1871 and began working for Jay Cooke \u0026 Co., a Wall Street banking house. He returned to Washington, D.C. in 1873 and worked on indexing the Congressional Record, and later in banking and finance with Riggs \u0026 Co. In 1875 he married Elizabeth Knowlton and the couple eventually had six children. Dodge was appointed the Superintendent of Mount Vernon by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association in 1885 and stayed in this position until his death in 1937. ","His numerous contributions and accomplishments for the preservation and restoration of Mount Vernon's Mansion and grounds cannot be overstated. During his tenure, the size of the property owned by the MVLA doubled in acreage. Fire prevention and preservation of the Mansion were a major concern and led him to write the article \"Fire Protection of the Home of Washington,\" and to oversee the installation of electric lighting to replace kerosene lamps. Dodge oversaw every detail of work and maintenance to the buildings and grounds, as well as the supervision of all employees. The restoration of the Houdon bust, the building of a sea wall to prevent erosion, and research for the redevelopment of Washington's gardens all took place during his tenure as Superintendent. In his book, Mount Vernon, Its Owner and Its Story, Dodge relates many of his favorite stories of famous visitors to the estate, memories of Regents and Vice Regents, and his knowledge of the Washington family. ","Dodge suffered from several illnesses in his later years and finally succumbed to a cerebral hemorrhage while at work on May 1, 1937. He was taken to the hospital where he died. He had been the Superintendent of Mount Vernon for 52 years, the longest term yet for that position.","The original donation included 31 books relating to George Washington and Mount Vernon, as well as copies of the MVLA Annual Reports and Minutes of the Council. Most of these were incorporated into the library's general collection and series of duplicate Annual Reports and Minutes.","Papers of the Superintendent and Resident Director\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association\nMinutes of the Council, Annual Reports of the MVLA\nSuperintendent's Letter Books, Diaries, and Monthly Reports, 1885-1967\nBook, \"Mount Vernon, Its Owner and Its Story\" by Harrison H. Dodge, 1932","The Papers of Harrison H. Dodge is a small collection of material created and compiled by Dodge and/or his family. Types of records include correspondence, articles, family trees, news clippings, photographs, and several objects. Most of the items pertain to Dodge's time as Superintendent at Mount Vernon, however there are some personal family letters, genealogy information, and items regarding his work on a Library of Congress committee. Some genealogical records, mostly fragments and scraps of paper, may date as early as the 1770s, however the bulk of material in the collection dates from the 1880s to the 1930s. The earliest dated item in the collection is a Dodge family bible, c. 1816.","An addition of three books and a pair of silhouette portraits was made in 2023. Two oral history audio recordings by Dodge's daughter, Anna Heiberg, were transferred to the AV collection.","Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association","Dodge, Harrison Howell, 1852-1937","Dillon, Luke C., 1836-1904","Sackett, Henry Ackley","English \n.    "],"unitid_tesim":["A.RM.1185","/repositories/2/resources/58"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Harrison H. Dodge Papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Harrison H. Dodge Papers"],"collection_ssim":["Harrison H. 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Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["This collection is open for research during scheduled appointments. Researchers must complete the Washington Library's Special Collections and Archives Registration Form before access is provided. The library reserves the right to restrict access to certain items for preservation purposes."],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis collection has been divided by format into five series. There was no pre-existing original order for the papers, so this was done mainly to facilitate housing and storage of like material. The records are described in alphabetical order by folder title. The series are:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSeries 1. Papers\nSeries 2. Photographs\nSeries 3. Books\nSeries 4. Objects\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["This collection has been divided by format into five series. There was no pre-existing original order for the papers, so this was done mainly to facilitate housing and storage of like material. The records are described in alphabetical order by folder title. The series are:","Series 1. Papers\nSeries 2. Photographs\nSeries 3. Books\nSeries 4. Objects"],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eHarrison Howell Dodge was born on March 31, 1852 in Washington, D.C. He graduated from Columbian College, now George Washington University, in 1871 and began working for Jay Cooke \u0026amp; Co., a Wall Street banking house. He returned to Washington, D.C. in 1873 and worked on indexing the Congressional Record, and later in banking and finance with Riggs \u0026amp; Co. In 1875 he married Elizabeth Knowlton and the couple eventually had six children. Dodge was appointed the Superintendent of Mount Vernon by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association in 1885 and stayed in this position until his death in 1937. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eHis numerous contributions and accomplishments for the preservation and restoration of Mount Vernon's Mansion and grounds cannot be overstated. During his tenure, the size of the property owned by the MVLA doubled in acreage. Fire prevention and preservation of the Mansion were a major concern and led him to write the article \"Fire Protection of the Home of Washington,\" and to oversee the installation of electric lighting to replace kerosene lamps. Dodge oversaw every detail of work and maintenance to the buildings and grounds, as well as the supervision of all employees. The restoration of the Houdon bust, the building of a sea wall to prevent erosion, and research for the redevelopment of Washington's gardens all took place during his tenure as Superintendent. In his book, Mount Vernon, Its Owner and Its Story, Dodge relates many of his favorite stories of famous visitors to the estate, memories of Regents and Vice Regents, and his knowledge of the Washington family. \u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eDodge suffered from several illnesses in his later years and finally succumbed to a cerebral hemorrhage while at work on May 1, 1937. He was taken to the hospital where he died. He had been the Superintendent of Mount Vernon for 52 years, the longest term yet for that position.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["Harrison Howell Dodge was born on March 31, 1852 in Washington, D.C. He graduated from Columbian College, now George Washington University, in 1871 and began working for Jay Cooke \u0026 Co., a Wall Street banking house. He returned to Washington, D.C. in 1873 and worked on indexing the Congressional Record, and later in banking and finance with Riggs \u0026 Co. In 1875 he married Elizabeth Knowlton and the couple eventually had six children. Dodge was appointed the Superintendent of Mount Vernon by the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association in 1885 and stayed in this position until his death in 1937. ","His numerous contributions and accomplishments for the preservation and restoration of Mount Vernon's Mansion and grounds cannot be overstated. During his tenure, the size of the property owned by the MVLA doubled in acreage. Fire prevention and preservation of the Mansion were a major concern and led him to write the article \"Fire Protection of the Home of Washington,\" and to oversee the installation of electric lighting to replace kerosene lamps. Dodge oversaw every detail of work and maintenance to the buildings and grounds, as well as the supervision of all employees. The restoration of the Houdon bust, the building of a sea wall to prevent erosion, and research for the redevelopment of Washington's gardens all took place during his tenure as Superintendent. In his book, Mount Vernon, Its Owner and Its Story, Dodge relates many of his favorite stories of famous visitors to the estate, memories of Regents and Vice Regents, and his knowledge of the Washington family. ","Dodge suffered from several illnesses in his later years and finally succumbed to a cerebral hemorrhage while at work on May 1, 1937. He was taken to the hospital where he died. He had been the Superintendent of Mount Vernon for 52 years, the longest term yet for that position."],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Name and date of item], Papers of Harrison H. Dodge, [Series, Folder], Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, Fred W. Smith National Library for the Study of George Washington [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Name and date of item], Papers of Harrison H. Dodge, [Series, Folder], Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association, Fred W. Smith National Library for the Study of George Washington [hereafter Washington Library], Mount Vernon, Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe original donation included 31 books relating to George Washington and Mount Vernon, as well as copies of the MVLA Annual Reports and Minutes of the Council. Most of these were incorporated into the library's general collection and series of duplicate Annual Reports and Minutes.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The original donation included 31 books relating to George Washington and Mount Vernon, as well as copies of the MVLA Annual Reports and Minutes of the Council. Most of these were incorporated into the library's general collection and series of duplicate Annual Reports and Minutes."],"relatedmaterial_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003ePapers of the Superintendent and Resident Director\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association\nMinutes of the Council, Annual Reports of the MVLA\nSuperintendent's Letter Books, Diaries, and Monthly Reports, 1885-1967\nBook, \"Mount Vernon, Its Owner and Its Story\" by Harrison H. Dodge, 1932\u003c/p\u003e"],"relatedmaterial_heading_ssm":["Related Materials"],"relatedmaterial_tesim":["Papers of the Superintendent and Resident Director\nPapers of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association\nMinutes of the Council, Annual Reports of the MVLA\nSuperintendent's Letter Books, Diaries, and Monthly Reports, 1885-1967\nBook, \"Mount Vernon, Its Owner and Its Story\" by Harrison H. Dodge, 1932"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Papers of Harrison H. Dodge is a small collection of material created and compiled by Dodge and/or his family. Types of records include correspondence, articles, family trees, news clippings, photographs, and several objects. Most of the items pertain to Dodge's time as Superintendent at Mount Vernon, however there are some personal family letters, genealogy information, and items regarding his work on a Library of Congress committee. Some genealogical records, mostly fragments and scraps of paper, may date as early as the 1770s, however the bulk of material in the collection dates from the 1880s to the 1930s. The earliest dated item in the collection is a Dodge family bible, c. 1816.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eAn addition of three books and a pair of silhouette portraits was made in 2023. Two oral history audio recordings by Dodge's daughter, Anna Heiberg, were transferred to the AV collection.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Papers of Harrison H. Dodge is a small collection of material created and compiled by Dodge and/or his family. Types of records include correspondence, articles, family trees, news clippings, photographs, and several objects. Most of the items pertain to Dodge's time as Superintendent at Mount Vernon, however there are some personal family letters, genealogy information, and items regarding his work on a Library of Congress committee. Some genealogical records, mostly fragments and scraps of paper, may date as early as the 1770s, however the bulk of material in the collection dates from the 1880s to the 1930s. The earliest dated item in the collection is a Dodge family bible, c. 1816.","An addition of three books and a pair of silhouette portraits was made in 2023. Two oral history audio recordings by Dodge's daughter, Anna Heiberg, were transferred to the AV collection."],"names_ssim":["Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association","Dodge, Harrison Howell, 1852-1937","Dillon, Luke C., 1836-1904","Sackett, Henry Ackley"],"corpname_ssim":["Archives of the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association"],"persname_ssim":["Dodge, Harrison Howell, 1852-1937","Dillon, Luke C., 1836-1904","Sackett, Henry Ackley"],"language_ssim":["English \n.    "],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":65,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T00:45:00.969Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vimtvl_repositories_2_resources_58_c01_c37"}},{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01_c01","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Autograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01_c01#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01_c01","ref_ssm":["vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01_c01"],"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01_c01","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01","parent_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01","parent_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_51","vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["vino_repositories_5_resources_51","vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book","Box 1"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book","Box 1"],"text":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book","Box 1","Autograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen","box 1"],"title_filing_ssi":"Autograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen","title_ssm":["Autograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen"],"title_tesim":["Autograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["circa 1865-1953"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1865/1953"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Autograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"collection_ssim":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":2,"parent_access_restrict_tesm":["Open to researchers without restriction."],"parent_access_terms_tesm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"date_range_isim":[1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953],"containers_ssim":["box 1"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAutograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen, circa 1865-1953, Box 1, Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_heading_ssm":["Preferred Citation"],"prefercite_tesim":["Autograph Book Kept by Exilia Owen, circa 1865-1953, Box 1, Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book, Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#0","timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:42:28.789Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51","ead_ssi":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51","_root_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51","_nest_parent_":"vino_repositories_5_resources_51","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/ODU/repositories_5_resources_51.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archivesguides.lib.odu.edu/repositories/5/resources/51","title_filing_ssi":"Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book","title_ssm":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book"],"title_tesim":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1865-1953","Date acquired: 00/00/2007"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1865-1953"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["Date acquired: 00/00/2007"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MG 88","/repositories/5/resources/51"],"text":["MG 88","/repositories/5/resources/51","Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book","Scrapbooking","Scrapbooks--United States","Autograph albums","Religion","Open to researchers without restriction.","Agnes Exilia Owen was born in 1865. She married Alexander H. Fitzgerald, a high school principal in December of 1886 at Manchester Central Methodist Church in Richmond Virginia. They had a daughter named Emily who was born in 1890. According to the 1940 United States Census, Exilia lived with her daughter and her family on 44th Street in Richmond. Mrs. Fitzgerald, passed away in February 1953. She is buried along side her husband Alexander who passed away in 1913, in Maury Cemetary in Richmond.","Sources:","\"Christmas Wedding Bells.\" Daily Times (Richmond, Va.). Chronicling America-Library of Congress.  http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn86071854/1886-12-23/ed-1/seq-4.pdf","Emily Fitzgerald Gregory (1890-1974). Find A Grave.  http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026GSln=gregory\u0026GSfn=emily\u0026GSbyrel=all\u0026GSdyrel=all\u0026GSst=48\u0026GScnty=2929\u0026GScntry=4\u0026GSob=n\u0026GRid=35048369\u0026df=all\u0026","Exila O. Fitzgerald (1865-1953). Find A Grave.  http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026GSln=fitzgerald\u0026GSfn=exilia\u0026GSbyrel=all\u0026GSdyrel=all\u0026GSob=n\u0026GRid=35048313\u0026df=all\u0026","1940 Census. Ancestery. com.  http://www.ancestry.com/1940-census/usa/Virginia/Exilia-Fitzgerald_kr3ml","Note written by Kathleen Smith","The collection consists of a scrapbook of newspaper clippings and an autograph book which was kept by Exilia Owen (Mrs. Alexander H. Fitzgerald. Most of the newspapers clippings in the scrapbook deal with various religious themes.","Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.","A scrapbook of clippings of newspaper clippings with religious themes and an autograph book, both kept by Exilia Owen (Mrs. Alexander H. Fitzgerald).","ODU Community Collections","Owen, Agnes Exilia (1865-1913)","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MG 88","/repositories/5/resources/51"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book"],"collection_title_tesim":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book"],"collection_ssim":["Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book"],"repository_ssm":["Old Dominion University"],"repository_ssim":["Old Dominion University"],"creator_ssm":["Owen, Agnes Exilia (1865-1913)"],"creator_ssim":["Owen, Agnes Exilia (1865-1913)"],"creator_persname_ssim":["Owen, Agnes Exilia (1865-1913)"],"creators_ssim":["Owen, Agnes Exilia (1865-1913)"],"access_terms_ssm":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Unknown provenance","Gift. Accession #A2007-02"],"access_subjects_ssim":["Scrapbooking","Scrapbooks--United States","Autograph albums","Religion"],"access_subjects_ssm":["Scrapbooking","Scrapbooks--United States","Autograph albums","Religion"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"extent_ssm":["0.5 Linear Feet","1 clamshell box boxes"],"extent_tesim":["0.5 Linear Feet","1 clamshell box boxes"],"date_range_isim":[1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947,1948,1949,1950,1951,1952,1953,2007],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eOpen to researchers without restriction.\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["Open to researchers without restriction."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eAgnes Exilia Owen was born in 1865. She married Alexander H. Fitzgerald, a high school principal in December of 1886 at Manchester Central Methodist Church in Richmond Virginia. They had a daughter named Emily who was born in 1890. According to the 1940 United States Census, Exilia lived with her daughter and her family on 44th Street in Richmond. Mrs. Fitzgerald, passed away in February 1953. She is buried along side her husband Alexander who passed away in 1913, in Maury Cemetary in Richmond.\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eSources:\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e\"Christmas Wedding Bells.\" Daily Times (Richmond, Va.). Chronicling America-Library of Congress. \u003cextref href=\"http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn86071854/1886-12-23/ed-1/seq-4.pdf\"\u003ehttp://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn86071854/1886-12-23/ed-1/seq-4.pdf\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eEmily Fitzgerald Gregory (1890-1974). Find A Grave. \u003cextref href=\"http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026amp;GSln=gregory\u0026amp;GSfn=emily\u0026amp;GSbyrel=all\u0026amp;GSdyrel=all\u0026amp;GSst=48\u0026amp;GScnty=2929\u0026amp;GScntry=4\u0026amp;GSob=n\u0026amp;GRid=35048369\u0026amp;df=all\u0026amp;\"\u003ehttp://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026amp;GSln=gregory\u0026amp;GSfn=emily\u0026amp;GSbyrel=all\u0026amp;GSdyrel=all\u0026amp;GSst=48\u0026amp;GScnty=2929\u0026amp;GScntry=4\u0026amp;GSob=n\u0026amp;GRid=35048369\u0026amp;df=all\u0026amp;\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eExila O. Fitzgerald (1865-1953). Find A Grave. \u003cextref href=\"http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026amp;GSln=fitzgerald\u0026amp;GSfn=exilia\u0026amp;GSbyrel=all\u0026amp;GSdyrel=all\u0026amp;GSob=n\u0026amp;GRid=35048313\u0026amp;df=all\u0026amp;\"\u003ehttp://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026amp;GSln=fitzgerald\u0026amp;GSfn=exilia\u0026amp;GSbyrel=all\u0026amp;GSdyrel=all\u0026amp;GSob=n\u0026amp;GRid=35048313\u0026amp;df=all\u0026amp;\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003e1940 Census. Ancestery. com. \u003cextref href=\"http://www.ancestry.com/1940-census/usa/Virginia/Exilia-Fitzgerald_kr3ml\"\u003ehttp://www.ancestry.com/1940-census/usa/Virginia/Exilia-Fitzgerald_kr3ml\u003c/extref\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n","\u003cp\u003eNote written by Kathleen Smith\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical or Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["Agnes Exilia Owen was born in 1865. She married Alexander H. Fitzgerald, a high school principal in December of 1886 at Manchester Central Methodist Church in Richmond Virginia. They had a daughter named Emily who was born in 1890. According to the 1940 United States Census, Exilia lived with her daughter and her family on 44th Street in Richmond. Mrs. Fitzgerald, passed away in February 1953. She is buried along side her husband Alexander who passed away in 1913, in Maury Cemetary in Richmond.","Sources:","\"Christmas Wedding Bells.