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In 1919, he was assigned as resident lecturer to the new Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health. In 1929, he resigned from the United States Public Health Service in order to serve full-time as professor of epidemiology at Johns Hopkins University. From 1931 to 1934, he was Dean of Johns Hopkins University School of Hygiene and Public Health.\n\u003cbr\u003e\nWade Hampton Frost was a pioneer in the study of water pollution. He also conducted important research on poliomyelitis, yellow fever, influenza, diptheria, and tuberculosis. Throughout his professional life, Frost emphasized development of the epidemiological method in the investigation of disease. His work helped transform epidemiology from a descriptive to an analytic science and contributed to the establishment of epidemiology as a distinct field of medical research.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["A 1903 medical alumnus of the University of Virginia, Wade Hampton Frost (1880-1938) was a surgeon with the United States Public Health Service from 1905 to 1929. In 1919, he was assigned as resident lecturer to the new Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health. In 1929, he resigned from the United States Public Health Service in order to serve full-time as professor of epidemiology at Johns Hopkins University. From 1931 to 1934, he was Dean of Johns Hopkins University School of Hygiene and Public Health.\n \nWade Hampton Frost was a pioneer in the study of water pollution. He also conducted important research on poliomyelitis, yellow fever, influenza, diptheria, and tuberculosis. Throughout his professional life, Frost emphasized development of the epidemiological method in the investigation of disease. His work helped transform epidemiology from a descriptive to an analytic science and contributed to the establishment of epidemiology as a distinct field of medical research."],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by: Historical Collections Staff"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eWade Hampton Frost Papers, 1880-1938; 1938-1984, MS-2, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Wade Hampton Frost Papers, 1880-1938; 1938-1984, MS-2, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Wade Hampton Frost papers includes assorted material about the professional and personal life of Wade Hampton Frost from 1880 to 1938. Also included are research notes and information collected by Frost's daughter, Susan Frost Parrish, from the time of his death in 1938 to 1984. Parrish donated her findings to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library and assisted in the processing of the collection.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFinding Aid by M. Alison White\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information","Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["The Wade Hampton Frost papers includes assorted material about the professional and personal life of Wade Hampton Frost from 1880 to 1938. Also included are research notes and information collected by Frost's daughter, Susan Frost Parrish, from the time of his death in 1938 to 1984. Parrish donated her findings to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library and assisted in the processing of the collection.","Finding Aid by M. Alison White"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eHistorical Collections and Services houses seventeen boxes of Wade Hampton Frost materials. The Frost Papers include personal and official correspondence, photographs, scientific publications, newspaper articles, taped interviews, and assorted memorabilia pertaining to Wade Hampton Frost and his family. Frost's daughter, Susan Frost Parrish, donated the collection to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library in 1984 with added research notes. (It is noted that the maiden name of Susan Frost Parrish is Susan Haxall Frost which is also her mother's name. She is entered in our collection as Susan Frost Parrish).\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["Historical Collections and Services houses seventeen boxes of Wade Hampton Frost materials. The Frost Papers include personal and official correspondence, photographs, scientific publications, newspaper articles, taped interviews, and assorted memorabilia pertaining to Wade Hampton Frost and his family. Frost's daughter, Susan Frost Parrish, donated the collection to the Claude Moore Health Sciences Library in 1984 with added research notes. (It is noted that the maiden name of Susan Frost Parrish is Susan Haxall Frost which is also her mother's name. She is entered in our collection as Susan Frost Parrish)."],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo restrictions\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["No restrictions"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":658,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:51:38.478Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_113_c555"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111_c20","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"HENRY ROSE CARTER, CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE STATE OF LOUISANA BOARD OF HEALTH, DRS. G. FARRAR PATTON AND EDMOND SOUCHON","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_111_c20#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111_c20","ref_ssm":["viu_repositories_7_resources_111_c20"],"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111_c20","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","parent_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","parent_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_111"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_repositories_7_resources_111"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Henry Rose Carter papers"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Henry Rose Carter papers"],"text":["Henry Rose Carter papers","HENRY ROSE CARTER, CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE STATE OF LOUISANA BOARD OF HEALTH, DRS. G. FARRAR PATTON AND EDMOND SOUCHON","box 01","folder 021"],"title_filing_ssi":"HENRY ROSE CARTER, CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE STATE OF LOUISANA BOARD OF HEALTH, DRS. G. FARRAR PATTON AND EDMOND SOUCHON","title_ssm":["HENRY ROSE CARTER, CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE STATE OF LOUISANA BOARD OF HEALTH, DRS. G. FARRAR PATTON AND EDMOND SOUCHON"],"title_tesim":["HENRY ROSE CARTER, CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE STATE OF LOUISANA BOARD OF HEALTH, DRS. G. FARRAR PATTON AND EDMOND SOUCHON"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1898/08/09; 1898/0909"],"normalized_date_ssm":["909/1898"],"normalized_title_ssm":["HENRY ROSE CARTER, CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE STATE OF LOUISANA BOARD OF HEALTH, DRS. G. 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01","folder 021"],"_nest_path_":"/components#19","timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:47:33.962Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","_root_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_7_resources_111","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_7_resources_111.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/96","title_ssm":["Henry Rose Carter papers"],"title_tesim":["Henry Rose Carter papers"],"unitdate_ssm":["1775-1947"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["1775-1947"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MS.10","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/111"],"text":["MS.10","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/111","Henry Rose Carter papers","5.25 linear feet","No Restrictions","The collection has been organized into four groups. The bulk of the documents are arranged in chronological order, following these are folders of photographs. Reprints have been arranged by author's last name, and a final grouping contains oversize items--diplomas, etc.--and artifacts.","\nHenry Rose Carter was born on Clifton Plantation, Caroline County, Virginia, August 25, 1851 or 1852. He attended Aspen Hill Academy in Louisa County, Virginia, and completed studies there in 1868. After teaching in a boys school in Nelson County, Virginia, he entered the University of Virginia, where he earned proficiency certificates in Mineralogy and Geology, and in Physics, and a diploma from the School of Pure Mathematics in June of 1872. In July 1873, he earned diplomas from the Schools of General and Industrial Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Applied Mathematics, and Civil Engineering. Subsequently Carter pursued an interest in Medicine, and he recieved an M.D. degree from the University of Maryland in March of 1879. That year he joined the Marine Hospital Service (later the United States Public Health Service) and over his career ascended through the ranks to become Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\n","\nInitial postings with the Service took him to Cairo, Illinois -- where he met and married Laura Hook, of St. Louis, Missouri, on September 29, 1880 -- Memphis, Tennessee; San Francisco, California; and New Orleans, Louisiana. The Service detailed him as a quarantine officer to Ship Island, Mississippi in 1888, and here began his researches with yellow fever, which he would quickly refine to an extremely high level of expertise. Carter's thorough and methodical observations of the appearance and development of the disease proved critical to Dr. Walter Reed's landmark demonstration of the mosquito transmission of yellow fever in 1900. Assigned to Cuba in 1899, Carter's tour of duty overlapped with those of Reed and the other members of the famous United States Army Yellow Fever Commission, who were able to learn first-hand of Carter's most recent conclusions.\n","\nCarter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He also undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921.\n","\nHealth problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter, edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\n","Processed by: Historical Collections Staff Funding: Web version of the finding aid funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Finding aid by: Henry K. Sharp","Transfered 15 March 1983 from Alderman Special Collections. The collection was re-processed and entered into the Department's Manuscripts database (Access) in May of 2002. Processed by Henry K. Sharp of the Historical Collections and Services Department.","\nThe Carter Papers include correspondence relating to Carter's work on yellow fever and malaria as a surgeon in the Marine Health Service (later United States Public Health Service) and notes for drafts of his  Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.  (Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931). Included are photographs of and newspaper clippings about Carter, in addition to a small collection of reprints and publications by Carter and others. Also included is the correspondence of his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter with Frederick F. Russell and other members of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, Wade Hampton Frost, of Johns Hopkins University, and others concerning her collaboration with Frost in the editing and publication of Carter's book. Also included are a series of eighteenth-century to mid-nineteenth-century documents principally belonging to Carter's great-grandfather, George Mason, of Spotsylvania and Caroline Counties, Virginia and to Mary Ann Brown, sister of Carter's mother.\n","Special Note: This collection should be consulted in conjunction with the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, MS 1 (and in online version: http://yellowfever.lib.virginia.edu), containing a substantial complementary deposit of Henry Rose Carter papers.\n","No Restrictions","Claude Moore Health Sciences Library","English"],"unitid_tesim":["MS.10","Archival Resource Key","/repositories/7/resources/111"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Henry Rose Carter papers"],"collection_title_tesim":["Henry Rose Carter papers"],"collection_ssim":["Henry Rose Carter papers"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"access_terms_ssm":["No Restrictions"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["5.25 linear feet"],"extent_ssm":["4.25 Linear Feet"],"extent_tesim":["4.25 Linear Feet"],"date_range_isim":[1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827,1828,1829,1830,1831,1832,1833,1834,1835,1836,1837,1838,1839,1840,1841,1842,1843,1844,1845,1846,1847,1848,1849,1850,1851,1852,1853,1854,1855,1856,1857,1858,1859,1860,1861,1862,1863,1864,1865,1866,1867,1868,1869,1870,1871,1872,1873,1874,1875,1876,1877,1878,1879,1880,1881,1882,1883,1884,1885,1886,1887,1888,1889,1890,1891,1892,1893,1894,1895,1896,1897,1898,1899,1900,1901,1902,1903,1904,1905,1906,1907,1908,1909,1910,1911,1912,1913,1914,1915,1916,1917,1918,1919,1920,1921,1922,1923,1924,1925,1926,1927,1928,1929,1930,1931,1932,1933,1934,1935,1936,1937,1938,1939,1940,1941,1942,1943,1944,1945,1946,1947],"accessrestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo Restrictions\u003c/p\u003e"],"accessrestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Access"],"accessrestrict_tesim":["No Restrictions"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe collection has been organized into four groups. The bulk of the documents are arranged in chronological order, following these are folders of photographs. Reprints have been arranged by author's last name, and a final grouping contains oversize items--diplomas, etc.--and artifacts.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Arrangement"],"arrangement_tesim":["The collection has been organized into four groups. The bulk of the documents are arranged in chronological order, following these are folders of photographs. Reprints have been arranged by author's last name, and a final grouping contains oversize items--diplomas, etc.--and artifacts."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nHenry Rose Carter was born on Clifton Plantation, Caroline County, Virginia, August 25, 1851 or 1852. He attended Aspen Hill Academy in Louisa County, Virginia, and completed studies there in 1868. After teaching in a boys school in Nelson County, Virginia, he entered the University of Virginia, where he earned proficiency certificates in Mineralogy and Geology, and in Physics, and a diploma from the School of Pure Mathematics in June of 1872. In July 1873, he earned diplomas from the Schools of General and Industrial Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Applied Mathematics, and Civil Engineering. Subsequently Carter pursued an interest in Medicine, and he recieved an M.D. degree from the University of Maryland in March of 1879. That year he joined the Marine Hospital Service (later the United States Public Health Service) and over his career ascended through the ranks to become Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\n\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nInitial postings with the Service took him to Cairo, Illinois -- where he met and married Laura Hook, of St. Louis, Missouri, on September 29, 1880 -- Memphis, Tennessee; San Francisco, California; and New Orleans, Louisiana. The Service detailed him as a quarantine officer to Ship Island, Mississippi in 1888, and here began his researches with yellow fever, which he would quickly refine to an extremely high level of expertise. Carter's thorough and methodical observations of the appearance and development of the disease proved critical to Dr. Walter Reed's landmark demonstration of the mosquito transmission of yellow fever in 1900. Assigned to Cuba in 1899, Carter's tour of duty overlapped with those of Reed and the other members of the famous United States Army Yellow Fever Commission, who were able to learn first-hand of Carter's most recent conclusions.\n\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nCarter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He also undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921.\n\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\nHealth problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter, edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\n\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical / Historical"],"bioghist_tesim":["\nHenry Rose Carter was born on Clifton Plantation, Caroline County, Virginia, August 25, 1851 or 1852. He attended Aspen Hill Academy in Louisa County, Virginia, and completed studies there in 1868. After teaching in a boys school in Nelson County, Virginia, he entered the University of Virginia, where he earned proficiency certificates in Mineralogy and Geology, and in Physics, and a diploma from the School of Pure Mathematics in June of 1872. In July 1873, he earned diplomas from the Schools of General and Industrial Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Applied Mathematics, and Civil Engineering. Subsequently Carter pursued an interest in Medicine, and he recieved an M.D. degree from the University of Maryland in March of 1879. That year he joined the Marine Hospital Service (later the United States Public Health Service) and over his career ascended through the ranks to become Assistant Surgeon General in 1915.\n","\nInitial postings with the Service took him to Cairo, Illinois -- where he met and married Laura Hook, of St. Louis, Missouri, on September 29, 1880 -- Memphis, Tennessee; San Francisco, California; and New Orleans, Louisiana. The Service detailed him as a quarantine officer to Ship Island, Mississippi in 1888, and here began his researches with yellow fever, which he would quickly refine to an extremely high level of expertise. Carter's thorough and methodical observations of the appearance and development of the disease proved critical to Dr. Walter Reed's landmark demonstration of the mosquito transmission of yellow fever in 1900. Assigned to Cuba in 1899, Carter's tour of duty overlapped with those of Reed and the other members of the famous United States Army Yellow Fever Commission, who were able to learn first-hand of Carter's most recent conclusions.\n","\nCarter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in 1904, where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years. He also undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in 1920-1921.\n","\nHealth problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians. Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter, edited and published posthumously in 1931: Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\n"],"odd_html_tesm":["\u003clist type=\"deflist\"\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eProcessed by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHistorical Collections Staff\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eFunding:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eWeb version of the finding aid funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n      \u003cdefitem\u003e\n        \u003clabel\u003eFinding aid by:\u003c/label\u003e\n        \u003citem\u003eHenry K. Sharp\u003c/item\u003e\n      \u003c/defitem\u003e\n    \u003c/list\u003e"],"odd_heading_ssm":["General"],"odd_tesim":["Processed by: Historical Collections Staff Funding: Web version of the finding aid funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Finding aid by: Henry K. Sharp"],"prefercite_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eHenry Rose Carter Papers, 1775-1947, MS-10, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia\u003c/p\u003e"],"prefercite_tesim":["Henry Rose Carter Papers, 1775-1947, MS-10, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Historical Collections and Services, University of Virginia"],"processinfo_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eTransfered 15 March 1983 from Alderman Special Collections. The collection was re-processed and entered into the Department's Manuscripts database (Access) in May of 2002. Processed by Henry K. Sharp of the Historical Collections and Services Department.\u003c/p\u003e"],"processinfo_heading_ssm":["Processing Information"],"processinfo_tesim":["Transfered 15 March 1983 from Alderman Special Collections. The collection was re-processed and entered into the Department's Manuscripts database (Access) in May of 2002. Processed by Henry K. Sharp of the Historical Collections and Services Department."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003e\nThe Carter Papers include correspondence relating to Carter's work on yellow fever and malaria as a surgeon in the Marine Health Service (later United States Public Health Service) and notes for drafts of his\u003ctitle render=\"italic\"\u003e Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.\u003c/title\u003e (Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931). Included are photographs of and newspaper clippings about Carter, in addition to a small collection of reprints and publications by Carter and others. Also included is the correspondence of his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter with Frederick F. Russell and other members of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, Wade Hampton Frost, of Johns Hopkins University, and others concerning her collaboration with Frost in the editing and publication of Carter's book. Also included are a series of eighteenth-century to mid-nineteenth-century documents principally belonging to Carter's great-grandfather, George Mason, of Spotsylvania and Caroline Counties, Virginia and to Mary Ann Brown, sister of Carter's mother.\n\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n\u003cemph render=\"bold\"\u003eSpecial Note:\u003c/emph\u003eThis collection should be consulted in conjunction with the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, MS 1 (and in online version: http://yellowfever.lib.virginia.edu), containing a substantial complementary deposit of Henry Rose Carter papers.\n\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Contents"],"scopecontent_tesim":["\nThe Carter Papers include correspondence relating to Carter's work on yellow fever and malaria as a surgeon in the Marine Health Service (later United States Public Health Service) and notes for drafts of his  Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin.  (Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1931). Included are photographs of and newspaper clippings about Carter, in addition to a small collection of reprints and publications by Carter and others. Also included is the correspondence of his daughter, Laura Armistead Carter with Frederick F. Russell and other members of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, Wade Hampton Frost, of Johns Hopkins University, and others concerning her collaboration with Frost in the editing and publication of Carter's book. Also included are a series of eighteenth-century to mid-nineteenth-century documents principally belonging to Carter's great-grandfather, George Mason, of Spotsylvania and Caroline Counties, Virginia and to Mary Ann Brown, sister of Carter's mother.\n","Special Note: This collection should be consulted in conjunction with the Philip S. Hench Walter Reed Yellow Fever Collection, Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, Department of Historical Collections and Services, MS 1 (and in online version: http://yellowfever.lib.virginia.edu), containing a substantial complementary deposit of Henry Rose Carter papers.\n"],"userestrict_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eNo Restrictions\u003c/p\u003e"],"userestrict_heading_ssm":["Conditions Governing Use"],"userestrict_tesim":["No Restrictions"],"names_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"corpname_ssim":["Claude Moore Health Sciences Library"],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":150,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-04-30T22:47:33.962Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_7_resources_111_c20"}},{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_613","type":"collection","attributes":{"title":"Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret","abstract_or_scope":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_613#abstract_or_scope","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":"\u003cp\u003eLeaf from a manuscript Book of Hours in Latin with a miniature of St. Margaret, France, late 15th century.\u003c/p\u003e","label":"Abstract Or Scope"}},"breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_repositories_3_resources_613#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"id":"viu_repositories_3_resources_613","ead_ssi":"viu_repositories_3_resources_613","_root_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_613","_nest_parent_":"viu_repositories_3_resources_613","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/oai/UVA/repositories_3_resources_613.xml","aspace_url_ssi":"https://archives.lib.virginia.edu/ark:/59853/135673","title_filing_ssi":"Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret","title_ssm":["Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret"],"title_tesim":["Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret"],"unitdate_ssm":["circa 1450-1500"],"unitdate_inclusive_ssm":["circa 1450-1500"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Item","Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["MSS 16355","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/613"],"text":["MSS 16355","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/613","Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret","Illuminated manuscripts","Collection is open for research use.","1 leaf on vellum, 146 x 95 mm, written on both sideswith illuminated borders, initial, and miniature of St. Margaret","Leaf from a manuscript Book of Hours in Latin with a miniature of St. Margaret, France, late 15th century.","Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library","Latin"],"unitid_tesim":["MSS 16355","Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","Previous Archival Resource Key","/repositories/3/resources/613"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret"],"collection_title_tesim":["Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret"],"collection_ssim":["Manuscript leaf with a miniature of St. Margaret"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["Phillip J. 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Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Records"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Records"],"text":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","Records","Miscellaneous correspondence\n                  \"Ce-Co\"","box Box 40"],"title_filing_ssi":"Miscellaneous correspondence\n                  \"Ce-Co\"","title_ssm":["Miscellaneous correspondence\n                  \"Ce-Co\""],"title_tesim":["Miscellaneous correspondence\n                  \"Ce-Co\""],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1900, 1903, (Feb. -Dec. 1094)"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1094/1903"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Miscellaneous correspondence\n                  \"Ce-Co\""],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          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Box 40"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#440","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu00917","ead_ssi":"viu_viu00917","_root_":"viu_viu00917","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu00917","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu00917.xml","title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["662"],"text":["662","Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927","95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes","The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.","The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.","The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.","English"],"unitid_tesim":["662"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_title_tesim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"collection_ssim":["Papers of the Low Moor Iron Company \n          1873-1927"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was purchased from Green Bookman in\n            1939."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["95 linear feer + 1200\n         volumes"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eAs noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThese steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eSome consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eA certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project.\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The word \"organization\" is used here with considerable\n         diffidence, for any researcher studying the container list\n         that follows will realize quickly that there is no\n         organization in the usual sense of the word.","As noted under \"Provenance,\" the Low Moor Iron Company\n         papers were subjected to a number of moves; when processing\n         began in the fall of 1976, no discernible scheme of\n         organization could be determined.","The first step was to review the series of coded numbers\n         placed on the bundles of papers before they were moved to\n         the dormitory attic, but these did not provide any sort of\n         useful organization. Next, the spine titles of the original\n         letter boxes were reviewed (they had been copied onto the\n         gray cardboard sheets before the move to the dormitory\n         attic), but they, too, proved useless.","These steps having provided no scheme, and after a\n         considerable hiatus due to a turnover in student processors\n         on the collection, the new student processors were\n         instructed to begin a box-by-box inventory of the contents\n         of the collection. During this inventory, old folders were\n         replaced with acid-free ones, and the original folder\n         headings were copied onto the new ones. Some removal of\n         paper clips was accomplished, and the materials were\n         reviewed and notes taken for the guide.","Some consolidation of materials was accomplished, and in\n         other cases, materials were moved. This work has created\n         some problems in the numbering of the boxes. Thus, the\n         researchers will find boxes marked \"6A\" and \"23C\"; he will\n         also discover that certain box numbers have been entirely\n         omitted. As the box numbers exist only to aid in the\n         location of material, it was not felt that the unusual\n         numbers and the omissions would cause problems in working\n         with the papers.","A certain amount of movement of boxes within the\n         collection, and of materials among boxes, probably would\n         ease use of it. But what processing was accomplished on\n         this project took far longer than had been anticipated, and\n         there was no time in the late spring of 1978, when the\n         processors had to complete their work with the project, to\n         undertake a mass movement of material. Thus, they stand in\n         the order in which we found them at the beginning of the\n         project."],"bioghist_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eCoal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003ePerhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026amp; O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026amp; O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n         \u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo Mr. George Wickes \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eSupt. of Mines \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eKay Moor, Virginia \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDear George, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eTony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSigned, \n            \u003clb\u003e\u003c/lb\u003eEd D. Wickes Supt. of Mines\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/blockquote\u003eLow Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhen America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eWhy did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n         \u003cbibref type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003e\u003ctitle type=\"simple\" href=\"\"\u003eManufacturers Record\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/bibref\u003edated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eDuring the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eIn examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eLow Moor Iron Company Personnel:\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eExecutive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eFactory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919.