\" Daily Times (Richmond, Va.). Chronicling America-Library of Congress.  http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn86071854/1886-12-23/ed-1/seq-4.pdf","Emily Fitzgerald Gregory (1890-1974). Find A Grave.  http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026GSln=gregory\u0026GSfn=emily\u0026GSbyrel=all\u0026GSdyrel=all\u0026GSst=48\u0026GScnty=2929\u0026GScntry=4\u0026GSob=n\u0026GRid=35048369\u0026df=all\u0026","Exila O. Fitzgerald (1865-1953). Find A Grave.  http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr\u0026GSln=fitzgerald\u0026GSfn=exilia\u0026GSbyrel=all\u0026GSdyrel=all\u0026GSob=n\u0026GRid=35048313\u0026df=all\u0026","1940 Census. Ancestery. com.  http://www.ancestry.com/1940-census/usa/Virginia/Exilia-Fitzgerald_kr3ml","Note written by Kathleen Smith"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Item [insert number and title], Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book. Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["[Identification of item], Box [insert number], Item [insert number and title], Owen-Fitzgerald Scrapbook and Autograph Book. Special Collections and University Archives, Old Dominion University Libraries."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection consists of a scrapbook of newspaper clippings and an autograph book which was kept by Exilia Owen (Mrs. Alexander H. Fitzgerald. Most of the newspapers clippings in the scrapbook deal with various religious themes.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The collection consists of a scrapbook of newspaper clippings and an autograph book which was kept by Exilia Owen (Mrs. Alexander H. Fitzgerald. Most of the newspapers clippings in the scrapbook deal with various religious themes."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eBefore publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries.\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["Before publishing quotations or excerpts from any materials, permission must be obtained from Special Collections and University Archives, and the holder of the copyright, if not Old Dominion University Libraries."],"abstract_html_tesm":["\u003cabstract id=\"aspace_8d4af3ae9f61c74e3fe622406bec6020\" label=\"Abstract\"\u003eA scrapbook of clippings of newspaper clippings with religious themes and an autograph book, both kept by Exilia Owen (Mrs. Alexander H. Fitzgerald).\u003c/abstract\u003e"],"abstract_tesim":["A scrapbook of clippings of newspaper clippings with religious themes and an autograph book, both kept by Exilia Owen (Mrs. Alexander H. Fitzgerald)."],"names_ssim":["ODU Community Collections","Owen, Agnes Exilia (1865-1913)"],"corpname_ssim":["ODU Community Collections"],"persname_ssim":["Owen, Agnes Exilia (1865-1913)"],"language_ssim":["English"],"descrules_ssm":["Describing Archives: A Content Standard"],"total_component_count_is":3,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T21:42:28.789Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/vino_repositories_5_resources_51_c01_c01"}},{"id":"viu_viu00220_c01_c277","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"\"AU TOMBEAU D'EDGAR POE,\" MS. poem by\n                  STEPHENE MALLARME","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c01_c277#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eThis is possibly the poem Mallarme sent to Sarah Helen Whitman.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c01_c277#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c01_c277","ref_ssm":["viu_viu00220_c01_c277"],"id":"viu_viu00220_c01_c277","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220_c01","parent_ssi":"viu_viu00220_c01","parent_ssim":["viu_viu00220","viu_viu00220_c01"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu00220","viu_viu00220_c01"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","Part One: Letters, Manuscripts, Other\n               Documents"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","Part One: Letters, Manuscripts, Other\n               Documents"],"text":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","Part One: Letters, Manuscripts, Other\n               Documents","\"AU TOMBEAU D'EDGAR POE,\" MS. poem by\n                  STEPHENE MALLARME","Box 5","This is possibly the poem Mallarme sent to \n                   Sarah Helen Whitman."],"title_filing_ssi":"\"AU TOMBEAU D'EDGAR POE,\" MS. poem by\n                  STEPHENE MALLARME","title_ssm":["\"AU TOMBEAU D'EDGAR POE,\" MS. poem by\n                  STEPHENE MALLARME"],"title_tesim":["\"AU TOMBEAU D'EDGAR POE,\" MS. poem by\n                  STEPHENE MALLARME"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["ca. 1875. "],"normalized_date_ssm":["1875"],"normalized_title_ssm":["\"AU TOMBEAU D'EDGAR POE,\" MS. poem by\n                  STEPHENE MALLARME"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"extent_ssm":["1 p."],"extent_tesim":["1 p."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":278,"date_range_isim":[1875],"containers_ssim":["Box 5"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis is possibly the poem Mallarme sent to \n                   Sarah Helen Whitman.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This is possibly the poem Mallarme sent to \n                   Sarah Helen Whitman."],"_nest_path_":"/components#0/components#276","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:44:20.390Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00220","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00220","_root_":"viu_viu00220","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00220","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00220.xml","title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915. "],"title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915. "],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["38-135"],"text":["38-135","John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915.","This collection consists of ca. 1000\n         items.","\n          JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n         AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n          John Carl Miller ","When \n          John Ingram died in \n          Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n         he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n         scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n         Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n         had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n         works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n         its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n         of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n         important information. So impressed was the \n          New England editor and critic \n          Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n         addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n         l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n         have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n         either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n         country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n         more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n         fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n          America, to the \n          Alderman Library at the University of\n         Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n          Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n         in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n         spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n         materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n         he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n         imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n         he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n         about Dr. Bransby's school at \n          Stoke Newington. He filled the\n         intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n         wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n         magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n         writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n         Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n         During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n         almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n         if the writer was an American, for \n          John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n         the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n         as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n         literary reputation.","II","\n          John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n         1842, at 29 City Road, \n          Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n         childhood in \n          Stoke Newington, the \n          London suburb where young Poe had himself\n         lived. The \n          Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n         Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n         youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n         between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n         an autobiographical account to \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n         acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n               looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n               interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n               could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n               in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n               my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n               read out of Routledge's little volume of \n                Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n               something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n               excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n               brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n               pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n               poet!\"","But \n          John Ingram was not destined to become a\n         poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n         suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n         pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n         was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n          John Ingram's formal education during his\n         childhood, until he entered \n          Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n         at the \n          City of London College, his father died,\n         and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n         supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n         January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n         an appointment to the \n          Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n         Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n         followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n         working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n         writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n         invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n         routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n          John Ingram in the \n          Reading Room of the British Museum\n         Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n         German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n         knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n         literary articles to leading reviews in \n          England, \n          France, and \n          America, and he lectured frequently, for\n         pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n         even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n         business trips through \n          Ireland and \n          Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n         to the \n          Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n         search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n         which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n         author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n         difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n         Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n         the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n         symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n         garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n         and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n         anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n         bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n         clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n         condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n         predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n         always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n         sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n         characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n         have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n         followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n         traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n         the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n         too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n         epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n         His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n         whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n         produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n         completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n         maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n         later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n         actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n         abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n         this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n         rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n         work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n         matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n          John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n         writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n         and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n         had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n         and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n         possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n         been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n          Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n         published in l850. And so, \n          John Ingram found his work: he determined\n         to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n         liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n         would present to the world \n          Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n         these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n         examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n         been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n         learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n         the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n         be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n         stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n         demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n         the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n         editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n         recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n         darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n         assembling materials for a defense of \n          Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n         by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n         to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n         where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n         explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n         confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n         that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n         sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n         either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n         as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n         curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n         affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n         taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n         is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n         became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n         of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n         genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n         tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n         forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n         minority group of Poe's friends in \n          America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n         been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n         the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n         necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n         Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n         These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n         to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n         war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n         Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n         it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n         not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n         friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n         doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n         someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n          John Henry Ingram of \n          Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n         world his theory that \n          Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n          Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n         maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n         had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n         reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n         used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n         purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n         step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n         Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n         not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n         which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n         and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n         gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n         imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n         and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n         the \n          British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n         researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n         scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n         the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n         soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n         for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n         been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n          America in the hope of finding there\n         friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n         enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n         felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n         difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n         his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n         delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n         distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n         championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n         for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n         hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n         to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n         recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n         sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n         and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n         prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n         Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n         personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n         newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n         from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n         of information about what others had written and said about\n         Poe. \n          Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n         only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n         Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n         Poe's trunk after he died. \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n         and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n         and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n          Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n         \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n         given to her in l848. \n          Edward V. Valentine of \n          Richmond, \n          William Hand Browne of \n          Johns Hopkins University, \n          John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n          Poe family in \n          Baltimore, including \n          Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n         many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n         store of information about Poe. And when \n          William Fearing Gill and \n          Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n         same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n         these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n         withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n         activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n         and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n         American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n         encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n         vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n         Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n         letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n          America to \n          England, with a few of them, but very\n         few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n         correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n         that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n         these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n         everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the  Broadway Journal  that\n         Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n         important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n         published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n         volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n         Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n         \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n         offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n         time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n         him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n         injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n         seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n          John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n         engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n         that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n         there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n         dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n         Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n         understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n         scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n         popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n         writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n         particularly in \n          America, that he had rather to increase\n         sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n         statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n         encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n         rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n         begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n         publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n         often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n         embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n         property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n         life was beginning in \n          America, an era brought about principally\n         by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n         published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n         the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n         authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n         the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n         puerile indeed. \n          George W. Woodberry, \n          Edmund C. Stedman, and \n          R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n         biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n         the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n         his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n         thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n         of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n         as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n         as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n         the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n         new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n         them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n         him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n         been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n         repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n         achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n         vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n         Tales and Poems of \n          Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n         and for the \n          Tauchnitz Press in \n          Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n         Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n         \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n         two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n         he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n         these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n         market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n         Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n         important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n          John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n         His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n         correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n         had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n          Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n         inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n         results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n         their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n         Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n         publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n         close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n         But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n         everywhere.","\n          John Ingram was retired with a pension\n         from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n         General Post Office. He continued living in \n          London with his only remaining sister,\n         Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n         Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n         the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n         another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n         Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n          Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n         years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n         definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n         in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n         materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n         wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n         as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n         1912 Ingram moved his household from \n          London to \n          Brighton. There for a few years he\n         enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n         February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n         sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n         death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n         arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n         collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n         strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n         for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n         to personal and literary fame, and \n          John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n         judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n         all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n         items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n         copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n         actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n         health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n         continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n         Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n         longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n         very important, and \n          John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n         published had brought his name before the world as had his\n         publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n         collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n          Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n         the scholarly worlds of \n          England and \n          America by advertising for sale her\n         brother's entire library. Although \n          John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n         out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n         the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n          James A. Harrison and \n          Killis Campbell, the number of important\n         \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n         the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n         declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n         and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n         before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n         While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n         papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n         materials from which he had written it would be. More\n         important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n         original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n         forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n         biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n          University of Virginia early in the summer\n         of 1916. Librarian \n          John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n         Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n          London, asking what books and papers\n         about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n          Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n         inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n         and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n         the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n         buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n         the entire collection to \n          Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n         for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n         University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n          England to \n          America, and back again, if need be.\n         Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n         in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n         accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n         Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n         shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n         collection. \n          England was at war with \n          Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n         taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n         months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n         and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n         papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n          James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n         of English from \n          William and Mary came to join the \n          University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n         course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n         at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n         Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n         specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n         long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n         his arrival, \n          John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n         conversation that he had a partial list of \n          John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n         been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n         his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n         what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n         to enlist President \n          Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n         accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n         with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n         brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n         fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n         dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n         library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n          University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n         since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n         mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n         from \n          Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n         own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n         the papers to the \n          University of Texas.","Professor \n          Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n         and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n          Department of English at the University of\n         Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n         only after the \n          University of Virginia had definitely\n         refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n         then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n         England, came to \n          Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n         with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n         request to ship the papers on approval to \n          Virginia. She did not want this\n         indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n         furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n         Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n          John Ingram's once enviable collections\n         of materials about \n          Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n          Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n          Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n         interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n         offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n         from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n         of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n         acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n         professor, or by the \n          University of Texas would have changed the\n         fate of the Poe papers.","The \n          University of Virginia's correspondence\n         about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n         and ended by personal letters between \n          John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n         Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n          John Ingram's Poe papers to \n          America reached numerous scholars,\n         authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n         requests to the \n          University of Virginia for permission to\n         examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n         first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n         the Poe Collection came from \n          J. H. Whitty, \n          Richmond book collector and editor of\n         Poe's poems, who wrote \n          John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n         the papers were even then enroute from \n          England to the University. This\n         information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n         through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n          United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n         Miller, which docked at \n          Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n          John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n         passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n         been in \n          England for a decade, resolutely refused\n         to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n         household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n         official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n         released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n         in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n         room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n         Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n         duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n         interesting, and at times very exciting. \n          John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n         varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n         the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n         given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n          John Ingram in l880. And among the\n         hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n         were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n         later, than those from \n          Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n         charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n         of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n         of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n          John Ingram the fullest account there is\n         of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n         Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n          Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n         known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n         her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n         include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n         authorities decide whether or not they should be\n         destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n          Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n         generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n         wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n         herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n         and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n         for \n          John Ingram, found in this collection,\n         are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n         disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n         nursed \n          Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n          Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n         suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n         Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n         copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n         from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n         account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n         that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n         letters and items of importance. There was the original\n         drawing of Poe that \n          Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n          Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n         it to \n          John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n          Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n         hand; letters from \n          Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n         died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n         himself to \n          Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n         manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n         documents from \n          Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n         sculptor who first persuaded \n          Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n         Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n          Arthur Conan Doyle, \n          John Neal, \n          Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n         letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n         collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n         letters from Miss \n          Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n         too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n         interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n         Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n         certain the University would already have them. \n          Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n          Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n          Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n         many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n          Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n         Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n         to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n         These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n         and in time they were received and restored to the\n         collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n         decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n         been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n         collection, \n          John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n         shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n         officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n         believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n         his Poe collection was at home in \n          America, and in \n          Virginia, where she was sure he would\n         have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n         University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n         packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n         across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n         In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n         near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n         manuscript, \"The True Story of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n         been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n         delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n         however, the publisher had himself died, and \n          Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n         place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n         her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n         with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n          John Ingram considered this last\n         biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n         that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n         foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n         as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n         this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n         fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n         questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n         judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n         especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n         his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n         writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n         the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n         he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n         manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n         word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n         detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n         more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n         subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n         deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n         left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n         collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n          John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n          University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n          John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n         with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n         have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n         activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n         possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n         and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n         information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n         achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n         to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n         it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n         this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n         memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n         these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n         view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n         recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n         records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n         dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n         papers, making almost all the more important items and\n         clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n         The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n         study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n         of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n         shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n         Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n         demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n         he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n         Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n         since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n         it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n         mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n         nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n         the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n         been directly and heavily indebted.","A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n         photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n         concerning \n          Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n          John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n         by \n          John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n         and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n          University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n          John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n         $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n         biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n         acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n         manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n         newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n         totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n         University made the Collection available to serious students\n         of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n          Alderman Library until, in the late\n         1940's, \n          John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n         student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n         mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n         more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n         of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n         Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n         his 1954 doctoral dissertation,  Poe's English Biographer,\n          John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n         and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.  Six\n         years later the University published the first edition of\n         Professor Miller's  John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n            of Virginia.  This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n         checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n         the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n         calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n         Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n         calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n         served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n         entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n         same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n         to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n         Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n         edition. The first of these volumes,  Building Poe Biography,  was published by Louisiana State University Press\n         in 1977, and the second volume,  Poe's Helen Remembers,  appeared two years later from the \n          University Press of Virginia. In\n         declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n         in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n         prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n         only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n         but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n         the \n          University of Virginia almost two decades\n         earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n         that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n         unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n         a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n         manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n         a brief account of its content.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["38-135"],"normalized_title_ssm":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"collection_title_tesim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"collection_ssim":["John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection \n          ca. 1829-ca.\n         1915."],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"creator_ssm":["Laura Ingram"],"creator_ssim":["Laura Ingram"],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased by the Library in\n            1922."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["This collection consists of ca. 1000\n         items."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\n          JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n         AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eby \n          John Carl Miller \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen \n          John Ingram died in \n          Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n         he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n         scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n         Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n         had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n         works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n         its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n         of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n         important information. So impressed was the \n          New England editor and critic \n          Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n         addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n         l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n         have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n         either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n         country.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n         more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n         fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n          America, to the \n          Alderman Library at the University of\n         Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis is the curious story of how it happened.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eInterest in the life and work of \n          Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n         in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n         spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n         materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n         he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n         imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n         he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n         about Dr. Bransby's school at \n          Stoke Newington. He filled the\n         intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n         wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n         magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n         writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n         Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n         During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n         almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n         if the writer was an American, for \n          John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n         the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n         as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n         literary reputation.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eII\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n          John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n         1842, at 29 City Road, \n          Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n         childhood in \n          Stoke Newington, the \n          London suburb where young Poe had himself\n         lived. The \n          Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n         Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n         youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n         between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n         an autobiographical account to \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n         acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n        \u003cblockquote\u003e\n          \u003cp\u003e\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n               looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n               interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n               could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n               in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n               my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n               read out of Routledge's little volume of \n                Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n               something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n               excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n               brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n               pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n               poet!\"\u003c/p\u003e\n        \u003c/blockquote\u003e\n      \u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBut \n          John Ingram was not destined to become a\n         poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n         suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n         pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n         was then the dearest hope of his life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePrivate tutors and private schools furnished \n          John Ingram's formal education during his\n         childhood, until he entered \n          Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n         at the \n          City of London College, his father died,\n         and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n         supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n         January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n         an appointment to the \n          Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n         Office.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n         followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n         working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n         writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n         invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n         routine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOn Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n          John Ingram in the \n          Reading Room of the British Museum\n         Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n         German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n         knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n         literary articles to leading reviews in \n          England, \n          France, and \n          America, and he lectured frequently, for\n         pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n         even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n         business trips through \n          Ireland and \n          Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n         to the \n          Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n         search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n         which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n         author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n         difficulties, he made a beginning.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n         Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n         the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n         symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n         garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n         and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n         anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n         bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n         clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n         condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n         predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n         always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n         sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n         characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n         have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n         followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n         traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n         the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n         too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n         epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n         His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n         whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n         produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n         completeness.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n         maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n         later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n         actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n         abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n         this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n         rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n         work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n         matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHaving served his literary apprenticeship, \n          John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n         writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n         and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n         had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n         and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n         possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n         been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n          Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n         published in l850. And so, \n          John Ingram found his work: he determined\n         to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n         liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n         would present to the world \n          Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n         these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n         examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n         been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n         learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n         the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n         be.