\u003c/p\u003e"],"bioghist_heading_ssm":["Biographical/Historical Information"],"bioghist_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company, the first producer of pig\n         iron in Virginia according to the company's claims, was a\n         self-contained manufacturing unit producing from its own\n         mines the coal, limestone, and iron ore needed for its iron\n         production. Located in Low Moor near Clifton Forge in\n         Alleghany County in western Virginia, an area rich in\n         mineral deposits, the company was in operation from\n         1872-1930, producing only pig iron; it never attempted to\n         produce finished iron products.","Coal came to the Low Moor furnaces from the Kay Moor\n         Mines at Kay Moor, West Virginia, about thirty miles from\n         Low Moor; limestone was produced from the Low Moor\n         limestone quarries; and iron ore came from the Fenwick,\n         Dolly Ann, Jordan, Rich Patch, Low Moor, and Longdale\n         Mines, most of them within twenty miles of Low Moor at\n         Covington or Clifton Forge.","The towns of Low Moor and Kay Moor were company towns in\n         every respect. Workers lived in company-owned houses,\n         bought food in company stores, worshiped at the company\n         church, saw movies in the company theater, were treated in\n         the company hospital, and were buried in the company\n         cemetery. Workers received part of their pay in scrip that\n         they exchanged for goods and services. According to a\n         statement from the Kay Moor Mines dated November 1904, Kay\n         Moor then employed 338 people, paid them an average wage of\n         $36.26 per month, and issued half of their pay in scrip.\n         Kay Moor had four stores; Low Moor had seven or eight. All\n         of these stores carried large inventories which are\n         detailed in the collection. These inventories are valuable\n         to anyone interested in determining the wants and needs of\n         a coal miner and his family.","In the late 1910's and 1920's Kay Moor had a company\n         theater called the Azure Theater which seated about 300\n         people. There were also plans for a company-owned social\n         center, to have pool tables, a soda fountain, and\n         provisions for dancing and skating. The company was in\n         tough economic straits by the 1920's, however, and there is\n         no evidence that the social center was built. The town of\n         Low Moor was so completely under the company's influence\n         that one of Low Moor Iron Company's assistant managers\n         served as the town sheriff. He often foreclosed on people\n         who did not pay their debts, and drove troublesome people\n         \"out of town on a rail\" as he put it.","The Low Moor Iron Company's fortunes fluctuated during\n         the various business cycles between the years 1880-1930.\n         Low Moor was one of the larger pig iron producers in\n         Virginia, but Virginia pig iron production was not\n         important nationally. Low Moor officials sometimes sold\n         their product themselves, but more often they used agents,\n         the prevalent method at the time. Low Moor Iron Company\n         used a variety of agents through the 1900's. James F. Bryan\n         acted as the exclusive agent for the sale of Kay Moor Coal\n         from September 21, 1903 to September, 1905. From about 1890\n         until about 1910 Dalton Nash and Company were the exclusive\n         eastern agents of Low Moor Iron. After that time the\n         exclusive agency went to Philips Isham and Company located\n         in New York. From about 1890 the western agency was handled\n         chiefly by Thomas Mack and Company. After 1902 Thomas Mack\n         and Company underwent a name change, becoming Walter\n         Wallingford and Company, with offices located in\n         Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, and Chicago.","Perhaps the Low Moor Iron Company's biggest problem over\n         the years was obtaining railroad cars for the\n         transportation of its finished product. Low Moor Iron\n         Company had its own cars for transporting its raw materials\n         among its various facilities. For the long haul necessary\n         for its finished goods, however, it depended upon the\n         services of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad, and the\n         relationship was not always a happy one. The Low Moor\n         Company complained many times to the C \u0026 O Railroad\n         about the discrepancies between long-and shorthaul freight\n         rates. Low Moor also had trouble getting cars from the C\n         \u0026 O. In a letter to one of Low Moor Company's agents\n         from an irate customer dated 1898, the customer wrote: \"We\n         wrote you on Saturday and endeavored to question upon your\n         mind the necessity of taking care of us with Low Moor iron.\n         We are on our uppers--there is not a pound of Low Moor iron\n         in the yard. Of the one hundred tons ordered some time ago,\n         not one pound of it has been received.\" This was, according\n         to the Low Moor Iron Company, because they could not get\n         the railroad cars. In a letter from Thomas Mack and Company\n         dated November 26, 1901, to General Manager E. C. Means:\n         \"We are hopeful that the car supply will get better because\n         of the number of orders you have of ours for prompt\n         shipment. Our customers are complaining that they are not\n         getting the iron fast enough. . . . We hope that the\n         railroad will be able to supply you with empty cars.\" In\n         another letter dated 1916 to John B. Guernsey, then acting\n         General Manager of the Low Moor Iron Company, \"We were not\n         supplied with coke cars for today's loading, and\n         consequently we have been practically down of Kay Moor\n         ovens all day.\"","The problem of procuring labor also plagued the Low Moor\n         Company. The company sometimes tried to hire immigrant\n         laborers and send the men directly to Low Moor from New\n         York City. There were problems with this, as is explained\n         in the following letter dated April 7, 1906: \n          To Mr. George Wickes \n             Supt. of Mines \n             Kay Moor, Virginia \n             Dear George, \n             Tony arrived with twenty one men last night. One\n            got away in Jersey two in Washington D.C., four in\n            Charlottesville. Some of the men are very good looking,\n            but taken as a whole they are the worst lot I have ever\n            seen: Irish, German-Jews, and Italians. . . . Our New\n            York transportations to this place have never been a\n            success. Signed, \n             Ed D. Wickes Supt. of Mines Low Moor usually employed labor agencies, one\n         of which was Atwood's Employment Agency. Often the Low Moor\n         Company would request certain nationalities, believing them\n         to be better workers than others. Sometimes the company\n         would request a gang of twenty made up of \"ten Greeks and\n         ten Italians.\" Many of the immigrants fled Low Moor and Kay\n         Moor when they learned that they would have to work\n         underground. There is a fair amount of material on\n         immigrant labor and its procurement in the collection, and\n         it is noted in the description of the box contents.","Low Moor Iron Company not only had trouble procuring\n         labor, but it also had trouble with labor already employed\n         in the mines and at the factory. Labor dissension and\n         strikes troubled the Kay Moor Mines through the 1900's. The\n         great coal strike of 1902 hurt the Low Moor Company's coal\n         mining operation, but by 1903 things were \"nearly back to\n         normal\" according to the mine superintendent. There was\n         still trouble at Kay Moor Mines, however. In a letter dated\n         April 26, 1906, to the treasurer of Low Moor Company, the\n         manager of the mines wrote about the trouble in \"trying to\n         get the agitators out.\" The mines were seventy-five men\n         short of the total labor force needed because many of the\n         coal miners returned to their farms during the spring.\n         There were rumblings of another strike at Kay Moor, the\n         result of which was to be a fourteen percent increase in\n         wages for the Kay Moor Mine workers via an agreement with\n         the United Mine Workers Union in December.","The Low Moor Iron Company grew along with the rest of\n         Virginia industry in the 1890's and 1900's. Starting with\n         only one furnace in the 1870's, it opened a second furnace\n         at Covington, Virginia, in 1891. In 1911 it opened a third\n         furnace, this time at Low Moor. Covington, with its heavy\n         industry, soon became known as the \"Pittsburgh of\n         Virginia.\" Virginia's pig iron production rose from 9,000\n         short tons in 1870 to 544,034 long tons in 1903. Judging\n         from the Low Moor Company's correspondence, the most\n         prosperous period for the company fell between the years\n         1895-1907. In the years between 1907-1917 problems befell\n         the Virginia pig iron industry. In a letter from William W.\n         Hearns, the president of the Virginia based Princess Pig\n         Iron Company, to U. S. Senator Thomas S. Martin, Hearns\n         writes of the problems of the Virginia pig iron industry:\n         \"There is not a blast furnace in Virginia that is making\n         any money from the manufacture of pig iron. The cause of\n         this is there is an exceedingly low price on pig iron in\n         the country at the present time, and the increased cost of\n         manufacturing is due to the increase in wages in all\n         lines.\" With the outbreak of World War I prices rose\n         dramatically, but in a market report to Low Moor dated\n         November 11, 1916, it was stated that: \"In spite of the\n         high prices, it is not a picnic to be in the iron industry.\n         There is a desperate shortage of cars and equipment in the\n         coal and iron districts, and in consequence there are\n         troubles of all kinds to get materials shipped. The\n         situation has grown serious.\"","When America became involved in the First World War, it\n         meant a boost for the Low Moor Iron Company. The government\n         helped it procure labor, and even helped it repair its\n         furnaces. The problem of supplies and cars for their\n         shipments, however, plagued the company more than ever. It\n         had a good deal of trouble getting all the raw materials it\n         needed due chiefly to the \"tight ship\" run by Harry F.\n         Byrd, Sr., U.S. Fuel Administrator for Virginia. After the\n         war very serious problems began to trouble the Low Moor\n         Iron Company. The demand for iron fell precipitously and a\n         short but severe depression ensued from 1919-1922. The\n         depression seemed to hit the iron industry especially hard.