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n         stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n         demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n         the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n         editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n         recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n         darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n         assembling materials for a defense of \n          Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n         by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n         to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n         where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n         explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n         confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n         that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n         sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n         either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n         as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n         curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n         affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n         taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n         is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n         became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n         of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBy 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n         genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n         tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n         forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n         minority group of Poe's friends in \n          America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n         been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n         the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n         necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n         Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n         These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n         to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n         war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n         Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n         it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n         not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n         friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n         doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n         someone else do it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSuch, in brief, was the situation when \n          John Henry Ingram of \n          Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n         world his theory that \n          Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n          Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n         maligned.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n         had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n         reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n         used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n         purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n         step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n         Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n         not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n         which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n         and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n         gentleman he really was.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n         imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n         and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n         the \n          British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n         researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n         scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n         the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n         soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n         for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n         been done to Poe.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eHaving exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n          America in the hope of finding there\n         friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n         enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n         felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n         difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n         his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n         delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n         distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n         championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n         for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n         hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n         to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n         recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n         sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n         and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n         prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n         Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n         personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n         newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n         from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n         of information about what others had written and said about\n         Poe. \n          Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n         only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n         Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n         Poe's trunk after he died. \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n         and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n         and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n          Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n         \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n         given to her in l848. \n          Edward V. Valentine of \n          Richmond, \n          William Hand Browne of \n          Johns Hopkins University, \n          John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n          Poe family in \n          Baltimore, including \n          Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n         many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n         store of information about Poe. And when \n          William Fearing Gill and \n          Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n         same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n         these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n         withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n         activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n         and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n         American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n         encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n         vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n         Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n         letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n          America to \n          England, with a few of them, but very\n         few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n         correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n         that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n         these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n         everyday job at the General Post Office.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFrom the two bound volumes of the \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBroadway Journal\u003c/title\u003e that\n         Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n         important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n         published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n         volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n         Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n         \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n         offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n         time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n         him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n         injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n         seventh seal.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n          John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n         engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n         that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n         there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n         dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n         Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eBut Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n         understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n         scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n         popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n         writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n         particularly in \n          America, that he had rather to increase\n         sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n         statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n         encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n         rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n         begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n         publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n         often than not without acknowledgment.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n         embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n         property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n         life was beginning in \n          America, an era brought about principally\n         by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n         published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n         the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n         authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n         the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n         puerile indeed. \n          George W. Woodberry, \n          Edmund C. Stedman, and \n          R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n         biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n         the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n         his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n         thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n         of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n         as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n         as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n         the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n         new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n         them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n         him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n         been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n         repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n         achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n         vociferous enemies.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n         Tales and Poems of \n          Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n         and for the \n          Tauchnitz Press in \n          Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n         Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n         \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n         two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n         he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n         these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n         market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n         Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n         important work on Poe.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn still another sense \n          John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n         His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n         correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n         had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n          Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n         inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n         results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n         their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n         Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n         publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n         close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n         But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n         everywhere.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n          John Ingram was retired with a pension\n         from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n         General Post Office. He continued living in \n          London with his only remaining sister,\n         Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n         Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n         the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n         another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n         Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n          Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n         years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n         definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n         in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n         materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n         wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n         as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n         1912 Ingram moved his household from \n          London to \n          Brighton. There for a few years he\n         enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n         February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n         sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n         death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n         arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n         collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n         strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n         for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n         to personal and literary fame, and \n          John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n         judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n         all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n         items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n         copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n         actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n         health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n         continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n         Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n         longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n         very important, and \n          John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n         published had brought his name before the world as had his\n         publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n         collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIII\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eShortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n          Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n         the scholarly worlds of \n          England and \n          America by advertising for sale her\n         brother's entire library. Although \n          John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n         out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n         the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n          James A. Harrison and \n          Killis Campbell, the number of important\n         \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n         the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n         declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n         and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n         before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n         While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n         papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n         materials from which he had written it would be. More\n         important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n         original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n         forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n         biography.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWord of the proposed sale reached the \n          University of Virginia early in the summer\n         of 1916. Librarian \n          John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n         Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n          London, asking what books and papers\n         about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n          Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n         inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n         and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n         the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n         buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n         the entire collection to \n          Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n         for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n         University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n          England to \n          America, and back again, if need be.\n         Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n         in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n         accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n         Ingram had listed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n         shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n         collection. \n          England was at war with \n          Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n         taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n         months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n         and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n         papers was dropped.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1919, \n          James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n         of English from \n          William and Mary came to join the \n          University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n         course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n         at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n         Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n         specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n         long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n         his arrival, \n          John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n         conversation that he had a partial list of \n          John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n         been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n         his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n         what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n         to enlist President \n          Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n         accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n         with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n         brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n         fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n         dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n         library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n          University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n         since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n         mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n         from \n          Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n         own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n         the papers to the \n          University of Texas.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eProfessor \n          Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n         and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n          Department of English at the University of\n         Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n         only after the \n          University of Virginia had definitely\n         refused their purchase.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eStill another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n         then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n         England, came to \n          Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n         with the idea of buying it for his university.