\n         Prices took a huge drop due to the lack of demand, and many\n         pre-war contracts had to be revalued. To compound the\n         company's problems, the Kay Moor Mines went on strike in\n         1919. This strike was quickly settled, as the market for\n         coal was so good that the Low Moor Company ceased taking\n         orders temporarily in 1921 as it could not fill the orders\n         it had on hand.","The Low Moor Company furnaces lay idle for some twenty\n         months. Finally, in November 1922 one of Low Moor's\n         furnaces was finally fired up. While prosperity gradually\n         returned to the rest of the country, the Low Moor Iron\n         Company never recovered. Production of pig iron in the\n         Virginia iron industry declined from 544,034 tons in 1903\n         to 148,053 tons in 1923, considered a good year for the\n         industry as a whole. In February 1926 Low Moor officials\n         talked of merging with two other iron companies in order to\n         revive the iron business for the three companies. The\n         merger, however, never occurred. By late 1926 the company\n         was in the process of liquidation. An advertisement in the\n         Charleston, West Virginia, Daily Mail dated April 30, 1927,\n         told of a huge warehouse sale at the Low Moor Iron Company.\n         The advertisement noted \"thousands of screws, pipe\n         fittings, valves, etc.\" The last piece of correspondence\n         from the Low Moor Iron Company in the collection is dated\n         1929. It deals with the sale of a machine.","Why did the iron industry in Virginia decline as it did?\n         Some say that lack of speed, efficiency, and a decent\n         transportation system for Alleghany County caused it. In a\n         letter from C. E. Bertie, secretary of the Virginia Pig\n         Iron Association, to the \n          Manufacturers Record dated 1925, Bertie claimed that it was the\n         tremendous rise in the cost of transportation. Virginia, he\n         claimed, had almost no home market. Over 80% of its normal\n         production was shipped out to other states. The failure of\n         the Interstate Commerce Commission to treat Virginia\n         furnaces as southern furnaces was the cause of much of the\n         trouble. From 1914-1925 there were four blanket increases\n         in freight rates in the country, of which only one applied\n         equally to all localities. Southern furnaces were received\n         only two increases--a 25% increase in 1918 and a 25%\n         increase in 1920--but northern furnaces had had 5%, 15%,\n         25%, and 40% increases in their transportation costs.\n         Virginia furnaces, although recognized as southern\n         furnaces, had had freight rates increased in line with the\n         northern furnaces. Prior to the war Virginia iron reached\n         all points in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois on a\n         competitive basis with southern furnaces. After World War I\n         the advantage was limited to a small portion of\n         southeastern Ohio. All of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan\n         were now lost to the Virginia producers. The Virginia\n         producer, according to Bertie, felt that the freight rates\n         should be restored to a relationship with southern\n         furnaces. If what Bertie said was true, the other southern\n         states iron industries should not have been in the same\n         desperate economic straits as Virginia's, and statistics\n         should support this. In the 1920's production rose to new\n         heights in Alabama. In Tennessee, however, iron production\n         plunged to new lows during the 1920's. While the south\n         accounted for 10.2% of the entire U. S. production in the\n         years 1919-1924, Virginia accounted for less than 1% during\n         those years. In 1915 Virginia accounted for over 6% of the\n         U.S. iron production. One can see a decline in other areas\n         of the south than Virginia. While the discrepancies in the\n         freight rates may have helped cause the decline, clearly\n         there are other reasons.","During the 1900's there was a discovery of extremely\n         rich iron ore deposits in the mid-west. Much of this ore\n         was on or near the surface, making the mining of it both\n         easy and inexpensive. This in turn lowered production costs\n         of the pig iron. This caused iron production to shift to\n         that region, and resulted in a decline in the Virginia iron\n         industry. There was a sharp increase in iron production in\n         the mid-west through the 1920's. The iron ore in the\n         mid-west may have been of better quality than Virginia, but\n         the iron ore in Virginia was of sufficient quality to\n         produce a good pig iron. The western ore deposits were not\n         as conveniently located as Virginia deposits, but the\n         inexpensiveness of production more than made up for it.","In examining the rise and fall of the Low Moor Iron\n         Company, we can see a situation in which the conditions for\n         the manufacture of iron were nearly ideal. There was plenty\n         of land for expansion and resources for the manufacture of\n         the iron. The major internal problem faced by the Low Moor\n         Iron Company was that of transportation. External\n         developments, however, caused the final demise of the Low\n         Moor Iron Company.","Low Moor Iron Company Personnel:","Executive Staff: Managing Director, Colonel H. M.\n         Goodwin: ca. 1881. General Managers: H. G. Merry: ca.\n         1884-1902; E. C. Means: ca. 1905-1915; J. P. Guernsey: ca.\n         1915 (acting General Manager); F. U. Humbert: ca.\n         1916-1929. Assistant General Manager: E. B. Wilkinson: ca.\n         1909-1915. Treasurers and Assistant Treasurers: Edward Low:\n         ca. 1886-1898; Frank Lyman (in New York): ca. 1898-1919; S.\n         G. Cragill (Asst. Treasurer): ca. 1900-1915; H. A. Dalton:\n         ca. 1921-1929; John Lipscomb (Asst. Treasurer): ca.\n         1918-1928.","Factory and Mine Supervisors: Kay Moor Superintendents:\n         C. C. Cooke: ca. 1918; Ed. D. Wickes: ca. 1906; H. L.\n         Tansell: ca. 1903; A. H. Reed: ca. 1906. Kay Moor Managers:\n         J. W. Monteith: manager of mines. ca. 1918; promoted in\n         1925 to general superintendent in charge of mine plants,\n         coke ovens, shops, repairs, and construction; A. L.\n         Monteith: assistant superintendent of mines, ca. 1918;\n         George T. Wickes: manager of Covington mines, ca.\n         1906-1917; Ross Howell, ca. 1918. Stack Mines\n         Superintendents: J. H. Carpenter: ca. 1906; C. D.\n         Oberschain: ca. 1907; J. L. Harris: ca. 1903; John S. Ham:\n         ca. 1891-1901. Rich Patch Mines Superintendents: John R.\n         Thompson: foreman, ca. 1906. Low Moor assorted other\n         personnel: S. L. Tulley: trainmaster, ca. 1906; B. J.\n         Shenkley: foreman, Low Moor limestone quarries; L. Q. Wood:\n         assistant traffic manager, ca. 1919."],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThis material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content Information"],"scopecontent_tesim":["The Low Moor Iron Company papers consist of\n         approximately 280 four-inch Hollinger archives boxes (ca.\n         95 linear feet) of records, ca. 1885-1927, and some 1200\n         bound volumes of the company's accounting records,\n         1873-1927, of this iron producing company located in Low\n         Moor (four miles southwest of Clifton Forge), Alleghany\n         County, Virginia.","This material consists of records typical of those\n         produced by a firm of this type in the period, but as the\n         company owned its own coal and iron mines and limestone\n         quarries, there is considerable information about the\n         production of these raw materials. Large numbers of the\n         records that deal with the company's employees have\n         survived: time books, payroll books, hands ledgers, and the\n         like. Because these books sometimes include information\n         about the employee's trade or job with the company, and as\n         race is indicated in some of the records, these books\n         should provide date for studies of the structure and upward\n         mobility within the labor force, patterns of\n         ethnic--possibly racial--occupational penetration and\n         mobility, material conditions of the workers, and so on.\n         The papers should permit a range of studies detailing the\n         pattern and evolution of industrial organization in the\n         iron industry, and the evolution of markets and marketing\n         structures for the entire period. Because the company was\n         dependent upon railroads to move its raw materials to the\n         furnaces, and for the marketing of its products, there is\n         considerable information about railroads and their\n         relationship to their customers."],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":1879,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:17:12.165Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu00917_c02_c441"}},{"id":"viu_viu01021_c02_c06","type":"Item","attributes":{"title":"Notebooks kept by Samuel G. Henkel\n                  concerning Nosology and Treatment","breadcrumbs":{"id":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01021_c02_c06#breadcrumbs","type":"document_value","attributes":{"value":{"ref_ssi":"viu_viu01021_c02_c06","ref_ssm":["viu_viu01021_c02_c06"],"id":"viu_viu01021_c02_c06","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01021","_root_":"viu_viu01021","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01021_c02","parent_ssi":"viu_viu01021_c02","parent_ssim":["viu_viu01021","viu_viu01021_c02"],"parent_ids_ssim":["viu_viu01021","viu_viu01021_c02"],"parent_unittitles_ssm":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885","Series II: Notebooks"],"parent_unittitles_tesim":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885","Series II: Notebooks"],"text":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885","Series II: Notebooks","Notebooks kept by Samuel G. Henkel\n                  concerning Nosology and Treatment","box Box 2"],"title_filing_ssi":"Notebooks kept by Samuel G. Henkel\n                  concerning Nosology and Treatment","title_ssm":["Notebooks kept by Samuel G. Henkel\n                  concerning Nosology and Treatment"],"title_tesim":["Notebooks kept by Samuel G. Henkel\n                  concerning Nosology and Treatment"],"unitdate_other_ssim":["1827 and 1331"],"normalized_date_ssm":["1331/1827"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Notebooks kept by Samuel G. Henkel\n                  concerning Nosology and Treatment"],"component_level_isim":[2],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"collection_ssim":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885"],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"child_component_count_isi":0,"level_ssm":["Item"],"level_ssim":["Item"],"sort_isi":18,"date_range_isim":[1331,1332,1333,1334,1335,1336,1337,1338,1339,1340,1341,1342,1343,1344,1345,1346,1347,1348,1349,1350,1351,1352,1353,1354,1355,1356,1357,1358,1359,1360,1361,1362,1363,1364,1365,1366,1367,1368,1369,1370,1371,1372,1373,1374,1375,1376,1377,1378,1379,1380,1381,1382,1383,1384,1385,1386,1387,1388,1389,1390,1391,1392,1393,1394,1395,1396,1397,1398,1399,1400,1401,1402,1403,1404,1405,1406,1407,1408,1409,1410,1411,1412,1413,1414,1415,1416,1417,1418,1419,1420,1421,1422,1423,1424,1425,1426,1427,1428,1429,1430,1431,1432,1433,1434,1435,1436,1437,1438,1439,1440,1441,1442,1443,1444,1445,1446,1447,1448,1449,1450,1451,1452,1453,1454,1455,1456,1457,1458,1459,1460,1461,1462,1463,1464,1465,1466,1467,1468,1469,1470,1471,1472,1473,1474,1475,1476,1477,1478,1479,1480,1481,1482,1483,1484,1485,1486,1487,1488,1489,1490,1491,1492,1493,1494,1495,1496,1497,1498,1499,1500,1501,1502,1503,1504,1505,1506,1507,1508,1509,1510,1511,1512,1513,1514,1515,1516,1517,1518,1519,1520,1521,1522,1523,1524,1525,1526,1527,1528,1529,1530,1531,1532,1533,1534,1535,1536,1537,1538,1539,1540,1541,1542,1543,1544,1545,1546,1547,1548,1549,1550,1551,1552,1553,1554,1555,1556,1557,1558,1559,1560,1561,1562,1563,1564,1565,1566,1567,1568,1569,1570,1571,1572,1573,1574,1575,1576,1577,1578,1579,1580,1581,1582,1583,1584,1585,1586,1587,1588,1589,1590,1591,1592,1593,1594,1595,1596,1597,1598,1599,1600,1601,1602,1603,1604,1605,1606,1607,1608,1609,1610,1611,1612,1613,1614,1615,1616,1617,1618,1619,1620,1621,1622,1623,1624,1625,1626,1627,1628,1629,1630,1631,1632,1633,1634,1635,1636,1637,1638,1639,1640,1641,1642,1643,1644,1645,1646,1647,1648,1649,1650,1651,1652,1653,1654,1655,1656,1657,1658,1659,1660,1661,1662,1663,1664,1665,1666,1667,1668,1669,1670,1671,1672,1673,1674,1675,1676,1677,1678,1679,1680,1681,1682,1683,1684,1685,1686,1687,1688,1689,1690,1691,1692,1693,1694,1695,1696,1697,1698,1699,1700,1701,1702,1703,1704,1705,1706,1707,1708,1709,1710,1711,1712,1713,1714,1715,1716,1717,1718,1719,1720,1721,1722,1723,1724,1725,1726,1727,1728,1729,1730,1731,1732,1733,1734,1735,1736,1737,1738,1739,1740,1741,1742,1743,1744,1745,1746,1747,1748,1749,1750,1751,1752,1753,1754,1755,1756,1757,1758,1759,1760,1761,1762,1763,1764,1765,1766,1767,1768,1769,1770,1771,1772,1773,1774,1775,1776,1777,1778,1779,1780,1781,1782,1783,1784,1785,1786,1787,1788,1789,1790,1791,1792,1793,1794,1795,1796,1797,1798,1799,1800,1801,1802,1803,1804,1805,1806,1807,1808,1809,1810,1811,1812,1813,1814,1815,1816,1817,1818,1819,1820,1821,1822,1823,1824,1825,1826,1827],"containers_ssim":["box Box 2"],"_nest_path_":"/components#1/components#5","timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:44:31.801Z","collection":{"numFound":1,"start":0,"numFoundExact":true,"docs":[{"id":"viu_viu01021","ead_ssi":"viu_viu01021","_root_":"viu_viu01021","_nest_parent_":"viu_viu01021","ead_source_url_ssi":"data/uva-sc/viu01021.xml","title_ssm":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885"],"title_tesim":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885"],"level_ssm":["collection"],"level_ssim":["Collection"],"unitid_ssm":["8653-c"],"text":["8653-c","Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885","225 items","The Henkel Family papers are organized in three series: I.\n         Correspondence (which is arranged chronologically); II. Notebooks; III. manuscripts. The third series\n         is further subdivided into German and English manuscripts.\n","This addition to the \n          Henkel family papers contains 225 items (3\n         Hollinger boxes; 1 linear shelf foot), 1791-1885, chiefly the\n         correspondence of \n          David Henkel (1795-1831) and other members\n         of the family, manuscripts concerning religion and printing,\n         notebooks relating to medical or scholastic subjects, and\n         miscellaneous family papers. The \n          Henkel family of \n          New Market, Virginia, operated the \n          Henkel printing press which became the\n         most important bilingual printing establishment for German\n         Lutherans in the states of \n          Virginia, \n          Tennessee, and \n          North Carolina during the nineteenth\n         century. For more information concerning the contributions of\n         the \n          Henkel family to the printing of religious\n         works and preaching in the Lutheran Church, consult Klaus\n         Wust's  Guide to the Henkel Family Papers  and Christopher L.\n         Dolinetsch's book,  The German Press of the Shenandoah Valley.","Most of the early correspondence, [1812]-1823, consists of\n         letters of \n          David Henkel to his brother, \n          Solomon Henkel (1777-1847), or other\n         family members, and generally concern the publication plans\n         for religious books, pamphlets, and hymnals, his travels as a\n         Lutheran preacher, Biblical exegesis, book sales, Lutheran\n         synodical affairs, Lutheran doctrine, and revisions of Henkel\n         publications. All of \n          David Henkel's letters are in German\n         script unless otherwise noted.","The following list of letters from \n          David Henkel to his brother Solomon\n         usually include brief content notes: fragment ( [1812] );\n         hymnal publication (Oct. 12, 1812); travel and news of \n          South Carolina (Nov. 10, 1812); Biblical\n         passages (Apr. 29, 1813); book orders (Jun. 17, 1813); content\n         unknown (Jun. 19 and Oct. 21, 1813); in English, a long\n         discourse on religious ideas, especially concerning the errors\n         of the Calvinists and other sects (Jan. 15, 1814); in English,\n         the need for many English Christian catechisms in the South\n         (Jun. 28, 1815); book orders (Jul. 24, 1816 and Apr. 30,\n         1817); content unknown (Mar. 10 and May 22, 1817 ); in\n         English, David advises Solomon not to print any more German\n         hymnals and that the Synod has appointed him as a missionary\n         to the West \n          Tennessee area (Oct. 29 , 1817 );\n         publishing and theological writing (Jan. 23, 1818); travel\n         plans and book orders from \n          Europe (Jun. 17, 1818); book sales and\n         travel plans to \n          Louisiana (Aug. 21, 1818); David's aborted\n         trip to \n          Louisiana and his travels as a guest\n         preacher in the Carolinas (Dec. 4, 1818); potential lawsuits\n         over printing delays ard synodical matters (flay 31, 1819);\n         synodical controversy (Aug. 9, 1819); printing (Jan. 27,\n         1820); proposed constitution for a German Society and\n         publishing projects (Apr. 7, 1820); sales of ABC books (Jul.\n         7, 1820); proposal to puplish a book of Lutheran doctrine and\n         belief (Aug. 9, 1820); outline of points to be included in a\n         projected book (Oct. 3, 1820); committee report and findings\n         regarding \n          David Henkel and synodical affairs (Oct.\n         28, 1820); in English, news that the \n          North Carolina synod is in great confusion\n         and the necessity of a visit to all the churches (Oct. 29,\n         1820); hymnal orders and synodical matters, especially in \n          Tennessee (Dec. 18, 1820 and Feb. 10,\n         1821); revisions and printing orders (Feb. 23 and Mar. 1,\n         1821); content unknown (Apr. 12, 1821); synod business,\n         especially in \n          Tennessee (Apr. 17, Jun. 9 and 23, 1821);\n         cook orders (Jul. 9, 1821); hymnal orders, writing projects\n         and synodical matters (Aug. 2, 1821); content unknown (Oct. 5,\n         1821); travels and book distribution (Nov. 29, 1821); fiscal\n         affairs of the synod (Dec. 17, 1821); selections from the\n         Catechism in both German and English and other religious\n         writings (Jan. 31, 1822); the book business and church matters\n         (Mar. 1, 1822); content unknown (Mar. 19, 1822); distribution\n         of ABC books (Apr. 13, 1822); proposal to publish hymnal (May\n         30, 1822); business transactions (Jun. 25, 1822);\n         consideration of whether to move to \n          New Market (Aug. 9, 1822); tithing (Nov.\n         18, 1822); synodical matters (Nov. 24, 1822); book business\n         and travel west to \n          Kentucky and \n          Tennessee (May 5, 1823); content unknown\n         (May 11, [n. y.]); publishing proposal, including a tract on\n         baptism (Dec. 25, [n. y.]); and Lutheran doctrine.","\n          David Henkel's letters to others include\n         the following subjects: travel to \n          South Carolina (Apr. 22, 1813); various\n         writings in progress (Dec. 1, 1815) and with content unknown\n         (Feb. 22, 1815; Apr. 23, 1816; and Oct. 30, 1820).","The other major group of letters consists of the\n         correspondence of the \n          Henkel family . Most of this correspondence\n         is concerned with the translation and revision of the Book of\n         Concord, or Symbolical Books of the \n          Evangelical Lutheran Church , which was\n         undertaken by the \n          Henkel family as a labor of love for the\n         benerit of the Lutheran Church in the United States. In\n         addition to members of the \n          Henkel family , \n          H. Wetzel and \n          J. R. Moser were employed as translators\n         for the Book of Concord by \n          Solomon D. Henkel and Company . Both men\n         corresponded with members of the \n          Henkel family . Letters written on the\n         following dates discuss their translations: Mar. 20, Apr. 30,\n         and Aug. 18, 1846; Aug. 3 and Dec. 8, 1847; Feb. 4, Mar. 25,\n         and Aug. 25, 1848.","The revision of the  Book of Concord,  begun in 1851,\n         attracted the services of several well-known Lutheran\n         scholars. Copies of the letters of \n          Samuel G. Henkel and \n          Solomon D. Henkel to these men asking for\n         their help in revising the various sections of the Book of\n         Concord and responding to the corrections and the replies from\n         these scholars compose the majority of the correspondence from\n         1851-1854. Those scholars who contributed to the second\n         edition include \n          Charles Philip Rrauth of Gettysburg,\n         Pennsylvania, \n          W. F. Lehman of Columbus, Ohio, \n          John G. Morris of Baltimore and \n          Charles F. Schaeffer of Easton,\n         Pennsylvania. Letters concerning the work on the second\n         edition of the Book of Concord include: Dec. 22, 24, 28, 30,\n         and 31, 1851; Jan. 6, 12, 13, 15, 16, 21, and 25; Feb. 5 and\n         13; Mar. 2, 4, 6, and 27; Apr. 12, 20, and 26; May 18; Jun. 21\n         and 30; Jul. 23; Aug. 5; Sep. 3, 8, 20, and 22; Nov. 22; and\n         Dec. 15, 1852; Feb. 19; Jun. 20; Jul. 16; and Nov. 1 and 2,\n         1853, Feb. 8; Mar. 2, 22, and 28; Apr. 3, 7, 14, 18, 21, 24,\n         and 26; May 4, 5, 3, 9, 15, 22, and 30; Jul. 27; Sep. 9, 1854;\n         and Sep. 17, n. y.","Other subjects include: the death of \n          Solomon D. Henkel (Nov. 23, 1847); the\n         Lutheran ministry (Feb. 23, 1848, and Aug. 1849); the\n         translation of the Book of Concord (Aug. 11, 1848; Jan. 20,\n         1849; Feb. 13, 1849; Nov. 12, 1851; Mar. 22 and 29, 1853);\n         various synodical affairs (Jun. 24, 1848; Dec. 5, 1851; Jan.