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n         request to ship the papers on approval to \n          Virginia. She did not want this\n         indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n         furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n         Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n          John Ingram's once enviable collections\n         of materials about \n          Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n          Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n          Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n         interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n         offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n         from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n         of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n         acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n         professor, or by the \n          University of Texas would have changed the\n         fate of the Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe \n          University of Virginia's correspondence\n         about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n         and ended by personal letters between \n          John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n         Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n          John Ingram's Poe papers to \n          America reached numerous scholars,\n         authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n         requests to the \n          University of Virginia for permission to\n         examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n         first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n         the Poe Collection came from \n          J. H. Whitty, \n          Richmond book collector and editor of\n         Poe's poems, who wrote \n          John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n         the papers were even then enroute from \n          England to the University. This\n         information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n         through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n          United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n         Miller, which docked at \n          Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n          John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n         passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n         been in \n          England for a decade, resolutely refused\n         to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n         household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n         official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n         released.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe two great packing cases actually reached the University\n         in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n         room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n         Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n         duties.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n         interesting, and at times very exciting. \n          John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n         varied and rich.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIV\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n         the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n         given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n          John Ingram in l880. And among the\n         hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n         were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n         later, than those from \n          Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n         charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n         of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n         of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n          John Ingram the fullest account there is\n         of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n         Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n          Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n         known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n         her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n         include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n         authorities decide whether or not they should be\n         destroyed.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIngram's letters to \n          Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n         generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n         wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n         herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n         and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n         for \n          John Ingram, found in this collection,\n         are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n         disappeared.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n         nursed \n          Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n          Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n         suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n         Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n         copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n         from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n         account of Poe's family life.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLetters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n         that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n         letters and items of importance. There was the original\n         drawing of Poe that \n          Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n          Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n         it to \n          John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n          Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n         hand; letters from \n          Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n         died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n         himself to \n          Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n         manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n         documents from \n          Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n         sculptor who first persuaded \n          Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n         Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n          Arthur Conan Doyle, \n          John Neal, \n          Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n         letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n         collection of Poe papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n         letters from Miss \n          Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n         too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n         interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n         Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n         certain the University would already have them. \n          Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n          Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n          Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n         many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n          Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n         Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n         to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n         These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n         and in time they were received and restored to the\n         collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAfter a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n         decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n         been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n         collection, \n          John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n         shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMiss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n         officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n         believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n         his Poe collection was at home in \n          America, and in \n          Virginia, where she was sure he would\n         have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n         University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n         packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n         across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n         In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n         near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n         manuscript, \"The True Story of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n         been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n         delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n         however, the publisher had himself died, and \n          Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n         place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n         her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n         with it as they saw fit?\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n          John Ingram considered this last\n         biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n         that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n         foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n         as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n         this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n         fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n         questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n         judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n         especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n         his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n         writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n         the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n         he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n         manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n         word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n         detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n         more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n         subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n         deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n         left except futile anger.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eV\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n         collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n          John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n          University of Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOne can safely say that had it not been for \n          John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n         with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n         have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n         activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n         possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n         and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n         information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n         achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n         to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n         it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n         this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n         memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n         these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n         view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n         recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n         records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n         dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n         papers, making almost all the more important items and\n         clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n         The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n         study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n         of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n         shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n         Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n         demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n         he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n         Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n         since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n         it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n         mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n         nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n         the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n         been directly and heavily indebted.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biography"],"bioghist_tesim":["\n          JOHN HENRY INGRAM : EDITOR, BIOGRAPHER,\n         AND COLLECTOR OF POE MATERIALS","by \n          John Carl Miller ","When \n          John Ingram died in \n          Brighton, England, on February l2, l9l6,\n         he had, as he expressed it, \"a room-full of Poe.\" At that time\n         scholars on both sides of the Atlantic were well aware of\n         Ingram's collection of Poe materials. Both its size and value\n         had been suggested by Ingram's four-volume edition of Poe's\n         works, prefaced by an original and controversial Memoir, and\n         its worth had further been proved by the two-volume biography\n         of Poe in which Ingram had published a great deal of new and\n         important information. So impressed was the \n          New England editor and critic \n          Thomas Wentworth Higginson that he\n         addressed an anxious communication to Ingram on February l,\n         l880, about his collection: \"I hope that if you should ever\n         have occasion to sell it or should bequeath it (absit omen! in\n         either case) it may come to some Public Library in this\n         country.\"","Ingram's Poe collection was to grow enormously through many\n         more years, and in the end Higginson's wish was to be\n         fulfilled: it was sold and it did come to \n          America, to the \n          Alderman Library at the University of\n         Virginia.","This is the curious story of how it happened.","Interest in the life and work of \n          Edgar Poe was part of Ingram's childhood;\n         in his adulthood it became his obsession. By his statement, he\n         spent sixty-two years writing about Poe and collecting Poe\n         materials. We can be sure he spent as many as fifty-three, for\n         he published a poem called \"Hope: An Allegory,\" written in\n         imitation of Poe's \"Ulalume,\" in 1863, and in the month before\n         he died he published a tart note, setting the record straight\n         about Dr. Bransby's school at \n          Stoke Newington. He filled the\n         intervening years with almost ceaseless attention to Poe: he\n         wrote two biographies, several Memoirs, more than fifty\n         magazine articles, as well as Prefaces and Introductions to\n         writings on Poe by others, and he published and republished\n         Poe's tales, poems, and essays in eight separate editions.\n         During these years he carried on bitter warfare in print with\n         almost every person who wrote about Poe anywhere, especially\n         if the writer was an American, for \n          John Ingram secretly regarded himself as\n         the sole redeemer of Poe's besmirched personal reputation and\n         as the person most responsible for Poe's renewed, world-wide\n         literary reputation.","II","\n          John Henry Ingram was born on November 16,\n         1842, at 29 City Road, \n          Finnsbury, Middlesex, and spent his\n         childhood in \n          Stoke Newington, the \n          London suburb where young Poe had himself\n         lived. The \n          Stoke Newington Manor House School, which\n         Poe describes in \"William Wilson,\" was standing in Ingram's\n         youth, and he was quite conscious of it as a tangible link\n         between his own life and Poe's. On March 6, l874, Ingram wrote\n         an autobiographical account to \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, clearly\n         acknowledging Poe's influence on his early life:","\"As a child, before I could read, I determined as I\n               looked at my father's great books and saw how they\n               interested him, to become an author and by the time I\n               could spell words of one syllable I began to write, but\n               in prose. One night when I was still a boy I went into\n               my own room, and for the five-hundreth time, began to\n               read out of Routledge's little volume of \n                Edgar Poe's poems. Suddenly,\n               something stirred me till I shuddered with intense\n               excitement. \"I felt as if a star had burst within my\n               brain.\" I fell on my knees and prayed as I only could\n               pray then, and thanked my Creator for having made me a\n               poet!\"","But \n          John Ingram was not destined to become a\n         poet, and he soon realized it. After publishing and\n         suppressing his first volume of poetry in 1863, he wrote a\n         pathetic \"Farewell to Poesy\" in 1864, bidding adieu to what\n         was then the dearest hope of his life.","Private tutors and private schools furnished \n          John Ingram's formal education during his\n         childhood, until he entered \n          Lyonsdown. Later, after he had registered\n         at the \n          City of London College, his father died,\n         and Ingram was forced to withdraw and take up the job of\n         supporting himself, his mother, and his two sisters. On\n         January l3, l868, he received a Civil Service Commission, with\n         an appointment to the \n          Savings Bank Department of the London General Post\n         Office.","Ingram then molded his life into a pattern which he\n         followed doggedly for the rest of his days. He spent his days\n         working at his clerkship and he spent his evenings studying,\n         writing, and lecturing, complaining irascibly when social\n         invitations or professional functions forced him to break this\n         routine.","On Saturday afternoons his friends could always find \n          John Ingram in the \n          Reading Room of the British Museum\n         Library. He had learned to speak and write French,\n         German, Spanish, and Italian (later in life he added a working\n         knowledge of Portuguese and Hungarian). He contributed\n         literary articles to leading reviews in \n          England, \n          France, and \n          America, and he lectured frequently, for\n         pay, on contemporary literature. He broke his persevering,\n         even stubborn, devotion to work and study only occasionally by\n         business trips through \n          Ireland and \n          Scotland or to the Continent, or by trips\n         to the \n          Isle of Wight and other watering places in\n         search of relief from recurring attacks of rheumatic fever,\n         which plagued him all of his life. He was determined to be an\n         author of important books and in 1868, in spite of his\n         difficulties, he made a beginning.","Ingram called his first book Flora Symbolica; or, the\n         Language and Sentiment of Flowers. The book was a history of\n         the floriography, with an examination of the meaning and\n         symbolism, of more than one hundred different flowers,\n         garlands, and bouquets. He wrote long essays on each flower\n         and included with each one colored illustrations, legends,\n         anecdotes, and poetical allusions. His volume was beautifully\n         bound and printed, infinitely detailed, and it revealed\n         clearly his method as an author: he had thoroughly sifted,\n         condensed, and used, with augmentations, the writings of his\n         predecessors (a method of editing and writing he was to use\n         always, while condemning it in others) in this science of\n         sweet things.\" In his Preface, he told his readers with\n         characteristic bluntness: \"Although I dare not boast that I\n         have exhausted the subject, I may certainly affirm that\n         followers will find little left to glean in the paths I have\n         traversed.\" \"It will be found to be the most complete work on\n         the subject ever published,\" he wrote. He was probably right,\n         too. The important thing is that here, very early, he had\n         epitomized his guiding philosophy as a writer and an editor.