\n         30, 1852; Apr. 28, May 2, and Aug. 31, 1853; and Sep. 21,\n         1857); deeds of the old Benner land in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia (Dec. 21,\n         1849); publication of a translation of Luther's Church Postil,\n         a series of sermons on the epistles of the Church Year (Oct.\n         29 and Llov. 4, 1356; and Apr. 29, 1857) and medical cases\n         (Aug. 6, 1866; Dec. 13, 1880; and Apr. 9, 1885).","Other materials in this collection include notebooks kept\n         by \n          Samuel G. Henkel during the time he\n         studied to be a physician, especially on nosology, osteology\n         and myology. There are also German and English manuscripts\n         concerning Lutheran doctrine, Biblical exegesis, commentaries,\n         a catechistic tract, religious adages, religious treatises,\n         synodical affairs, sermons, a translation of the  Apologia of\n         the Confession  and  The Lesser Catechism of the Eminent\n         Martin Luther . There are also papers concerning the General\n         and \n          Tennessee Synod of the Lutheran Church and\n         the translation of the revision of the Book of Concord.","","English"],"unitid_tesim":["8653-c"],"normalized_title_ssm":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885"],"collection_title_tesim":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885"],"collection_ssim":["Henkel Family Papers \n          1791-1885"],"repository_ssm":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"repository_ssim":["University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept."],"acqinfo_ssim":["This collection was given to the Library on November 6,\n            1935 by Mrs. John Godfrey Miller of New Market, Virginia,\n            in memory of Mr. John Godfrey Miller, through D. H. E.\n            Comstock of Winchester, Virginia."],"has_online_content_ssim":["false"],"physdesc_tesim":["225 items"],"arrangement_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThe Henkel Family papers are organized in three series: I.\n         Correspondence (which is arranged chronologically); II. Notebooks; III. manuscripts. The third series\n         is further subdivided into German and English manuscripts.\n\u003c/p\u003e"],"arrangement_heading_ssm":["Organization"],"arrangement_tesim":["The Henkel Family papers are organized in three series: I.\n         Correspondence (which is arranged chronologically); II. Notebooks; III. manuscripts. The third series\n         is further subdivided into German and English manuscripts.\n"],"scopecontent_html_tesm":["\u003cp\u003eThis addition to the \n          Henkel family papers contains 225 items (3\n         Hollinger boxes; 1 linear shelf foot), 1791-1885, chiefly the\n         correspondence of \n          David Henkel (1795-1831) and other members\n         of the family, manuscripts concerning religion and printing,\n         notebooks relating to medical or scholastic subjects, and\n         miscellaneous family papers. The \n          Henkel family of \n          New Market, Virginia, operated the \n          Henkel printing press which became the\n         most important bilingual printing establishment for German\n         Lutherans in the states of \n          Virginia, \n          Tennessee, and \n          North Carolina during the nineteenth\n         century. For more information concerning the contributions of\n         the \n          Henkel family to the printing of religious\n         works and preaching in the Lutheran Church, consult Klaus\n         Wust's \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eGuide to the Henkel Family Papers\u003c/title\u003e and Christopher L.\n         Dolinetsch's book, \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eThe German Press of the Shenandoah Valley.\u003c/title\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eMost of the early correspondence, [1812]-1823, consists of\n         letters of \n          David Henkel to his brother, \n          Solomon Henkel (1777-1847), or other\n         family members, and generally concern the publication plans\n         for religious books, pamphlets, and hymnals, his travels as a\n         Lutheran preacher, Biblical exegesis, book sales, Lutheran\n         synodical affairs, Lutheran doctrine, and revisions of Henkel\n         publications. All of \n          David Henkel's letters are in German\n         script unless otherwise noted.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe following list of letters from \n          David Henkel to his brother Solomon\n         usually include brief content notes: fragment ( [1812] );\n         hymnal publication (Oct. 12, 1812); travel and news of \n          South Carolina (Nov. 10, 1812); Biblical\n         passages (Apr. 29, 1813); book orders (Jun. 17, 1813); content\n         unknown (Jun. 19 and Oct. 21, 1813); in English, a long\n         discourse on religious ideas, especially concerning the errors\n         of the Calvinists and other sects (Jan. 15, 1814); in English,\n         the need for many English Christian catechisms in the South\n         (Jun. 28, 1815); book orders (Jul. 24, 1816 and Apr. 30,\n         1817); content unknown (Mar. 10 and May 22, 1817 ); in\n         English, David advises Solomon not to print any more German\n         hymnals and that the Synod has appointed him as a missionary\n         to the West \n          Tennessee area (Oct. 29 , 1817 );\n         publishing and theological writing (Jan. 23, 1818); travel\n         plans and book orders from \n          Europe (Jun. 17, 1818); book sales and\n         travel plans to \n          Louisiana (Aug. 21, 1818); David's aborted\n         trip to \n          Louisiana and his travels as a guest\n         preacher in the Carolinas (Dec. 4, 1818); potential lawsuits\n         over printing delays ard synodical matters (flay 31, 1819);\n         synodical controversy (Aug. 9, 1819); printing (Jan. 27,\n         1820); proposed constitution for a German Society and\n         publishing projects (Apr. 7, 1820); sales of ABC books (Jul.\n         7, 1820); proposal to puplish a book of Lutheran doctrine and\n         belief (Aug. 9, 1820); outline of points to be included in a\n         projected book (Oct. 3, 1820); committee report and findings\n         regarding \n          David Henkel and synodical affairs (Oct.\n         28, 1820); in English, news that the \n          North Carolina synod is in great confusion\n         and the necessity of a visit to all the churches (Oct. 29,\n         1820); hymnal orders and synodical matters, especially in \n          Tennessee (Dec. 18, 1820 and Feb. 10,\n         1821); revisions and printing orders (Feb. 23 and Mar. 1,\n         1821); content unknown (Apr. 12, 1821); synod business,\n         especially in \n          Tennessee (Apr. 17, Jun. 9 and 23, 1821);\n         cook orders (Jul. 9, 1821); hymnal orders, writing projects\n         and synodical matters (Aug. 2, 1821); content unknown (Oct. 5,\n         1821); travels and book distribution (Nov. 29, 1821); fiscal\n         affairs of the synod (Dec. 17, 1821); selections from the\n         Catechism in both German and English and other religious\n         writings (Jan. 31, 1822); the book business and church matters\n         (Mar. 1, 1822); content unknown (Mar. 19, 1822); distribution\n         of ABC books (Apr. 13, 1822); proposal to publish hymnal (May\n         30, 1822); business transactions (Jun. 25, 1822);\n         consideration of whether to move to \n          New Market (Aug. 9, 1822); tithing (Nov.\n         18, 1822); synodical matters (Nov. 24, 1822); book business\n         and travel west to \n          Kentucky and \n          Tennessee (May 5, 1823); content unknown\n         (May 11, [n. y.]); publishing proposal, including a tract on\n         baptism (Dec. 25, [n. y.]); and Lutheran doctrine.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003e\n          David Henkel's letters to others include\n         the following subjects: travel to \n          South Carolina (Apr. 22, 1813); various\n         writings in progress (Dec. 1, 1815) and with content unknown\n         (Feb. 22, 1815; Apr. 23, 1816; and Oct. 30, 1820).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe other major group of letters consists of the\n         correspondence of the \n          Henkel family . Most of this correspondence\n         is concerned with the translation and revision of the Book of\n         Concord, or Symbolical Books of the \n          Evangelical Lutheran Church , which was\n         undertaken by the \n          Henkel family as a labor of love for the\n         benerit of the Lutheran Church in the United States. In\n         addition to members of the \n          Henkel family , \n          H. Wetzel and \n          J. R. Moser were employed as translators\n         for the Book of Concord by \n          Solomon D. Henkel and Company . Both men\n         corresponded with members of the \n          Henkel family . Letters written on the\n         following dates discuss their translations: Mar. 20, Apr. 30,\n         and Aug. 18, 1846; Aug. 3 and Dec. 8, 1847; Feb. 4, Mar. 25,\n         and Aug. 25, 1848.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eThe revision of the \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"italic\" href=\"\"\u003eBook of Concord,\u003c/title\u003e begun in 1851,\n         attracted the services of several well-known Lutheran\n         scholars. Copies of the letters of \n          Samuel G. Henkel and \n          Solomon D. Henkel to these men asking for\n         their help in revising the various sections of the Book of\n         Concord and responding to the corrections and the replies from\n         these scholars compose the majority of the correspondence from\n         1851-1854. Those scholars who contributed to the second\n         edition include \n          Charles Philip Rrauth of Gettysburg,\n         Pennsylvania, \n          W. F. Lehman of Columbus, Ohio, \n          John G. Morris of Baltimore and \n          Charles F. Schaeffer of Easton,\n         Pennsylvania. Letters concerning the work on the second\n         edition of the Book of Concord include: Dec. 22, 24, 28, 30,\n         and 31, 1851; Jan. 6, 12, 13, 15, 16, 21, and 25; Feb. 5 and\n         13; Mar. 2, 4, 6, and 27; Apr. 12, 20, and 26; May 18; Jun. 21\n         and 30; Jul. 23; Aug. 5; Sep. 3, 8, 20, and 22; Nov. 22; and\n         Dec. 15, 1852; Feb. 19; Jun. 20; Jul. 16; and Nov. 1 and 2,\n         1853, Feb. 8; Mar. 2, 22, and 28; Apr. 3, 7, 14, 18, 21, 24,\n         and 26; May 4, 5, 3, 9, 15, 22, and 30; Jul. 27; Sep. 9, 1854;\n         and Sep. 17, n. y.\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOther subjects include: the death of \n          Solomon D. Henkel (Nov. 23, 1847); the\n         Lutheran ministry (Feb. 23, 1848, and Aug. 1849); the\n         translation of the Book of Concord (Aug. 11, 1848; Jan. 20,\n         1849; Feb. 13, 1849; Nov. 12, 1851; Mar. 22 and 29, 1853);\n         various synodical affairs (Jun. 24, 1848; Dec. 5, 1851; Jan.\n         30, 1852; Apr. 28, May 2, and Aug. 31, 1853; and Sep. 21,\n         1857); deeds of the old Benner land in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia (Dec. 21,\n         1849); publication of a translation of Luther's Church Postil,\n         a series of sermons on the epistles of the Church Year (Oct.\n         29 and Llov. 4, 1356; and Apr. 29, 1857) and medical cases\n         (Aug. 6, 1866; Dec. 13, 1880; and Apr. 9, 1885).\u003c/p\u003e","\u003cp\u003eOther materials in this collection include notebooks kept\n         by \n          Samuel G. Henkel during the time he\n         studied to be a physician, especially on nosology, osteology\n         and myology. There are also German and English manuscripts\n         concerning Lutheran doctrine, Biblical exegesis, commentaries,\n         a catechistic tract, religious adages, religious treatises,\n         synodical affairs, sermons, a translation of the \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eApologia of\n         the Confession\u003c/title\u003e and \u003ctitle type=\"simple\" render=\"doublequote\" href=\"\"\u003eThe Lesser Catechism of the Eminent\n         Martin Luther\u003c/title\u003e. There are also papers concerning the General\n         and \n          Tennessee Synod of the Lutheran Church and\n         the translation of the revision of the Book of Concord.\u003c/p\u003e"],"scopecontent_heading_ssm":["Scope and Content"],"scopecontent_tesim":["This addition to the \n          Henkel family papers contains 225 items (3\n         Hollinger boxes; 1 linear shelf foot), 1791-1885, chiefly the\n         correspondence of \n          David Henkel (1795-1831) and other members\n         of the family, manuscripts concerning religion and printing,\n         notebooks relating to medical or scholastic subjects, and\n         miscellaneous family papers. The \n          Henkel family of \n          New Market, Virginia, operated the \n          Henkel printing press which became the\n         most important bilingual printing establishment for German\n         Lutherans in the states of \n          Virginia, \n          Tennessee, and \n          North Carolina during the nineteenth\n         century. For more information concerning the contributions of\n         the \n          Henkel family to the printing of religious\n         works and preaching in the Lutheran Church, consult Klaus\n         Wust's  Guide to the Henkel Family Papers  and Christopher L.\n         Dolinetsch's book,  The German Press of the Shenandoah Valley.","Most of the early correspondence, [1812]-1823, consists of\n         letters of \n          David Henkel to his brother, \n          Solomon Henkel (1777-1847), or other\n         family members, and generally concern the publication plans\n         for religious books, pamphlets, and hymnals, his travels as a\n         Lutheran preacher, Biblical exegesis, book sales, Lutheran\n         synodical affairs, Lutheran doctrine, and revisions of Henkel\n         publications. All of \n          David Henkel's letters are in German\n         script unless otherwise noted.","The following list of letters from \n          David Henkel to his brother Solomon\n         usually include brief content notes: fragment ( [1812] );\n         hymnal publication (Oct. 12, 1812); travel and news of \n          South Carolina (Nov. 10, 1812); Biblical\n         passages (Apr. 29, 1813); book orders (Jun. 17, 1813); content\n         unknown (Jun. 19 and Oct. 21, 1813); in English, a long\n         discourse on religious ideas, especially concerning the errors\n         of the Calvinists and other sects (Jan. 15, 1814); in English,\n         the need for many English Christian catechisms in the South\n         (Jun. 28, 1815); book orders (Jul. 24, 1816 and Apr. 30,\n         1817); content unknown (Mar. 10 and May 22, 1817 ); in\n         English, David advises Solomon not to print any more German\n         hymnals and that the Synod has appointed him as a missionary\n         to the West \n          Tennessee area (Oct. 29 , 1817 );\n         publishing and theological writing (Jan. 23, 1818); travel\n         plans and book orders from \n          Europe (Jun. 17, 1818); book sales and\n         travel plans to \n          Louisiana (Aug. 21, 1818); David's aborted\n         trip to \n          Louisiana and his travels as a guest\n         preacher in the Carolinas (Dec. 4, 1818); potential lawsuits\n         over printing delays ard synodical matters (flay 31, 1819);\n         synodical controversy (Aug. 9, 1819); printing (Jan. 27,\n         1820); proposed constitution for a German Society and\n         publishing projects (Apr. 7, 1820); sales of ABC books (Jul.\n         7, 1820); proposal to puplish a book of Lutheran doctrine and\n         belief (Aug. 9, 1820); outline of points to be included in a\n         projected book (Oct. 3, 1820); committee report and findings\n         regarding \n          David Henkel and synodical affairs (Oct.\n         28, 1820); in English, news that the \n          North Carolina synod is in great confusion\n         and the necessity of a visit to all the churches (Oct. 29,\n         1820); hymnal orders and synodical matters, especially in \n          Tennessee (Dec. 18, 1820 and Feb. 10,\n         1821); revisions and printing orders (Feb. 23 and Mar. 1,\n         1821); content unknown (Apr. 12, 1821); synod business,\n         especially in \n          Tennessee (Apr. 17, Jun. 9 and 23, 1821);\n         cook orders (Jul. 9, 1821); hymnal orders, writing projects\n         and synodical matters (Aug. 2, 1821); content unknown (Oct. 5,\n         1821); travels and book distribution (Nov. 29, 1821); fiscal\n         affairs of the synod (Dec. 17, 1821); selections from the\n         Catechism in both German and English and other religious\n         writings (Jan. 31, 1822); the book business and church matters\n         (Mar. 1, 1822); content unknown (Mar. 19, 1822); distribution\n         of ABC books (Apr. 13, 1822); proposal to publish hymnal (May\n         30, 1822); business transactions (Jun. 25, 1822);\n         consideration of whether to move to \n          New Market (Aug. 9, 1822); tithing (Nov.\n         18, 1822); synodical matters (Nov. 24, 1822); book business\n         and travel west to \n          Kentucky and \n          Tennessee (May 5, 1823); content unknown\n         (May 11, [n. y.]); publishing proposal, including a tract on\n         baptism (Dec. 25, [n. y.]); and Lutheran doctrine.","\n          David Henkel's letters to others include\n         the following subjects: travel to \n          South Carolina (Apr. 22, 1813); various\n         writings in progress (Dec. 1, 1815) and with content unknown\n         (Feb. 22, 1815; Apr. 23, 1816; and Oct. 30, 1820).","The other major group of letters consists of the\n         correspondence of the \n          Henkel family . Most of this correspondence\n         is concerned with the translation and revision of the Book of\n         Concord, or Symbolical Books of the \n          Evangelical Lutheran Church , which was\n         undertaken by the \n          Henkel family as a labor of love for the\n         benerit of the Lutheran Church in the United States. In\n         addition to members of the \n          Henkel family , \n          H. Wetzel and \n          J. R. Moser were employed as translators\n         for the Book of Concord by \n          Solomon D. Henkel and Company . Both men\n         corresponded with members of the \n          Henkel family . Letters written on the\n         following dates discuss their translations: Mar. 20, Apr. 30,\n         and Aug. 18, 1846; Aug. 3 and Dec. 8, 1847; Feb. 4, Mar. 25,\n         and Aug. 25, 1848.","The revision of the  Book of Concord,  begun in 1851,\n         attracted the services of several well-known Lutheran\n         scholars. Copies of the letters of \n          Samuel G. Henkel and \n          Solomon D. Henkel to these men asking for\n         their help in revising the various sections of the Book of\n         Concord and responding to the corrections and the replies from\n         these scholars compose the majority of the correspondence from\n         1851-1854. Those scholars who contributed to the second\n         edition include \n          Charles Philip Rrauth of Gettysburg,\n         Pennsylvania, \n          W. F. Lehman of Columbus, Ohio, \n          John G. Morris of Baltimore and \n          Charles F. Schaeffer of Easton,\n         Pennsylvania. Letters concerning the work on the second\n         edition of the Book of Concord include: Dec. 22, 24, 28, 30,\n         and 31, 1851; Jan. 6, 12, 13, 15, 16, 21, and 25; Feb. 5 and\n         13; Mar. 2, 4, 6, and 27; Apr. 12, 20, and 26; May 18; Jun. 21\n         and 30; Jul. 23; Aug. 5; Sep. 3, 8, 20, and 22; Nov. 22; and\n         Dec. 15, 1852; Feb. 19; Jun. 20; Jul. 16; and Nov. 1 and 2,\n         1853, Feb. 8; Mar. 2, 22, and 28; Apr. 3, 7, 14, 18, 21, 24,\n         and 26; May 4, 5, 3, 9, 15, 22, and 30; Jul. 27; Sep. 9, 1854;\n         and Sep. 17, n. y.","Other subjects include: the death of \n          Solomon D. Henkel (Nov. 23, 1847); the\n         Lutheran ministry (Feb. 23, 1848, and Aug. 1849); the\n         translation of the Book of Concord (Aug. 11, 1848; Jan. 20,\n         1849; Feb. 13, 1849; Nov. 12, 1851; Mar. 22 and 29, 1853);\n         various synodical affairs (Jun. 24, 1848; Dec. 5, 1851; Jan.\n         30, 1852; Apr. 28, May 2, and Aug. 31, 1853; and Sep. 21,\n         1857); deeds of the old Benner land in \n          Albemarle County, Virginia (Dec. 21,\n         1849); publication of a translation of Luther's Church Postil,\n         a series of sermons on the epistles of the Church Year (Oct.\n         29 and Llov. 4, 1356; and Apr. 29, 1857) and medical cases\n         (Aug. 6, 1866; Dec. 13, 1880; and Apr. 9, 1885).","Other materials in this collection include notebooks kept\n         by \n          Samuel G. Henkel during the time he\n         studied to be a physician, especially on nosology, osteology\n         and myology. There are also German and English manuscripts\n         concerning Lutheran doctrine, Biblical exegesis, commentaries,\n         a catechistic tract, religious adages, religious treatises,\n         synodical affairs, sermons, a translation of the  Apologia of\n         the Confession  and  The Lesser Catechism of the Eminent\n         Martin Luther . There are also papers concerning the General\n         and \n          Tennessee Synod of the Lutheran Church and\n         the translation of the revision of the Book of Concord."],"physloc_html_tesm":["\u003cphysloc/\u003e"],"physloc_tesim":[""],"language_ssim":["English"],"total_component_count_is":43,"online_item_count_is":0,"component_level_isim":[0],"sort_isi":0,"timestamp":"2026-05-01T02:44:31.801Z"}]}},"label":"Breadcrumbs"}}},"links":{"self":"https://search.arvasarchive.org/catalog/viu_viu01021_c02_c06"}}],"included":[{"type":"facet","id":"repository_ssim","attributes":{"label":"Repository","items":[{"attributes":{"label":"University of Virginia, Special Collections Dept.","value":"University of Virginia, Special Collections 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