\n         His job, as he saw it, was to learn all that had been done on\n         whatever subject he was engaged and to strive passionately to\n         produce a work of his own that would be significant for its\n         completeness.","This book on floriography was the product of a rapidly\n         maturing scholar, not that of a youth of nineteen, as his\n         later juggling of his birth date would have it appear. He was\n         actually twenty-six years old when he first demonstrated his\n         abilities as a compiler, editor, and author. Everything about\n         this volume shows that Ingram's methods in bookmaking were\n         rather firmly decided upon before he commenced his important\n         work on Poe, and he altered those methods scarcely at all, no\n         matter what his subject, in the next forty-eight years.","Having served his literary apprenticeship, \n          John Ingram was ready, by 1870, to begin\n         writing books that would, he hoped, be financially profitable\n         and at the same time bring to him lasting literary fame. He\n         had already, for a long while, studied Poe's writings, reading\n         and collecting everything he saw about the poet, and he became\n         possessed by a deep, almost instinctive belief that Poe had\n         been cruelly wronged by the Memoir that \n          Rufus W. Griswold had written and\n         published in l850. And so, \n          John Ingram found his work: he determined\n         to destroy Griswold's Memoir of Poe by proving its author a\n         liar and a forger, and, in time, to write a new biography that\n         would present to the world \n          Edgar Poe as he really was. In order to do\n         these things it would be necessary, of course, for him to\n         examine everything, both favorable and unfavorable, that had\n         been written about Poe, to search for new material, and to\n         learn so much about Poe that he could reconstruct, as it were,\n         the true character of the man and writer, as he felt it to\n         be.","At this point, Ingram's life appeared to have a certain\n         stability. He had a respectable and obviously not too\n         demanding job that assured financial independence, and he was\n         the author of a book popular enough to call for three\n         editions, which brought to him a certain amount of literary\n         recognition. But there was another side to his nature, a\n         darker side that tormented and divided his life. As he began\n         assembling materials for a defense of \n          Edgar Poe he worked spasmodically, beset\n         by worry, self-doubt, trouble, and fear. His temper was quick\n         to explode and his sensitive nature found injury and fault\n         where little or none of either was intended or existed. Some\n         explanation of this duality in his nature is found in a shamed\n         confession he made to Mrs. Whitman about the hereditary curse\n         that hung over his household: two aunts, his father, and a\n         sister, one after the other, had succumbed to insanity and had\n         either died or had to be removed from home. His own mind was\n         as clear and acute as possible, he insisted, and the family\n         curse appeared unlikely to fall upon him if his worldly\n         affairs jogged along composedly, but the knowledge of the\n         taint in his blood was a terrible thing to him. Perhaps there\n         is enough here to explain why Ingram's disposition early\n         became choleric, why he never married, and why he suffered all\n         of his life from recurring sicknesses, real or imaginary.","By 1870 there was a growing international interest in Poe's\n         genius. A new generation had grown up to be fascinated by his\n         tales and poems, and the older generations had in a measure\n         forgotten the unpleasant stories connected with Poe's life. A\n         minority group of Poe's friends in \n          America knew that Griswold's Memoir had\n         been motivated by jealousy and hatred, but no one of them had\n         the information, the literary ability, and the strength\n         necessary to publish an effectively documented denial of\n         Grisold's Memoir and to replace it with an honest biography.\n         These friends of Poe's were widely separated, largely unknown\n         to each other; all had been seriously affected by a decade of\n         war and its aftermath, and all of them were growing old. If\n         Poe's memory was to be vindicated, it was fairly certain that\n         it would have to be done by someone younger, someone who would\n         not personally have known Poe. Not a single one of Poe's close\n         friends who still lived in the l870's had any idea or plan for\n         doing the job himself, but a number of them were eager to help\n         someone else do it.","Such, in brief, was the situation when \n          John Henry Ingram of \n          Stoke Newington determined to prove to the\n         world his theory that \n          Rufus Griswold had been a liar and that \n          Edgar Poe had been shamefully\n         maligned.","The first articles Ingram published in l873 and early l874\n         had little new information in them which would vindicate Poe's\n         reputation; Ingram was of necessity feeling his way, and he\n         used these magazine publications to announce clearly his\n         purpose, before diving into the melee. He intended to refute,\n         step by step, the aspersions cast on Poe's character by\n         Griswold and to publish an edition of Poe's works which would\n         not only be more complete than any hitherto published, but\n         which, through a Memoir as its Preface, would clear Poe's name\n         and present him to the world as the great artist and fine\n         gentleman he really was.","After his first flight into the thin air of creative and\n         imaginative writing, Ingram's muse brought him closer to earth\n         and he really found himself at home in the murky atmosphere of\n         the \n          British Museum. Ingram was a natural\n         researcher. Armed with righteous indignation and the tools of\n         scholarship, he became a crusader enlisted in a holy cause;\n         the peculiar combination within him of a sensitive, poetic\n         soul and a zealot's concentrated energy uniquely fitted him\n         for the challenging job of righting the wrongs he believed had\n         been done to Poe.","Having exhausted his resources at hand, Ingram turned to \n          America in the hope of finding there\n         friends of Poe who still resented the injustice done to him\n         enough to help clear his name. The adroit timing and the\n         felicity of this plan quickly became apparent. It was not\n         difficult for Ingram to communicate his sincere feeling that\n         his work was a crusade against evil, and Poe's friends were\n         delighted with the boyish fervor of this young and already\n         distinguished English scholar who was so unselfishly\n         championing the poet's blighted reputation. Poe had been dead\n         for nearly twenty-five years and many of his friends were\n         hastening to their own graves, but they responded immediately\n         to Ingram's letters and joined in a tireless search for\n         recollections of Poe's literary and personal activities,\n         sending letters Poe had written to them, manuscripts, books,\n         and even personal keepsakes Poe had given to them. \n          Sarah Helen Whitman, excited over the\n         prospect of Ingram's writing an authoritative biography of\n         Poe, wrote out for him everything she could remember of her\n         personal meetings with Poe, sent him manuscripts, hundreds of\n         newsclippings, magazine articles, copied letters and excerpts\n         from articles, and gave unreservedly from her remarkable store\n         of information about what others had written and said about\n         Poe. \n          Annie Richmond entrusted to Ingram the\n         only copies she had ever made of her precious letters from\n         Poe, and sent him copies of Poe's books that had been found in\n         Poe's trunk after he died. \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton sent letters\n         and copies of letters from Poe, a miniature of Poe's mother,\n         and at least three manuscript poems Poe had given her. \n          Stella Lewis gave him Poe's manuscript of\n         \"Politian,\" and willed to him the daguerreotype which Poe had\n         given to her in l848. \n          Edward V. Valentine of \n          Richmond, \n          William Hand Browne of \n          Johns Hopkins University, \n          John Neal, Poe's sister Rosalie, the \n          Poe family in \n          Baltimore, including \n          Neilson Poe and his daughter Amelia, and\n         many, many others contributed to Ingram's surprisingly large\n         store of information about Poe. And when \n          William Fearing Gill and \n          Eugene L. Didier came to many of these\n         same persons asking for help on their biographies of Poe,\n         these correspondents showed a surprising disposition to\n         withhold everything for Ingram and to betray to him the\n         activities of his American rivals. Later when violent personal\n         and literary quarrels broke out between Ingram and these\n         American biographers of Poe, Ingram's epistolary friends\n         encouraged him in private correspondence and defended him\n         vigorously in the public press. Poe's friends had become\n         Ingram's partisans. A steadily rising stream of books,\n         letters, manuscripts, pictures, and newsclippings passed from \n          America to \n          England, with a few of them, but very\n         few, finding their way back again. The aggregate of Ingram's\n         correspondence on Poe matters is staggering when one realizes\n         that he carried it on single-handedly, and published during\n         these years sixteen books on other subjects while holding an\n         everyday job at the General Post Office.","From the two bound volumes of the  Broadway Journal  that\n         Mrs. Whitman sent, Ingram was able to make a number of\n         important additions to the cannon of Poe's writings when he\n         published his edition of Poe's works. Poe had given these\n         volumes, covering his editorship of the Journal, to Mrs.\n         Whitman in l848, and had gone through them and initialed with\n         \"P\" almost everything he had written. Mrs. Whitman had first\n         offered to lend these volumes to Ingram, but then, feeling the\n         time of her death drawing near, she decided to give them to\n         him. Accordingly, on April 2, 1874, she mailed them with the\n         injunction that they be returned to her \"at the opening of the\n         seventh seal.\"","In the Preface of his l880 two-volume biography of Poe, \n          John Ingram bade farewell \"to what has\n         engrossed so much of my life and labour.\" He was convinced\n         that he had garnered almost all of the genuine Poe documents\n         there were and that his accurate and complete biography had\n         dealt conclusively with everything of importance concerning\n         Poe. His work was finished, he sincerely thought.","But Ingram was not through with Poe. He should have\n         understood himself and the reputation he had acquired as a Poe\n         scholar well enough to know that he could not be through. The\n         popularity of his edition had created a large market for Poe's\n         writings and his biography had stirred up so much controversy,\n         particularly in \n          America, that he had rather to increase\n         sharply his activities, for he was quickly challenged about\n         statements in his published works. Quick to resent\n         encroachment on what he considered his private preserves, he\n         rapidly found himself at odds with a number of persons who had\n         begun writing on Poe, for he could detect in their\n         publications borrowings from his own, borrowings made more\n         often than not without acknowledgment.","Ingram could not copyright facts, and he grew steadily more\n         embittered as he saw the fruits of his research become public\n         property. A new era of investigation into Poe's writings and\n         life was beginning in \n          America, an era brought about principally\n         by Ingram's controversial personality and by the tone of his\n         published writings about Poe. Competent scholars were entering\n         the field to contest Ingram's claims of being the leading Poe\n         authority, and these new American writers were rapidly making\n         the early efforts of W. F. Gill and Eugene Didier appear\n         puerile indeed. \n          George W. Woodberry, \n          Edmund C. Stedman, and \n          R. H. Stoddard were formidable new\n         biographers and suitors of Poe, and Ingram had not as yet, in\n         the 1880's, taken their measure. Far from being finished with\n         his work, he was really only beginning. During the next\n         thirty-five years he struck back angrily through the columns\n         of important newspapers and journals --to which his reputation\n         as a Poe scholar gave him easy access --at other writers who,\n         as he saw it, had stolen his Poe materials or who had altered\n         the Poe image he had tried so hard to create. When reviewing\n         new editions and biographies of Poe, Ingram tried to demolish\n         them with a wit as rapier-like as was Poe's; unfortunately for\n         him, his witty thrusts resembled broad-ax blows. Where Poe had\n         been original and cruel, Ingram was simply sarcastic and\n         repetitious. But through their reviews Ingram and Poe did\n         achieve the same result: they both made enduring, deadly,\n         vociferous enemies.","In 1884 Ingram edited a de luxe four-volume edition of\n         Tales and Poems of \n          Edgar Allan Poe for English publication,\n         and for the \n          Tauchnitz Press in \n          Leipzig he edited separate volumes of\n         Poe's Tales and Poems; in 1885 he published a volume on Poe's\n         \"The Raven\"; in 1886 he prepared a one-volume reprint of the\n         two-volume biography of Poe he had issued in 1880; and in 1888\n         he brought out the first variorum edition of Poe's poems. With\n         these publications Ingram was represented on the literary\n         market by one edition or another which covered every phase of\n         Poe's activities. Thus, finally, was completed the body of his\n         important work on Poe.","In still another sense \n          John Ingram's work on Poe was finished.\n         His whole method of investigation had been based on personal\n         correspondence with Poe's friends, and year by year the circle\n         had grown smaller until, in 1888, only \n          Annie Richmond was left. His early, happy\n         inspiration of searching out Poe's friends had yielded rich\n         results. Now those persons were silent, but their memories,\n         their letters, and their precious papers had been given into\n         Ingram's keeping; and he had used most of these things in\n         publishing in every area of Poe scholarship, until, at the\n         close of 1888, there was literally nothing left for him to do.\n         But his collection remained and was the envy of Poe scholars\n         everywhere.","\n          John Ingram was retired with a pension\n         from the Civil Service in 1903, after thirty-five years in the\n         General Post Office. He continued living in \n          London with his only remaining sister,\n         Laura, writing articles, caustically reviewing new books about\n         Poe and new editions of Poe's works, and in 1909 Ingram led\n         the English celebration of Poe's centenary, bringing out still\n         another edition of Poe's poems and furnishing to the London\n         Bookman practically all of the materials used in its \n          Edgar Allan Poe Centenary Number. In these\n         years of retirement Ingram began putting into final form his\n         definitive biography of Poe. He felt he could use everything\n         in his files, now that all of the people who had sent\n         materials to him were dead, to achieve the distinction he\n         wanted more than anything else --to be remembered by the world\n         as the one authentic and complete biographer of Edgar Poe. In\n         1912 Ingram moved his household from \n          London to \n          Brighton. There for a few years he\n         enjoyed the sea-bathing he loved so well, and there he died on\n         February 12, 1916. His passing went unnoticed. His last\n         sickness had evidently not been considered terminal and his\n         death must have come unexpectedly, for he left no clear-cut\n         arrangements for disposing of his affairs or for the huge\n         collection of Poe materials, the pride of his life. It is\n         strange that he had not long before made definite provision\n         for his Poe collection, for it constituted his greatest claim\n         to personal and literary fame, and \n          John Ingram was a man mindful of history's\n         judgment. Through the years, it is true, he had sold almost\n         all of his original Poe letters and some of the more important\n         items given him by Poe's friends, but he had kept accurate\n         copies of everything he had sold. Ingram had justified his\n         actions by insisting he had sacrificed his own fortune and\n         health in trying to clear Poe's name and if his work was to\n         continue the sales were necessary to provide money for it.\n         Even though these original letters and manuscripts were no\n         longer part of his collection, the things that remained were\n         very important, and \n          John Ingram knew it. Nothing else he had\n         published had brought his name before the world as had his\n         publications on Poe and the reputation he had gained as a\n         collector of Poe materials.","III","Shortly after John Ingram's death, Miss \n          Laura Ingram caused something of a stir in\n         the scholarly worlds of \n          England and \n          America by advertising for sale her\n         brother's entire library. Although \n          John Ingram had become an anachronism, his\n         out-dated biographical methods having long been superseded by\n         the careful, painstaking, scholarly practices of Professors \n          James A. Harrison and \n          Killis Campbell, the number of important\n         \"first\" Poe publications Ingram had scored was still green in\n         the memories of all concerned. Poe scholars knew that in his\n         declining years Ingram had lost his knack of ferreting out new\n         and important facts about Poe, but they also knew that shortly\n         before his death Ingram had completed a new biography of Poe.\n         While they did not expect that manuscript to be among the\n         papers offered for sale, there was every reason to believe the\n         materials from which he had written it would be. More\n         important than this, scholars everywhere wanted to see those\n         original manuscripts and letters by means of which Ingram had\n         forty years before made so many important contributions to Poe\n         biography.","Word of the proposed sale reached the \n          University of Virginia early in the summer\n         of 1916. Librarian \n          John S. Patton promptly sent an inquiry to\n         Ingram's heirs, through the American Consul in \n          London, asking what books and papers\n         about Poe were to be sold. Miss \n          Laura Ingram as promptly answered his\n         inquiry and enclosed a partial list of the Poe books, letters,\n         and papers she wished to sell, asking l50 pounds sterling for\n         the lot. Patton felt this too inclusive a basis on which to\n         buy, so he countered with a proposition that Miss Ingram send\n         the entire collection to \n          Virginia for examination and evaluation;\n         for an option to buy any or all of the collection the\n         University would pay shipping expenses and insurance from \n          England to \n          America, and back again, if need be.\n         Patton's interest was principally in the letters and portraits\n         in the collection; the University, he wrote, not altogether\n         accurately, already had most of the books on Poe that Miss\n         Ingram had listed.","Miss Ingram agreed to Patton's proposal but delayed the\n         shipment because there was a great risk of losing the\n         collection. \n          England was at war with \n          Germany and enemy submarines had begun\n         taking a heavy toll of English merchant shipping. After a few\n         months, when the immediacies of war occupied both Miss Ingram\n         and the University officials, correspondence about the Poe\n         papers was dropped.","In 1919, \n          James Southall Wilson, a young Professor\n         of English from \n          William and Mary came to join the \n          University of Virginia faculty. A seminar\n         course on Poe's works was being organized for the first time\n         at the University and Dr. Wilson was scheduled to teach it.\n         Although he was not at the time either a Poe specialist or a\n         specialist in American literature Dr. Wilson had, however,\n         long been keenly interested in Poe's writings. Shortly after\n         his arrival, \n          John Patton mentioned to him in casual\n         conversation that he had a partial list of \n          John Ingram's Poe Collection which had\n         been for sale some years before. When Dr. Wilson saw the list\n         his imagination quickly became fired with the possibilities of\n         what the whole collection might be; so he maneuvered hastily,\n         to enlist President \n          Edwin A. Alderman's support, gathered\n         accumulated Library funds, and reopened the correspondence\n         with Miss Ingram about her brother's papers.","Miss Ingram's health had been seriously affected by her\n         brother's death and by the privations of the war; once the\n         fighting was over she had begun making hurried efforts to\n         dispose of the Poe papers to any acceptable university or\n         library authorities. She had wanted them to go to the \n          University of Virginia for safekeeping,\n         since her brother had paid marked attention to Poe's alma\n         mater, but a number of years had passed without further word\n         from \n          Charlottesville. Fearfully believing her\n         own death to be at hand, she had seized an opportunity to sell\n         the papers to the \n          University of Texas.","Professor \n          Killis Campbell, an editor of Poe's poems\n         and himself a Virginian, wrote Miss Ingram, as Chairman of the\n          Department of English at the University of\n         Texas, that he would consider buying her Poe papers\n         only after the \n          University of Virginia had definitely\n         refused their purchase.","Still another possible solution to Miss Ingram's problem\n         then presented itself: a Harvard Professor, vacationing in\n         England, came to \n          Brighton to examine the Poe collection,\n         with the idea of buying it for his university.","At this point Miss Ingram received Dr. Wilson's renewed\n         request to ship the papers on approval to \n          Virginia. She did not want this\n         indefiniteness. Getting the papers packed and shipped,\n         furthermore, would be a difficult and confusing job, for the\n         Poe collection had somehow become mixed with the remnants of \n          John Ingram's once enviable collections\n         of materials about \n          Christopher Marlowe, Chatterton, \n          Oliver Madox-Brown, and \n          Elizabeth Barrett Browning. Sudden\n         interest in the Poe papers on the part of an English purchaser\n         offered her a way out. She stopped short and awaited an offer\n         from any one of the prospective buyers who would relieve her\n         of the trouble of packing and shipping the papers. A quick\n         acceptance of her terms by the English agent, the Harvard\n         professor, or by the \n          University of Texas would have changed the\n         fate of the Poe papers.","The \n          University of Virginia's correspondence\n         about the papers had not involved an agent, since it was begun\n         and ended by personal letters between \n          John Patton, Dr. Wilson, and Miss Ingram.\n         Yet, some knowledge of the prospective return of \n          John Ingram's Poe papers to \n          America reached numerous scholars,\n         authors, teachers, and booksellers, for they began sending\n         requests to the \n          University of Virginia for permission to\n         examine and use or to purchase portions of the collection. The\n         first word the University itself had that they were to receive\n         the Poe Collection came from \n          J. H. Whitty, \n          Richmond book collector and editor of\n         Poe's poems, who wrote \n          John Patton on September 23, 1921, saying\n         the papers were even then enroute from \n          England to the University. This\n         information, Whitty wrote in sly confidence, he had picked up\n         through the bookseller's \"grapevine.\"","In mid-October, 192l, the collection arrived in the \n          United States aboard the SS Northwestern\n         Miller, which docked at \n          Philadelphia. The shipment, consigned by \n          John Patton as \"settler's effects,\" was\n         passed through Customs free of duty. But Patton, who had not\n         been in \n          England for a decade, resolutely refused\n         to sign an affidavit declaring the boxes contained his\n         household goods; consequently, two weeks passed before\n         official confusion was cleared up and the shipment\n         released.","The two great packing cases actually reached the University\n         in the first week of November and were isolated in a small\n         room in the basement of the Rotunda to await examination by\n         Dr. Wilson in whatever time he could spare from his teaching\n         duties.","Dr. Wilson found his job long and tiring, but always\n         interesting, and at times very exciting. \n          John Ingram's Poe collection was bulky,\n         varied and rich.","IV","Perhaps the prize single article in the Poe Collection was\n         the original \"Stella\" daguerreotype of Poe --the one Poe had\n         given to Mrs. Lewis in l848, which she in turn willed to \n          John Ingram in l880. And among the\n         hundreds of letters from Ingram's correspondents, perhaps none\n         were more interesting to Dr. Wilson, nor to Poe students\n         later, than those from \n          Sarah Helen Whitman. This strange and\n         charming woman had cherished for twenty-five years the image\n         of herself as his one great love, after her brief engagement\n         of three months to Poe in l848, and she had written to \n          John Ingram the fullest account there is\n         of their personal relationships. Her ninety-eight letters to\n         Ingram narrowly escaped being destroyed by \n          Laura Ingram, who felt, for reasons best\n         known to herself, Mrs. Whitman's letters were unfit to be in\n         her brother's collection. Fortunately, Miss Ingram decided to\n         include the letters in the shipment and let the Virginia\n         authorities decide whether or not they should be\n         destroyed.","Ingram's letters to \n          Annie Richmond had also evoked full and\n         generous replies. She placed her whole trust in Ingram and\n         wanted him to understand, as she felt sure no mortal except\n         herself had understood, the purity and nobility of Poe's mind\n         and spirit. The copies she made of Poe's letters to herself\n         for \n          John Ingram, found in this collection,\n         are the only ones in existence; the originals have\n         disappeared.","Dr. Wilson also found in this collection many letters from \n          Marie Louise Shew Houghton, who had\n         nursed \n          Virginia Poe during her last sickness at \n          Fordham and had watched over Poe as he\n         suffered a long and violent attack after Virginia's death.\n         Mrs. Houghton had sent to Ingram either the originals or\n         copies of all the manuscripts and letters she had received\n         from Poe, in addition to a sometimes confusing but invaluable\n         account of Poe's family life.","Letters from these three ladies made up the largest group\n         that Ingram had received, but Dr. Wilson found many additional\n         letters and items of importance. There was the original\n         drawing of Poe that \n          Edouard Manet had made and presented to \n          Stephane Mallarme, who had in turn given\n         it to \n          John Ingram ; a pen drawing of \n          Marie Louise Shew, made by an unknown\n         hand; letters from \n          Rosalie Poe, begging, shortly before she\n         died, for Ingram's financial help; a penciled letter from Poe\n         himself to \n          Stella Lewis written on the back of her\n         manuscript poem \"The Prisoner of Perote\"; letters and\n         documents from \n          Edward V. Valentine, the Richmond\n         sculptor who first persuaded \n          Elmira Royster Shelton to relate for\n         Ingram her early and late memories of Poe; letters from Sir \n          Arthur Conan Doyle, \n          John Neal, \n          Elizabeth Oakes Smith, and many other\n         letters Dr. Wilson knew to be without parallel in any\n         collection of Poe papers.","Miss Ingram had not included in the shipment \"a good many\"\n         letters from Miss \n          Amelia FitzGerald Poe, since they \"threw\n         too little fresh light on her nephew's life to be of an\n         interest,\" nor had she included old copies of the Southern\n         Literary Messenger and Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, feeling\n         certain the University would already have them. \n          Amelia Poe was the daughter of \n          Neilson Poe, who had buried Edgar in \n          Baltimore in l849, and the custodian of\n         many letters from Poe, Mrs. Clemm, Mrs. Whitman, and \n          Annie Richmond ; she had corresponded with\n         Ingram over a period of twenty years and was important enough\n         to him to receive the dedication of his last biography of Poe.\n         These letters and magazines were requested from Miss Ingram\n         and in time they were received and restored to the\n         collection.","After a thorough examination of the collection, Dr. Wilson\n         decided it was worth the price asked. In l916 the price had\n         been 150 pounds; in 1922 it was 200 pounds. For the entire\n         collection, \n          John Patton offered 181 pounds, 14\n         shillings ($800), on March 24, 1922.","Miss Ingram gladly accepted the money and she wrote to the\n         officials of the University how pleased she was that what she\n         believed to be her dead brother's wish had been carried out:\n         his Poe collection was at home in \n          America, and in \n          Virginia, where she was sure he would\n         have wanted it to be. And she continued her interest in the\n         University, quite often sending cordial letters accompanied by\n         packages of books, pictures, and letters which she had come\n         across and thought belonged with her brother's Poe collection.\n         In 1933, when once again Miss Ingram thought her death was\n         near, she sent to the University, as a gift, John Ingram's\n         manuscript, \"The True Story of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. \" This manuscript had\n         been in a publisher's hands when Ingram died, but printing was\n         delayed until the war should be over. Before that time came,\n         however, the publisher had himself died, and \n          Laura Ingram had tried without success to\n         place it with other publishers. Its presence in the house made\n         her uncomfortable. Would the University accept it and deal\n         with it as they saw fit?","The whole tone of this manuscript convinces the reader that\n          John Ingram considered this last\n         biography, his farewell to Poe scholarship, to be a volume\n         that would triumphantly answer his critics, and would be the\n         foundation-stone upon which he would be able to stand forever\n         as the uncontestable arbiter of all things concerning Poe. In\n         this work he resurveyed his whole knowledge and experience and\n         fearlessly handed down his dicta on all controversial Poe\n         questions. But unfortunately his spleen overrode his scholarly\n         judgment. His virulence against other Poe biographers,\n         especially the Americans whom he accused of fraudulently using\n         his materials, succeeded in clouding Ingram's own vision and\n         writing, and succeeds in destroying for his present day reader\n         the confidence necessary in an author's balanced judgment, if\n         he is to accept, even partially, the arbitrary rulings. This\n         manuscript is not, as Ingram thought it would be, the last\n         word on Poe. It is unrelentingly bitter against Poe's\n         detractors and Ingram's personal rivals, and it seeks, even\n         more than did Ingram's other writings on Poe, to whitewash its\n         subject completely. Ingram's perspective seems to have\n         deserted him as he wrote this manuscript, and he had little\n         left except futile anger.","V","The addition of the manuscript life of Poe rounded out the\n         collection of Poe papers that once had belonged to \n          John Ingram, now in the possession of the\n          University of Virginia.","One can safely say that had it not been for \n          John Ingram's skill and energy, together\n         with the peculiarities of his temperament, we should not now\n         have many of these unusual and dependable accounts of Poe's\n         activities and personality. By studying Ingram's papers it is\n         possible to trace him through a maze of editing and publishing\n         and to watch him, step by step, slowly amass his great fund of\n         information about Poe. One can see him make mistakes and\n         achieve triumphs as he accepts, rejects, and fuses information\n         to be included in his numerous publications on Poe. Then, too,\n         it is still possible to catch fresh glimpses of Poe himself in\n         this collection, for Ingram did not publish all of the\n         memories of Poe set down in the letters he received. Some of\n         these recollections Ingram deliberately shielded from public\n         view, but they are no more apocryphal than many of the\n         recollections he chose to believe and to publish; some of the\n         records Ingram received he suppressed from delicacy alone.","A number of scholarly papers, theses, and doctoral\n         dissertations have been based on this collection of Poe\n         papers, making almost all the more important items and\n         clusters of items more readily available to other scholars.\n         The complete collection has made possible another kind of\n         study, by an examination of Ingram's biographies and editions\n         of Poe, in conjunction with the rough materials from which he\n         shaped them, it has been possible to make a just evaluation of\n         Ingram's place among Poe biographers and editors and to\n         demonstrate exactly what and how many important contributions\n         he made to the peculiarly difficult field of Poe scholarship.\n         Finally, and by no means least important, is the fact that,\n         since Ingram's work on Poe covered nearly his whole life span,\n         it has been possible for the first time to trace in the great\n         mass of his papers a thread of the biography of this\n         nineteenth-century professional editor and biographer to whom\n         the writer of every signifcant work about Poe since 1874 has\n         been directly and heavily indebted."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eA calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n         photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n         concerning \n          Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n          John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n         by \n          John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n         and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSecond Edition by John E. Reilly\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eTo the Memory of John Carl Miller\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIntroduction:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn 1922 the \n          University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n          John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n         $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n         biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n         acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n         manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n         newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n         totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n         University made the Collection available to serious students\n         of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n          Alderman Library until, in the late\n         1940's, \n          John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n         student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n         mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n         more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n         of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n         Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n         his 1954 doctoral dissertation, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's English Biographer,\n          John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n         and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.\u003c/title\u003e Six\n         years later the University published the first edition of\n         Professor Miller's \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eJohn Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n            of Virginia.\u003c/title\u003e This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n         checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n         the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n         calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n         Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n         calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n         served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n         entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n         same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n         to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n         Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n         edition. The first of these volumes, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBuilding Poe Biography,\u003c/title\u003e was published by Louisiana State University Press\n         in 1977, and the second volume, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003ePoe's Helen Remembers,\u003c/title\u003e appeared two years later from the \n          University Press of Virginia. In\n         declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n         in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n         prepared.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAt the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n         only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n         but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n         the \n          University of Virginia almost two decades\n         earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n         that the present volume carries to its conclusion.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n         unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n         a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n         manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n         a brief account of its content.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["A calendar and index of letters and other manuscripts,\n         photographs, printed matter, and biographical source materials\n         concerning \n          Edgar Allan Poe assembled by \n          John Henry Ingram, with prefatory essay\n         by \n          John Carl Miller on Ingram as a Poe editor\n         and biographer and as a collector of Poe materials.","Second Edition by John E. Reilly","To the Memory of John Carl Miller","Introduction:","In 1922 the \n          University of Virginia paid the heirs of \n          John Henry Ingram the munificent sum of\n         $800 for the materials Ingram had assembled for his work as\n         biographer, editor, and stalwart (i.e., feisty) champion of \n          Edgar Allan Poe. What the University\n         acquired is an unparalleled collection of letters and other\n         manuscripts, of photographs and daguerreotypes, and of\n         newspaper clippings and various other printed materials\n         totaling altogether more than a thousand items. Although the\n         University made the Collection available to serious students\n         of Poe, the contents remained uncatalogued at the \n          Alderman Library until, in the late\n         1940's, \n          John Carl Miller, then a graduate\n         student, undertook the chore of sorting and classifying the\n         mass of material. As it happened, the chore proved to be even\n         more than a labor of love: it marked for Miller the beginning\n         of a life-long interest both in Ingram and in the materials\n         Ingram had compiled. The first fruit of Miller's interest was\n         his 1954 doctoral dissertation,  Poe's English Biographer,\n          John Henry Ingram : A Biographical Account\n         and a Study of His Contributions to Poe Scholarship.  Six\n         years later the University published the first edition of\n         Professor Miller's  John Henry Ingram's Poe Collection at the University\n            of Virginia.  This little book was a \"calendar\" or chronological\n         checklist of the Collection providing a brief description of\n         the content of each item. Professor Miller prefaced the\n         calendar with his essay on Ingram as \"Editor, Biographer, and\n         Collector of Poe Materials\" and furnished access to the\n         calendar through an index. In the mid-1960's Professor Miller\n         served as an advisor to the University's project of making the\n         entire Collection available on nine reels of microfilm. At the\n         same time, however, Professor Miller was laying his own plans\n         to make \"the more important primary source materials\" used by\n         Ingram even more available in a multi-volume annotated\n         edition. The first of these volumes,  Building Poe Biography,  was published by Louisiana State University Press\n         in 1977, and the second volume,  Poe's Helen Remembers,  appeared two years later from the \n          University Press of Virginia. In\n         declining health for a number of years, Professor Miller died\n         in October 1979, before any other volumes could be\n         prepared.","At the time of his death, Professor Miller was at work not\n         only on his annotated edition of materials in the Collection\n         but also on the second edition of the calendar published by\n         the \n          University of Virginia almost two decades\n         earlier. It is his work on the second edition of the calendar\n         that the present volume carries to its conclusion.","The format of the entries in the calendar is similarly\n         unchanged: two paragraphs are devoted to each item, the first\n         a bibliographical (if that word can be extended to included\n         manuscripts) description of the item and the second paragraph\n         a brief account of its content."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1053,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:44:20.390Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00220_c01_c277"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"Alexandria Library","value":"Alexandria 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